Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info

Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

---

The unanswered question surrounding Realmild Posted: 30 Apr 2013 01:00 AM PDT Both Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim need to answer the question surrounding Realmild. At the centre of this controversy is PAS's candidate for the parliamentary seat of Tasek Gelugor, Penang, Abdul Rahman Maidin. Is Rahman Maidin, a known Tun Daim Zainuddin crony, really a PAS candidate or an Umno mole that will 'jump ship' once he wins? THE CORRIDORS OF POWER Raja Petra Kamarudin (The Malaysian Insider, 30 October 2010) - Realmild Sdn Bhd was a brainchild of Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim when he was in government as a means for Umno to protect its business interests, a lawyer told the High Court here today. The former deputy prime minister had also hand-picked four media people — Datuk Khalid Ahmad, Datuk Kadir Jasin, Datuk Ahmad Nazri Abdullah and Mohd Noor Mutalib — to be its first shareholders and act as nominees for the ruling party, said Alex De Silva. "In 1992, Realmild was formed in Malaysia. Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim created it as a new Bumiputera vehicle to take care of Umno's interests." "This is the genesis of Realmild," De Silva said in making the case for his client Datuk Seri Abdul Rahman Maidin. Khalid, a former TV3 boss, is suing Abdul Rahman to pay up the remaining RM10 million of RM15 million the former claims was the agreed sale price for the block of shares. But Abdul Rahman disputes the amount — he told the court the agreed price was RM10 million and he had paid half before finding out from Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who was then Umno president, that he did not have to pay. Now Abdul Rahman wants his money back. De Silva argued today that Khalid, as the seller, was not in a position to demand payment for the sale of a block of Realmild Sdn Bhd's shares wholly held in trust for Umno. "My submission is that none of them were actually running MRCB. They were just put there by the powers-that-be...to take care of MRCB, NST and etc." "It's completely illogical for Umno or anyone to own only 70 per cent [of the shares] and for 30 per cent to be shared out among the others," he added, noting previous testimony from another successive Realmild director, Tan Sri Syed Anwar Jamalullail, showed that Umno owned all the shares. Syed Anwar is the younger brother to the Raja of Perlis Tuanku Syed Sirajuddin Ibni Al-Marhum Tuanku Syed Putra Jamalullail who also held the position of Yang di-Pertuan Agong at the time of the contentious takeover at the turn of the millennium. Anwar, who happened to be in court today for his Sodomy II trial, was evasive when asked to comment on his role in the Realmild-Umno deal. "Seventy per cent was held by Dr Mahathir. It has nothing to do with me," said the 63-year-old politician, now PKR's advisor. Khalid's RM10 million suit against Abdul Rahman, over the sale of a five per cent stake in the company in 1999 took place during a shake-up and buy-out related to Anwar's sacking from government. "Yes, I was supportive of it back then but 30 per cent of the shares was owned by Khalid, Kadir, and Nazri, Mohd Noor," Anwar said. "It was only when I exposed them in court, Dr Mahathir called for Realmild surrender 70 percent," he added. Asked if he saw the controversial 100-storey Menara Warisan announced by Prime Minister Najib Razak reflected in Umno's continuing bid to protect the party's interests, the Opposition Leader remarked: "All mega deals protect the interests of the Umno elite." "Realmild is a classic example, proven, it was led by Dr Mahathir. I'm convinced there are cronies involved," he said. Back in court, De Silva stressed that Realmild was a "sendirian berhad" (private limited company) with four ex-NST journalists and accountant who became stakeholders of MRCB, a public-listed company, supposedly bought from Renong Berhad for RM800 million. "It's clear as daylight none of the shareholders had the means or capacity to do so," De Silva said. "Yes, they testified they raised the money on their own. [But] nobody wakes up one morning and says, 'Yes! I'm going to take over NST and TV3. Can you do this on your own? Impossible!" "My Lady, from the start of the scene, government hands or Umno hands were involved...to keep the media under control of Umno." "It was not for personal benefit but for the benefit of the party. That's why Realmild took control from Renong. That's the genesis of Realmild," Abdul Rahman's lawyer repeated for emphasis. De Silva also pointed out that none of the four had exercised their rights as owners after the buy-over from Renong and instead continued their daily duties as newsmen, which was typical of nominees. Trial judge Datuk Mary Lim asked if they were nominees, whether it meant they can't transfer the title deeds to the shares; and whether it would not then require the defendant to show he had a title to pass on. "Not necessary. What we are looking at is the concept of real ownership," De Silva replied, before adding, "Who were the real owners?" He moved to back his argument by pointing to the large number of lucrative projects given to Realmild's construction subsidiary, MRCB, including building a power plant. "MRCB was bestowed and granted huge government contracts and loans, subsequently...in 1997, the government awarded MRCB the KL Sentral project...two years later, they got a support loan of RM336 million," De Silva cited. "All these point effectively to the fact they were formed by the government because MRCB was effectively owned by Umno," he argued further. "Yes, the shares were held in their names, but when instructed to transfer, they transferred." "And they all transferred all, together," he said slowly, lending emphasis to his submission. But lawyer Ahmad Fadzil Mohd Perdaus, in pushing the case to be ruled in the plaintiff Khalid's favour, submitted that Abdul Rahman had failed to show documentary evidence that proved an Umno "trust" existed, adding the defendant's entire argument was pulled from oral testimony by parties not brought to court, including the former prime minister. Ahmad even suggested that Abdul Rahman should have taken legal action against Dr Mahathir to recover his money instead of claiming it from Khalid. "Why the defendant chose not to take action when he found out about the trust?" "His line, his basis is what was told to him by the PM [then, Dr Mahathir] that he would not get his money back and that the shares belonged to Umno," Ahmad said, referring to Abdul Rahman's testimony in court. "It's not for the defendant to say the plaintiff held it in trust, held it as a nominee...that he was not accountable to pay..." "The transfer was valid. He was the registered owner, legally, and [it was] common for nominees to transfer shares to [their] principals; it's not for defendant to say no." "If such a case, defendant still liable to pay for the purchase price as agreed upon for the transfer of shares at the material time," Ahmad concluded. The nexus between Umno and certain conglomerates has been revealed in the court hearing that started in August this year involving the past shareholders of Realmild, the shadowy company that took over media giant The New Straits Times Press (Malaysia) Bhd in 1993, and Malaysian Resources Corporation Berhad (MRCB).

Why Chegubard was kicked out of Negeri Sembilan Posted: 29 Apr 2013 01:00 AM PDT Was Chegubard kicked out of Negeri Sembilan due to a letter he sent to the party headquarters in July last year criticising the party leaders and making certain allegations against them? He is now contesting in a seat that his wife, Anwar Ibrahim's niece, has her roots, although he himself is not from Penang. THE CORRIDORS OF POWER Raja Petra Kamarudin (Malaysiakini, 10 April 2013) - Penang PKR chief Mansor Othman has announced that Badrul Hisham Shahrin is its candidate for the Sungai Acheh state seat in the coming general election. Also known as Chegubard, he is the chairperson of NGO Solidariti Anak Muda Malaysia. It was an open secret that PAS and PKR have been squabbling over the rural Malay seat in the Nibong Tebal constituency over the last few months. Indeed there was speculation that PAS Parit Buntar incumbent MP Mujahid Rawa Yusuff was in the running. But Mansor said he was happy to announce that PAS and PKR Penang had resolved the seat negotiations for Sungai Acheh with the PKR man getting the nod. "We believe Chegubard will bring victory to Pakatan and changes to the Sungai Acheh constituency," he added. Chegubard had contested against Khairy Jamaluddin in Rembau in the 2008 election and lost narrowly. Mansor's statement comes a day before state PAS leadership announces its candidates in Pongsu Seribu tonight. In 2008, Umno's candidate Mahmud Zakaria scraped through in Sungai Acheh with 250 votes against PKR's Azhar Ahmad. When contacted, Chegubard said he accepts the party's decision to contest in the seat, more so in an area where he has strong family ties. "I feel this is an important mission to strengthen the voice and roles of youth in the state administration," he said. Chegubard said his father-in-law was one of the founders of the party in Sungai Acheh, and he has many friends in the constituency located in Seberang Perai Selatan (south). "I am confident that, with the support of my family, friends, comrades in PAS and DAP, I will be able do my best. My mission is to bring Sungai Acheh into the mainstream of Penang's development," he added. Chegubard was to have been fielded in the Nibong Tebal Parliamentary seat when he was asked to start his political campaign in the area a year ago. However, last November, PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim announced Mansor as the candidate for the seat, creating some unhappiness among Chegubard's supporters. ********************************** Guan Eng upset over tussle for Sungai Acheh (The Star, 22 April 2013) - DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng is disappointed over the tussle between PKR and PAS for the Sungai Acheh state seat, saying "one-to-one" contest was best. The seat is being contested by PKR's Badrul Hisham Shaharin, 35, better known as Chegu Bard, PAS' Mohd Yusni Mat Piah, 38, as well as Barisan's Datuk Mahmud Zakaria, 65. "Of course I am disappointed but I was made to understand that there had been discussions at the highest level. "I don't know what happened," he said, adding that Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim had said that the matter would be resolved with the PAS leadership. ********************************** 'PAS tried to sabotage Chegubard in Sg Acheh' Supporters of PKR's Badrul Hisham Shaharin claim that members of Penang PAS youth wing had tried to sabotage the former from filing his nomination papers yesterday. (FMT, 21 April 2013) - Trouble is brewing between PAS and PKR over the Sungai Acheh state seat in Penang. Sungai Acheh is one of seven seats being contested by both PAS and PKR, resulting in a three-cornered fight with Barisan Nasional. In Sungai Acheh, Badrul Hisham Shaharin, who is better known as Chegubard, will face off Pakatan Rakyat partner PAS' Mohd Yusni Mat Piah and BN candidate Mahmud Zakaria. The seat was won by Mahmud in 2008 by defeating PKR's Dr Azhar Ahmad by 250 votes. While leaders from PAS and PKR had said that they would resolve this issue in the next couple of days, a close associate of Badrul today revealed the extent of which PAS members had gone to ensure Badrul would fail to stand as a candidate for this seat. Blogger and an official from Solidariti Anak Muda Malaysia (SAMM), Edy Noor Reduan, said members of PAS youth wing from Penang had attempted to stop Badrul from filing his nomination papers in Nibong Tebal yesterday.

You are subscribed to email updates from Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info

Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

---

• The new media's profound influence in GE13
• Rise of young voters shifts M’sia election balance
• Election a balancing act for Najib
• Pakatan leading in Negeri Sembilan
• Country braces for its closest election ever
• Anwar faces last, best shot in GE13

The new media's profound influence in GE13 Posted: 29 Apr 2013 05:15 PM PDT (Bernama) - Two of the main contenders in the 13th General Election (GE13) namely the Barisan Nasional (BN) and the pakatan pembangkang (PR) have been fully exploiting the new media's potential in wooing the voters. The new trend indicates that almost all parties and candidates have been building up their public persona through websites, blogs, and social media accounts like Facebook, Twitter or YouTube. Even BN stalwarts like Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Home Affairs Minister Datuk Seri Hishammudin Tun Hussein and Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin have embraced the new media to reach out to the masses. On the opposition side, Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, PAS's spiritual head Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat and his deputy Datuk Dr Haron Din, and DAP's Publicity Secretary Tony Pua have become the centerpiece. Most of the parties and candidates also have accounts at various social sites to relay information more efficiently while encouraging two way communication with the community. HIGH STATISTICS Internet usage monitoring website, Internet World Stats () recorded that, up to June 2012, the total  number of Internet users in Malaysia is estimated to be 17,723,000, representing  60.7 per cent of the country's population. Meanwhile, the Asian Correspondent website () said in an article the Internet Penetration rate in Malaysia has increased by 300 per cent since GE12 in 2008. At the time of writing this article, the total number of active Facebook users in Malaysia accounted for 13,354,900, the 20th highest in the world while Twitter users numbered 1,128,000. If these statistics are anything to go by, the Internet certainly provides the advantage for parties and the candidates to win over the voter. NAJIB THE CHAMPION OF SOCIAL WEB SITE A brief survey conducted by Bernama found that Najib who is also the BN's chairman led the most liked profile at Facebook and Twitter. Internet monitoring site Socialbakers (www.socialbakers.com ) recorded, Najib's Twitter handle (@NajibRazak) having the most number of followers in Malaysia, 1,510,127 to be precise with Najib adding about 100,312 followers over the last one month. Najib's Twitter followers are the 11th highest in the world under the politicians category. Only two Southeast Asian politicians made it to the top 20 , Najib and Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono who ranked 8th with 1,709,746 followers. After Najib, in the same category, it is Hishammudin (@HishammuddinH2O, with 477,893 followers), Anwar(@anwaribrahim, 278,535 followers), Khairy (@Khairykj, 264,734 followers) and Tony Pua (@tonypua, 59,090 followers). And speaking off Facebook's Fan page, 'Najib Razak' is the second most liked one with 1,633,812 'Likes', after Tun Dr Mahathir with 2,085,034 'Likes'. Nik Abdul Aziz is in the third place with 917,785 'Likes', while Dr Haron (4th) and Anwar (5th) with both recording 672,546 and 582,839 'Likes' respectively. THE POPULARITY FACTOR Political analyst Associate Professor Datuk Zainal Abidin Borhan noted that Najib's success at the social website is very much due to his personal touch in reaching out to the communities through the cyberspace. "The personal touch is crucial in the world of communication. The campaign through Facebook, Twitter and Instagram are the new approaches that provide the personal touch when people communicate directly with the prime minister," said Zainal. "The Facebook, Twitter and Instagram for example, provide private space for any individual in communicating directly with their audience and therefore are highly effective compared with the conventional campaign approach," explained Zainal. He added, the use of social media provided a profound impact on young voters as they were the biggest users of the medium. "It is highly effective and successful. Just imagine even a chance to shake hands, to photograph, to sit beside or have coffee with the PM is a big thing, and what more when the PM himself answers your questions at the social website. "These are the factors that could attract youngsters to BN and subsequently win their votes," explained Zainal. WEAKNESS OVERCOMED Zainal noted that BN's poor showing in 2008 is due to its failure to capitalise effectively on the alternative media. Having learnt its lessons, this time around the BN machinery has embraced wholeheartedly the new media in its campaign. Recently, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia's (UKM), Deputy Dean of the Social Science and Humanities Faculty Associate Professor Dr Mohd Fuad Mat Jali said his studies from 2010 to last March indicated that there is a good chance for BN to regain its two thirds majority in Dewan Rakyat as long as there is no sabotage. He pointed out this time around there is the change of heart among the youngsters due to the government's transformation programmes that vastly have benefited the youths and low income earners.

Rise of young voters shifts M’sia election balance Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:48 PM PDT Young Malaysians are a crucial, possibly decisive, source of support in an election that promises to be the closest since independence. Free Malaysia Today Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak escaped a direct showdown with a youth when a 23-year-old student gave up his bid to challenge him in his home constituency in the May 5 general election. But Mohammed Bukhairy Mohammed Sofian's quixotic plan to run against Najib – which he dropped to avoid diverting votes from the main opposition candidate – was a reminder of how young voters are shaping politics in the Southeast Asian nation as never before and unnerving the long-ruling coalition. He is one of 2.6 million Malaysians registered to cast their ballots for the first time, making up roughly a fifth of Malaysia's 13.3 million eligible voters. That is much higher than the 638,000 new voters five years ago. Analysts say an upsurge in interest in politics following the opposition's best-ever election showing in 2008 has driven more young people to register. Their numbers make young Malaysians a crucial, possibly decisive, source of support in an election that promises to be the closest since independence. They are also a force that could blur the traditional race-based faultlines that have shaped the political landscape in the multi-ethnic country. An unbroken 56-year grip on power has given the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition control over mainstream media and the ability to spend freely in the election campaign as they preside over a period of strong economic growth. Although a coalition win with a reduced parliamentary majority is seen as the most likely outcome, the opposition says that the new voters are the "X Factor" that could create Malaysia's biggest electoral shock since independence in 1957. "I know what young people want. They want a voice and that means change," Bukhairy, a third-year Islamic political science student at Universiti Malaya, told Reuters. An opposition win would bring unprecedented uncertainty to politics in Malaysia, whose government is the longest serving in the democratic world, and herald a major shake-up in five decades of cozy relations between government and business. Force for change Najib's government, which saw its parliamentary majority slashed in 2008, is struggling to respond to growing demands for more accountability and democratic reforms. Those demands are being pushed most forcefully by the young, many of whom get their news from lively independent websites rather than state-controlled media. Many feel impatient with the gradual pace of reform under Najib, a 59-year-old veteran of the United Malays National Organisation (Umno), which dominates the ruling coalition, and the son of a former prime minister. An opinion poll by the respected pollster Merdeka Centre, released in February, showed that voters aged 21-30 are the age-group most dissatisfied with the performance of the prime minister, who enjoys an overall approval rating of 61%. "With younger voters, I think the pattern of voting on racial lines is going to be more subdued. Certainly not as accentuated as with the older generation," said Ibrahim Suffian, programme director at the Merdeka Centre. Another survey, released in January by Universiti Malaya, showed 52% of new voters backing Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim for prime minister, with Najib at 30%. "Things that are important to them are things like transparency, good governance and corruption. All these issues tend to look very bad for the government," said James Chin, head of the arts and social sciences school at Monash University Malaysia. Protests for electoral reform and against a controversial rare earths plant, which in April drew tens of thousands onto the streets of Kuala Lumpur, have had a strong youth contingent. "The activism is not necessarily political, it's simply a people-led movement after so many years of Barisan Nasional rule. It is wanting change," said Khairani Razak, a 22 year-old education major at Universiti Malaya. Najib has made a concerted effort to pursue young votes. He's cultivated a cooler image, gathering nearly 1.5 million followers on Twitter. The ruling coalition, meanwhile, organized a series of free music concerts featuring international acts including K-pop sensation Psy in February. More substantively, Najib approved landmark reforms of tough security and media laws in an effort to reach out to young and middle-class voters. But despite his efforts, Najib's government has struggled to shake off Umno's reputation for cronyism and critics say the reforms are more form than substance. READ MORE HERE

Election a balancing act for Najib Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:44 PM PDT (AFP) - Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak has walked a tightrope between voters demanding change and hardliners resisting reform in Malaysia's decades-old regime, a balancing act that will be tested in elections on Sunday. The UK-educated economist with a patrician air took office after the ruling party dumped his predecessor over a 2008 parliamentary election performance that was the government's worst in its now-56 years in power. He now confronts a multi-ethnic opposition that smells blood and has gained ground with promises to end rampant corruption and reform controversial policies that favour majority ethnic Malays. The mild-mannered Najib, 59, has the advantages of incumbency, solid personal-approval ratings, control of traditional media, and his own pedigree as he seeks his first mandate from voters. He is the son of a Malaysian founding father, hails from a revered ethnic Malay nobility, and has served three decades in Umno. With pressure rising for greater political space, the Umno leader has sought to cast himself as an agent of change through limited reforms including replacing some security laws widely criticised as tools to stifle dissent. But these moves are dismissed by the opposition as electoral window-dressing and viewed with distaste by Umno conservatives. Caught in the middle, Najib has avoided deep reform and opinion polls suggest he has failed to alter his regime's image as an arrogant, corrupt, status-quo force. "On reforms, he is the emperor without any clothes," said Bridget Welsh, a Malaysian politics expert at Singapore Management University. Sunday's vote pits the Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition, one of the world's longest-serving governments, against a three-party alliance led by former Umno star Anwar Ibrahim. A thin Barisan victory is predicted, but even that could imperil Najib – Umno is used to thumping majorities and is keen to recover ground lost in 2008. If that fails, analysts and Umno insiders say Najib could face a party leadership fight just like that which brought him to office in 2009. Najib has seemed destined for Malaysia's political summit. His father was Razak Hussein, Malaysia's second prime minister and a key figure in securing independence from Britain in 1957. Najib studied economics in England and in 1976 at age 23 won the parliamentary seat made vacant by his father's death. He later took high positions at Malaysia's central bank, the state oil firm and in the Cabinet, including the defence portfolio. He is also currently the finance minister. Najib has moved to water down policies that give Malays advantages in business and education but which irk minorities, and claims to have shielded the economy from the global woes with huge public spending and cash handouts to citizens. "While some may have voiced concerns, ultimately the party has delivered a bold and wide-ranging set of reforms, which have expanded civil liberties and made this government the most open and transparent in its history," Najib said in e-mailed comments to AFP. But the prime minister's own reputation has been threatened. He has been linked to allegations of huge kickbacks in a 2002 purchase of French submarines while defence minister, a case later connected to the gruesome 2006 murder of a beautiful Mongolian woman involved in the deal. Najib denies wrongdoing, but the episode – one of a litany of Umno's graft scandals – has never been fully explained, and an ongoing probe by French justices threatens to revive it. Najib's wife Rosmah Mansor is also widely seen as a liability, ridiculed for an imperious demeanour, a reputation for meddling in Najib's work, and allegations of high-ticket overseas shopping forays, which she denies.

Pakatan leading in Negeri Sembilan Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:27 PM PDT The opposition pact is ahead in 19 of the 36 contests for state seats. Zefry Dahalan, FMT Pakatan Rakyat is leading in the race to capture the Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly. A random FMT survey of voters' preferences indicate that DAP, PAS or PKR are ahead of their Barisan Nasional rivals in 19 of the 36 contests for state seats. The 19 are Bahau, Klawang, Chennah, Repah, Johol, Paroi, Port Dickson, Lukut, Chuah, Mambau, Senawang, Rahang, Bukit Kepayang, Lobak, Temiang, Nilai, Ampangan, Sikamat and Lenggeng. DAP is leading in all 11 contests it is engaged in. PKR, however, is not doing so well. It looks like it will not do better than retaining the four seats it won in 2008, which are Port Dickson, Chuah, Ampangan and Sikamat. PAS is likely to improve upon its performance in 2008, when it won only the Paroi seat. It is expected to keep Paroi and add Klawang, Johol and Lenggeng to its tally. The situation is shakiest for Pakatan in Johol, Lukut, Ampangan and Rahang. It is only slightly ahead of BN in these four constituencies. BN should not have much trouble retaining Palong, Jeram Padang, Serting, Sungai Lui, Pertang, Sri Menanti, Pilah, Senaling, Juasseh, Gemas, Gemencheh, Kota, Chembong, Rantau, Linggi, Bagan Pinang and Labu. However, Pakatan has the potential to overtake BN in Palong, Pilah and Linggi. All three seats used to be Umno strongholds, but some of the party's branches in these three places are unhappy with BN's choice of candidates for them. Former Jempol MP Lilah Yasin is the BN candidate in Palong. Umno members are unhappy with the choice because he is not a local boy. Recycled candidate In Pilah, local Umno leaders consider Norhayati Omar as a recycled candidate. She won the seat in both the 1999 and 2004 elections, but was replaced as a candidate in 2008 and by the much younger Adnan Abu Hasan. Observers are surprised that BN has chosen to drop Adnan this time around. His service to the constituents is said to be satisfactory. READ MORE HERE

Country braces for its closest election ever Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:11 PM PDT (AFP) - When Malaysian voters cast ballots in Sunday's general election it will be the first time in the country's history that they do so without knowing the eventual winner. The ruling coalition headed by the United Malays National Organisation (Umno) is among the world's longest-serving governments, unbeaten since independence in 1957 thanks to decades of economic growth and authoritarian rule. But the rising Pakatan Rakyat (People's Pact) opposition alliance has tapped into Umno fatigue with promises to end authoritarianism and corruption, and many observers say the vote is hard to predict. "It's going to be really close. I think [the ruling coalition] will win but with a reduced majority. But there is a real chance Pakatan might do it," said Wan Saiful Wan Jan, head of the Malaysian think- tank IDEAS. Controlled by the Malays who make up 55% of Malaysia's population, Umno's Barisan Nasional (National Front) ruling coalition has vastly greater resources and a chokehold on traditional media. Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak can tout steady economic growth of 5.6% in 2012 and a torrent of populist handouts as he seeks his first mandate – he was installed by Umno when it pushed out his predecessor over a 2008 polls setback. But the multi-racial opposition led by charismatic former deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim is no longer a pushover after seizing a third of Parliament in 2008, tripling its seats and shocking the country with its best showing ever. With Anwar vowing a "Malaysian Spring", the three-party opposition can claim the momentum and point to success governing four states won in 2008. It pledges a national shake-up including reform of policies favouring Malays in business and education that irk the sizeable Chinese and Indian minorities and are criticised as a drag on national competitiveness. Anwar also promises to free state-controlled traditional media and break cosy ties between politics and business. Sensing the mood, Najib has made cautious reforms including replacing some repressive laws. But despite solid personal approval ratings, surveys show his government's image has not improved. "The reality is that Umno has not reformed in the key areas needed – corruption, arrogance of power, racial inclusion and a fundamental vision for where to take the country," said Bridget Welsh, a Malaysia politics expert at Singapore Management University. The Barisan coalition has 135 of Parliament's 222 seats to Pakatan's 75, and a reduced Barisan majority is widely forecast. But dozens of seats are considered too close to call. The stakes are high for both sides. A Barisan loss threatens a Malay elite accustomed to political dominance and its rich business perks. Najib, meanwhile, is under pressure to improve on 2008′s showing and could face a career-ending Umno leadership challenge if he fails, party insiders say. If the opposition falls short it must confront life after Anwar, who says he would step aside as its figurehead in that event. Anwar was once Umno's heir-apparent but was ousted in 1998 and jailed for six years on sex charges after a power struggle with his boss, then-premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad. The episode altered Malaysian politics by giving the previously ineffectual opposition a formidable campaigner with top government experience. But Pakatan has no one else approaching his stature and pan-racial star power. The occasionally fractious Pakatan includes Anwar's multi-racial party, a secular party dominated by ethnic Chinese, and a conservative Islamic party representing Muslim Malays. "This election will decide Malaysia's future," Najib said in e-mailed comments to AFP, determining who will "set the direction for Malaysia through the 2020s and beyond". One wild card is a new generation of voters – 2.5 million of the 13.3 million registered to vote are under age 30 – raised on pro-opposition views that have exploded on Malaysia's uncensored Internet in recent years. An electoral reform group that has staged huge rallies in the past two years warns it will be Malaysia's "dirtiest" election, alleging widespread fraud by Barisan in voter rolls, which the government denies. Tempers have flared during campaigning, with police reporting hundreds of cases of election violence. Economists warn, meanwhile, of long-term fiscal damage from the promises each side has made under their similarly populist platforms.

Anwar faces last, best shot in GE13 Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:04 PM PDT (AFP) - Cast into the political wilderness 15 years ago by Malaysia's regime, Anwar Ibrahim faces his best and possibly last shot at vengeance in climactic elections on Sunday. The former heir-apparent to Umno is today its most feared enemy, having galvanised a diverse opposition that now dreams of unseating one of the world's longest-serving governments. "I can be crazy in some ways, partly because I have gone through a lot," Anwar, 65, told AFP in an interview. "But I just want to prove that you can run the country with good governance, eliminate corruption… and make Malaysia a mature democracy." Umno has towered over the moderate Muslim country through a coalition government since independence from Britain in 1957, but faces rising pressure over corruption and authoritarian tactics. Much of the credit for the changing landscape goes to the mercurial Anwar, whose charisma, oratorical skills and appeal across multi-ethnic Malaysia's racial lines breathed life into a once-hapless opposition. His three-party Pakatan Rakyat faces a formidable, dug-in foe, yet many analysts say the result is too close to call. An opposition victory would cap a remarkable journey for Anwar, whose chameleon career has transformed Malaysian politics. He was an Islamic student leader whose natural political skills caught the eye of authoritarian former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who dominated Malaysia for 22 years and fast-tracked Anwar to the top. Morphing into a reformist who was lionised in the West, Anwar looked set to succeed Mahathir. But a 1998 power struggle between them, in which Anwar criticised cronyism and graft, saw him unceremoniously sacked and later jailed on sodomy and corruption charges widely seen as politically motivated. His appearance in court with a black eye triggered global opprobrium and unprecedented anti-government protests in Malaysia, deeply polarising its politics. "The groundswell in Malaysian society today is a direct result. Many people became disillusioned," said Ooi Kee Beng of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore. Anwar says he was kept in solitary confinement, singing 1960s pop tunes to stay sane and reading the Qur'an, the Bible, Shakespeare – anything he could get. Released in 2004 when the sodomy charge was overturned, he later led the opposition to its best showing ever in 2008 polls, taking more than a third of Parliament. His personal travails continued, however – he was acquitted last year of new sodomy charges after a lengthy legal battle he condemned as another Umno bid to wreck his comeback. Now in the clear, Anwar predicts victory and sweeping change for Malaysia. He has pledged to root out rampant graft, free government-controlled traditional media and reform policies that give advantages to Malays but are criticised as a drag on the economy and a source of racial resentment. A former finance minister, he advocates populist social and economic policies savaged by Umno as fiscally irresponsible. He insists, however, that attacking corruption and curbing illicit money outflows from Malaysia – which total billions of dollars a year, according to watchdog groups – will fund its agenda. "Just by being transparent, we can achieve our goals," he said. But Anwar also vows to step aside as leader if the opposition fails to take power. Anwar's departure would leave the alliance with no central unifying figure, but he says "there is no indispensable person". "People have to accept that I have given all that I have. I have given a lot of my personal life and suffered immensely."

You are subscribed to email updates from Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info

Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

---

• GE13: Are Chinese Malaysians mostly rooting for the opposition?
• The Malaysian Election: A Tale of Two States
• Ink used on voter's index finger is NOT indelible
• Lahad Datu: Bukit Aman to interview Raja Petra over Sulu intrusion article
• Pakatan gunning for 12 federal seats in Johor, says Kit Siang
• Catch him if you can: the mysterious escape of Malaysia's second richest man

GE13: Are Chinese Malaysians mostly rooting for the opposition? Posted: 29 Apr 2013 08:59 PM PDT   (Bernama) - Many have been quick to generalise that almost all Chinese voters in the country will root for opposition candidates. But an in-depth look into the issue indicates that this is not entirely the true picture.  In the 2008 general election, BN lost its two-third majority in the Dewan Rakyat, and one of the main arguments for this was that a sizeable number of Chinese voters supported the opposition coalition of PKR-DAP-PAS.      Political observers say this trend had started five years earlier in Kedah, Penang, Selangor and the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur and spread to Sarawak in the 2011 state election where BN lost 13 state seats, all Chinese-majority seats, to DAP.     There are now arguments that this trend may even spread to Johor, so far the bastion of support for the BN, because urban Chinese have turned out in large numbers at opposition political gatherings. The DAP is making a major onslaught there this time.      In view of these developments, many have been quick to generalise that almost all Chinese voters in the country will root for opposition candidates. But an in-depth look into the issue indicates that this is not entirely the true picture.    Rita Sim, co-founder of the Centre for Strategic Engagement, said most urbanites – Chinese, Malays and Indians included – appeared to be yearning for change and tend to look at the Opposition.     She discerned that even middle-class Malays in the urban areas have shifted their attention away from BN.    In view of the trend towards change and perception held by most urban residents, Sim said, the Chinese, being mostly urbanites, had also been lumped as opposition sympathisers.     Sim explained that the opposition parties were harping on issues that connected well with the urban voters.    "There are also urban Chinese voters who support the BN. But, these people don't openly state their support," she said.    Political observers say that not many have the gumption like actress Datuk Michelle Yeoh who had openly pledged her support for BN and even called on Malaysians to give caretaker Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak a strong mandate.    Chinese support for BN still reasonable   Political party workers explained that three main factors could influence the decision of the voters. One is the type of constituency, whether urban, semi-urban or rural; the other is the ethnic composition of voters in the constituency; and the third, the choice of candidates.     Political analysts say that Chinese support for BN is still at a reasonable level even though they only form between 20% and 30% of the voters in most constituencies, like Bagan Datoh, Sungai Siput, Sembrong and Tambun.     "For example, in the predominantly Malay parliamentary constituency of Tambun located in Ipoh, a DAP stronghold, incumbent Datuk Seri Ahmad Husni Hanadzlah is extremely popular with the Chinese voters," said a party insider.     Another example is the Sungai Siput parliamentary seat where former MIC president Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu enjoyed good support from the Chinese.    Samy Vellu's defeat there in 2008 was due to the fact that he lost a quarter of the Malay votes and almost 70% of the Indian votes while the level of support from the Chinese voters remained almost the same as in 2004.     Similarly, in the Kuala Terengganu by-election in early 2009, the first by-election after the political tsunami of 2008, Chinese voters support for BN increased although the party lost the parliamentary seat.    "In Terengganu, we still rely on the strong Chinese support. We do have PKR and DAP contesting there but their effect (on the Chinese) is not that good. Our local support is still strong, (it is) different from some other states on the west coast, northern Peninsular Malaysia and in the Klang Valley," said state MCA chairman Datuk Toh Chin Yaw.     Candidates' personal touch   He explained that the choice of candidates and their personal touch played a critical role in deciding the winner.     Toh stressed that as such one could not simply generalise the so-called general sentiment said to be running through the Chinese community.     Toh's reasoning may perhaps explain BN's ability to retain the Kampar parliamentary seat in Perak in 2008 despite the fact that 60% of the voters there were Chinese and there was strong sentiment against BN then.     Kampar is located in the Kinta Valley, an area known as DAP's stronghold. But BN's candidate from MCA, Datuk Lee Chee Leong, managed to win with a majority of 2,697 votes even though 60% of the voters were Chinese.    "He won mainly due to his personal touch and humble approach. He served the constituency well. That's why the voters still gave him their support," said MCA Youth deputy chief Datuk Mah Hang Soon, who was also the sole BN candidate from MCA to have won the state seat of Chenderiang in Perak in 2008.      A mistaken notion that Chinese are mostly pro-opposition   MCA's strategist and Central Committee member Datuk Ti Lian Ker believes that the mistaken notion that the Chinese are mostly for the opposition is merely spread by the DAP to influence the Chinese voters.     "Basically, they (DAP) talk about change in the hope to convince the Chinese voters that they can make a big difference with their votes when in fact the Malay and Indian votes are still with the BN.     "In any democratic country, there is always a 20% to 30% of core voter support for either side. So, in this case, there is still a core of 20%-30% Chinese support from MCA members for the BN," he said.    Ti therefore believed that the trick is to zero in on the estimated 30 plus to 40% of the undecided or "fence-sitters".   With polling in the GE13 set for Sunday, the notion that the Chinese electorate is pro-opposition may prove to be not true at all.

The Malaysian Election: A Tale of Two States Posted: 29 Apr 2013 08:46 PM PDT   (ABC) - Sabah and Sarawak are famous for rainforest retreats and the endangered orangutan, but they could also hold the key to power when Malaysians go to the polls on May 5. Battleground Sarawak. Malaysia's opposition party is hoping to tap into Indigenous voters in Sarawak to help jostle the ruling party out of power. The states of Sabah and Sarawak were given more national seats than any other state when Malaysia became a federation in 1963 to entice the regions to join, and the states could decide the outcome of the election. Dr Jenri Amir, from the University of Malaysia, says there are 31 seats up for grabs in Sarawak. "It's very important for the Prime Minister (Najib Razak) to ensure they win more than 20 seats in Sarawak, to ensure they can win the Federal Government," he said. The seats have traditionally fallen the way of the ruling coalition - Barisan Nasional. The Indigenous vote But the Opposition believes the Iban people - the famed former headhunters of Borneo - are an untapped reservoir of votes and could change that. Opposition candidates have been campaigning hard for Iban votes and according to Dr Amir the Opposition may have an in. In a traditional Iban village everyone lives under one roof in a longhouse, and there are over 5,000 of these longhouses across the state. "I think the mother of all issues among the Iban voters is of course NCR land - Native Customary Rights land, whereby they apply for this land," he said. "The government didn't give the title to this land, instead most of this land was given to proxy companies or companies related to the Chief Minister of Sarawak." The Chief Minister is Taib Mahmud who belongs to the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition and has held the position since 1981. Video of relatives and business associates of the Chief Minister trying to arrange crooked land deals for their own financial gain has been made public. PHOTO: An adult male Orangutan relaxes near Camp Leakey at the Tanjung Puting National Park in Kalimantan on the island of Borneo. (Paula Bronstein: Getty Images)   Mr Mahmud denies any wrongdoing on his part. "If they are trying to create something, find something more credible, they are trying to frame people like me with evidence that can be interpreted by anybody," he said. Despite the denials, the scenario doesn't look good for the party. But will it be enough to swing Iban voters? Read more and watch the video at: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-04-30/an-borneo-malaysia-election/4660122?section=sport

Ink used on voter's index finger is NOT indelible Posted: 29 Apr 2013 08:39 PM PDT   (Malaysiakini) - Barely hours after 'indelible' ink was used for the first time in Malaysia, complaints have emerged that the ink is in fact removable. This is contrary to the Election Commission's (EC) assurance that traces of the ink would last at least seven days on the finger after being painted on with a brush. One soldier, who had marked his ballot in advance voting this morning, said he had removed most of the ink with water alone - just six hours later. "Only 30 percent is left, and I haven't even used soap yet.  "The standard is like stamp (ink) pads, which is not very strong. "On the nail, it is 100 percent gone. It is a little difficult to remove from the seams.  "On the skin, I think it would be gone with rigorous washing with soap," the soldier, who did not wish to be named, said in a text-message.   PKR vice-president Tian Chua said some 20 security personnel had approached him to demonstrate how the ink could be "entirely" removed with hand sanitiser gel. Read more at: http://www.malaysiakini.com/news/228547

Lahad Datu: Bukit Aman to interview Raja Petra over Sulu intrusion article Posted: 29 Apr 2013 08:34 PM PDT   (The Star) - Bukit Aman is not revealing where police would record the statement of Malaysia Today editor Raja Petra Kamarudin pertaining to an article on the Sulu intrusion in Lahad Datu. "We cannot reveal which country we intend to interview him as it might jeopardize our investigations. "We are recording his statement pertaining to individual or groups involved in the Lahad Datu intrusion," Federal CID director Comm Datuk Seri Mohd Bakri Zinin told The Star. It is learnt that Raja Petra, now living in exile in the United Kingdom, had flown to another country.

Pakatan gunning for 12 federal seats in Johor, says Kit Siang Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:58 PM PDT Pakatan Rakyat (PR) is targeting a win of 33 federal seats in Johor, Sabah and Sarawak, including 12 in the southern peninsula state, as the opposition pact seeks to unseat the Barisan Nasional (BN) government in Election 2013, Lim Kit Siang said today. The DAP veteran highlighted a report by Chinese newspaper Nanyang Siang Pau today that quoted BN sources as saying that the ruling coalition would lose 10 federal seats in the key battleground state of Johor. "That's why the battle of Gelang Patah is to make a breakthrough in Johor," Lim (picture), who is contesting the Gelang Patah parliamentary seat in Johor, told reporters at the DAP headquarters here today. "We're aiming for at least 12 parliamentary seats in Johor and more than a one-third majority in Johor, Sabah and Sarawak that have a total of 83 parliamentary seats. Pakatan can win 33 parliamentary seats," he added. Lim stressed that PR was aiming to win 125 out of 222 federal seats, with PKR having the most at 45 seats, and the DAP and PAS having 40 seats each. "No one party will be dominant," he said. BN, which has been in power since independence, faces its stiffest challenge from the opposition after winning Election 2008 with the slimmest margin in history. PR is aiming to decimate the MCA in Johor, with Lim leading the charge against caretaker Johor Mentri Besar Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman in Gelang Patah. Though PR is aiming to win more seats in east Malaysia, the numerous multi-cornered fights in Sabah are complicating its efforts to sweep more than the one federal seat in Sabah that it had won in Election 2008. READ MORE HERE

Catch him if you can: the mysterious escape of Malaysia's second richest man Posted: 29 Apr 2013 10:37 AM PDT Luxury: An artist's impression of the Wylde Street development  (Sydney Morning Herald) - ''The bulk of our work was never paid for,'' Greg Crone says. ''We were shocked when he sold up and then just disappeared off the face of the earth. When someone like this just disappears and leaves a shitload of debt it is just unbelievable.'' Onn Mahmud was a wealthy tycoon with a bulging property portfolio when he jetted off without warning in 2007. Number 10 Wylde Street, Potts Point, commands views to die for on a harbour not short of heart-stopping vistas. Perched high above Woolloomooloo Bay, it faces directly across the sweep of the botanical gardens to the Opera House and the Sydney Harbour Bridge.   For a while, a few years ago, it was the site for one of the most luxurious apartment developments in Australia. In 2008, the duplex penthouse in the five-storey project was sold off the plan for a record price of $20 million. A year earlier - on the cusp of such riches - the Malaysian tycoon who had brought the project close to fruition abruptly sold the site as he quietly folded most of his substantial Sydney property portfolio and exited the Australian business scene.   Onn Mahmud. After initially being offered privately for a firesale price $9.4 million, 10 Wylde Street was eventually sold for $15.5 million - less than its spectacular penthouse had been on track to fetch and way below the projected revenues of $50 million for the entire redevelopment of the old Oakford serviced apartment building.   Virtually no one knew it at the time, but what appeared to have been a disastrous investment reversal in a booming market was, in fact, still a bonanza for a man with money to burn.   Advertisement Onn Mahmud is the second wealthiest man in Malaysia, with a fortune estimated to be in excess of $2 billion. Malaysia's richest man is his brother, Taib Mahmud, Chief Minister of the eastern state of Sarawak and reckoned to be worth more than $15 billion.   Much of that wealth has come through the family's control of logging deals that over the past 30 years have levelled most of the tropical rainforest on the island of Borneo. And a substantial slice of that wealth has found its way into investments in Australia.   Onn Mahmud bought 10 Wylde Street in the 1990s through his company, Ryan Park Limited, for $4.7 million. The windfall profit of $10.8 million netted from the 2007 resale had a sugar coating for the vendor - no tax was paid on the huge capital gain and nothing was returned to the project manager or architect, who were owed millions of dollars in fees and commissions by Onn.   Farok Abdul Majeed. Documents obtained by Fairfax Media show that Onn's Sydney property empire was carefully constructed behind an Australian corporate facade. Real control lay in a network of offshore companies and trusts based in the Cayman Islands and managed by banking giant Merrill Lynch from offices on the Isle of Man - a structure that enabled Onn to avoid paying Australian tax on tens of millions in Australian profits.   The NSW land transfer lodged after the sale in early 2007 of Wylde Street to another developer (which in turn folded its hand in the face of the later global financial crisis) confirmed that the ultimate owner of the property bought in the name of Ryan Park Limited was a trust registered in the Cayman Islands, operated out of the Isle of Man and controlled by Onn Mahmud. The beneficiaries of that trust were members of Onn's family based in Singapore.   In a statutory declaration sworn on the Isle of Man on March 29, 2007, two Merrill Lynch officers, Nicholas Dearden and Yvonne Smallwood, confirmed that Ryan Park Limited was registered proprietor of Wylde Street but asserted that it was ''an unregistered foreign company'' and that the company ''does not carry on business in Australia''.   Yet when Onn Mahmud had applied for an Australian business visa in 2002, his sponsor was Ryan Park Limited and he had declared that it and several associated companies had invested more than $50 million in commercial properties in Sydney. While Ryan Park had obtained an Australian Business Number in November 1999 as an ''Australian private company'', it was not registered for GST and had never been registered with the Australian Securities and Investments Commission. Read more at: http://www.smh.com.au/world/catch-him-if-you-can-the-mysterious-escape-of-malaysias-second-richest-man-20130427-2ildf.html

You are subscribed to email updates from Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info

Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

---

• Where are the swing voters?
• PAS playing dangerous game
• Higher royalty versus state ownership of Petronas
• G-men or grumpy old men in a free country
• Violence won’t translate into votes

Where are the swing voters? Posted: 29 Apr 2013 05:24 PM PDT When the opinion poll showed that the BN and Pakatan Rakyat are well-matched in strength, I must again stress that if the poll is accurate, the final decision of the 9% middle voters can indeed affect the outcome of the election and play the role of the last straw. The question is, who can tell Datuk Seri Najib Razak and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim where the middle voters are? Lim Mun Fah, Sin Chew Daily On the sixth day before the general election, the BN and Pakatan Rakyat have basically completed their respective deployments to consolidate their basic support. It is expected that the following strategy would focus on fighting for the support of middle voters. Some people asked whether there are still middle voters at this stage. Theoretically, middle voters exist until votes are cast. However, as the polling day is approaching, the number of middle voters will gradually decrease. The latest opinion poll of the Universiti Malaya Centre for Democracy and Elections (UMCEDEL) has reflected such a phenomenon. Compared to March, the number of middle voters has fallen by 6% to 9%, with most of them Malays. If the poll is credible, it has then conveyed an important message, namely the 9% middle voters is going to be the final kingmaker of the 13th general election. When it comes to the key role of middle voters, the most commonly known would be the Median Voter Theorem. According to the theory, if there is only two candidates with well-matched basic support in an election, the campaign strategies of the candidates must focus on middle voters to gain more votes. When it comes to implementation, however, there is no absolute standard to define "middle" line. Moreover, there are more than one election issue and thus, it is not easy to accurately strike the balance and meet the expectations of middle voters. Moreover, even middle voters can be divided into different groups according to their racial identities, family backgrounds, education levels and political awareness. As I know, middle voters are not necessarily fence-sitters with no political stand or party preference. Instead, they might be members of a political party without a strong party spirit and are not willing to be controlled by the party. Therefore, they insist to be independent voters. Of course, there are also middle voters who have no political party preference. They are well-educated and reject blind obedience. They can think rationally before making prudent judgement. They refuse to blindly follow and thus, are more careful in making comparison in terms of political platform and election manifesto of various parties, while observing the words and deeds, as well as qualities of candidates, before making a decision and cast their votes. In addition, there are also some so-called "middle voters" who are not interested in politics at all. They do not care about politics, and some are even indifferent to politics. Of course, they have no political knowledge, not to mention political ideal. Such kind of voters either choose not to vote or can easily be affected by their families and friends. They might even just follow the majority's preference to vote for the party with a higher winning odds. When the opinion poll showed that the BN and Pakatan Rakyat are well-matched in strength, I must again stress that if the poll is accurate, the final decision of the 9% middle voters can indeed affect the outcome of the election and play the role of the last straw. The question is, who can tell Datuk Seri Najib Razak and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim where the middle voters are?

PAS playing dangerous game Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:38 PM PDT If PAS continues with its 'Islam superior' stance, there is little chance for Pakatan to win big in the May 5 general election dubbed as the 'mother of all elections'. Jeswan Kaur, FMT Islamic party PAS cannot distinguish the tree from the woods with its stubbornness in wanting only a Muslim leader to serve as prime minister. In his pre-election ceramah or speech recently, PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang said the party stand was that only Muslims can be the prime minister of this country. Saying that anybody can be a minister regardless of whether the person was a Muslim or a non-Muslim if the opposition pact under the Pakatan Rakyat banner formed the next government after the May 5 general election, Abdul Hadi added: "Non-Muslims can work with Muslims to administer this country on condition the prime minister must be a Muslim. "The person in charge of policies must be a Muslim in an Islamic nation. If he is a non-Muslim, then he should embrace Islam. "For instance, for the Works Minister's post, if the person picked is a non-Muslim, but he has the knowledge and expertise in road and building construction, we will appoint him, but we will not appoint a non-Muslim to take charge of mosques." With only days to go before Malaysians step out to choose the government of their choice, Hadi's defiance and acerbic remarks have not gone down well with Malaysians. But then Hadi is not alone. PAS deputy spiritual leader Haron Din says that hudud will take effect if Pakatan comes into power upon winning the 13th general election. PAS' move to implement hudud never sat well with DAP, but Haron could not care less and says hudud it is if Pakatan makes it to Putrajaya, regardless of whether DAP is against the move. "I'm confident that DAP will accept hudud because of its willingness to contest under the PAS symbol. However, this can only be done after Pakatan is given the mandate to rule the country. "Pakatan must take over the federal government. Only then can we amend the (Federal) Constitution to implement hudud," Haron had said. Haron, who is the candidate for the Arau parliamentary seat, is of the opinion that Pakatan parties must "give and take" in order to work together. Whose cause is PAS championing? PAS a few years ago had enacted hudud (prescribed Islamic penalties) in Kelantan, to be imposed only on Muslims who represent about 90% of the state's 1.5 million population. The laws introduced Syariah punishments for theft, robbery, adultery, liquor consumption and apostasy. It is not just hudud. Haron also wants DAP to concur with PAS' decision not to allow the use of the term "Allah" by non-Muslims. Looks like both Hadi and Haron have forgotten that their existence as politicians is not to serve vested interests but that of the rakyat. If PAS continues with its "Islam superior" stance, there is little chance for Pakatan to win big in the May 5 general election dubbed as the "mother of all elections". It is not just the hudud and "only Muslim prime minister" that PAS has set its sight on. The party's "new kid on the block", the former Selangor menteri besar, Muhammad Muhammad Taib, has wasted no time in declaring that Islam is the way of life, saying that all Muslim women should wear the tudung. Muhammad, the former Umno vice-president, is unhappy that Muslim women newsreaders and schoochildren did not wear the tudung. "They say Islam, but look at the newsreaders not wearing headscarves. They say Islam, but there are schoolchildren who wear skirts," Muhammad was quoted by Bernama as saying. Not only that, Muhammad thinks he has "seen the light" when he remarked that albeit its development, Selangor's progress was one that lacked "soul" which had resulted in the (moral) decline among children of affluent families in the cities. How Muhammad came to that conclusion is anyone's guess. If he blames the Selangor government for the moral decay of its children, whom does he assign blame to in the case of off-springs of politicians going astray, indulging in vices of all sorts? READ MORE HERE

Higher royalty versus state ownership of Petronas Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:31 PM PDT Give oil producing states some profit participating stake in Petronas via non-voting equity shares  By Anas Alam Faizli, FMT The oil royalty debacle is perhaps one of the popular components for both Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) as the nation approaches polling day on  May 5. In Kelantan, the "R" for "royalty" movement has in fact been proliferating, especially amongst PR supporters. For years, we have seen the fight for royalty highlighted by the four producing states, namely Terengganu, Kelantan, Sabah and Sarawak. While Kelantan continues with its ongoing battle for legitimacy of its claims under the Petroleum Development Act 1974, Sabah and Sarawak local dailies have been putting forth their plight for a bigger than 5% share over oil and gas incomes. In an unprecedented move, PR in its Buku Jingga launched in December 2010 proposed an increase of oil royalty contributions from Petronas to state governments from 5% to 20%. This is again reiterated in its election manifesto. Upping the ante, BN too in its recently-launched manifesto has promised the same, albeit under a different name.  Whoever wins the next election, the four states will see increased revenue, if this promise is kept. But how will this change affect Petronas? The truth behind the 20 percent royalty First, we must know that royalties or cash payout as per PDA 1974 is cost charged to revenues, rather than a share of operating outcomes. Whatever income Petronas or oil operators get from selling oil and gas, royalties are entitled to the first cut. To illustrate, a barrel of oil sold for USD 100 will see USD 5 or USD 20 (depending on the percentage) immediately taken away as royalties. Only what is left after that and taxes, will be left for Petronas to recover its tremendous capital and operating costs, and to reimburse other oil operators and producers. Imagine what it means in times of lower crude oil prices! This puts tremendous pressure on Petronas' profitability, which will ultimately affect revenues dispersed to the federal government as dividends. (Note that the federal government receives revenues from Petronas via multiple avenues; including royalties and taxes as the government, and dividends as Petronas shareholder). Second, based on the above, a 20% oil royalty payment will potentially render many in-place existing Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs) unattractive. Without going too much into the intricacies of a PSC, oil operators like Shell and Exxon Mobil having operations in Malaysia, under the PSC, owe royalties and taxes to Malaysia but is then promised some form of "cost oil" and "profit oil". The PSC essentially ensures Malaysia is compensated as much as possible for oil coming out of its territories, while these operators still makes some attractive margins for their productive efforts. Unless Petronas takes the entire hit from losing a further 15 percentage-points worth of revenues by promising the same profitability to oil operators, the attractiveness of PSCs will be unavoidably severed. Third, it may be argued an incentive system by way of oil royalty leaves the states with no interest over the profitability of Petronas. This is only natural, as getting a first cut over oil incomes makes it too convenient to worry about the processes thereafter. Thus, states may not be too concerned if foreign operators are no longer incentivized to operate on Malaysian wells and use their valuable expertise on Malaysian oil wells, or if Petronas' long term productivity and sustainability is at stake. Give shares to the states The three points above highlight the few potential challenges in applying a 20% royalty contribution from Petronas to the state governments. After all, Petronas is one of Malaysia's few true success stories contributing to a large part of Malaysia's growth. Its sustainability without question is in the interest of all states and Malaysians alike. READ MORE HERE

G-men or grumpy old men in a free country Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:22 PM PDT Government men, past or present, are rallying against the Barisan Nasional this time around. By Syed Nadzri Syed Harun, FMT Other than the mindless name-calling in cyberspace, one of the surest indicators that democracy is alive and kicking in Malaysia is the number of prominent G-men openly declaring their spunky support for the opposite side in this general election (GE). G-men could also mean "grumpy" old fellas not happy with everything in post-retirement life. But for the purpose of this story in the thick of GE frenzy, the expression is restricted to the straightforward modern slang for "government men" past or present. And that makes "opposite side" mentioned above as referring appropriately to non-Barisan Nasional parties. Of course the world already knows about the biggest G-man turning over in Anwar Ibrahim, a former deputy prime minister and big shot in the BN government. He has trained his guns on BN for many years now. But the streak of former disciplined G-men of the security forces distinctly rallying against BN this time around is quite mind-blowing. Top of the list are retired generals and police commissioners no less, which shows that, contrary to what some people would like to believe, this is indeed a free country. Movie star Michelle Yeoh was within this realm when she declared her open support for Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak a week ago. What was wrong with that? But she touched a raw nerve in some people. At least six retired generals have joined Pakatan Rakyat either through PAS or PKR – former deputy army chief Lt Gen (Rtd) Abdul Ghafir Abdul Hamid, former chief of air logistics Brig-Gen (Rtd) Abdul Hadi Al-Khatab, former chief of staff logistics Navy fleet headquarters Rear Admiral (Rtd) Imran Abdul Hamid, former director of the Army Corps of religion Brig-Gen (Rtd) Najmi Ahmad, former chief of staff of the army Gen (Rtd) Md Hashim Hussein and former vice-chancellor of the National Defence University Lt Gen (Rtd) Ismail Samion. Ghafir and Hashim (both PKR) are placed to bring firepower to Pakatan's serious effort to wrest Johor. They are fielded in parliamentary constituencies of Pasir Gudang and Johor Baru respectively. Imran and Hadi (both PKR) are fielded in Perak in the parliamentary seat of Lumut and Behrang state seat respectively while Najmi (PAS) in Baling, Kedah. Ismail, a mechanical engineer by training, officially joined PAS last Thursday. Cause for concern On the police side, there is former federal criminal investigation director Fauzi Shaari standing as a PAS candidate in the Larut parliamentary constituency. Former federal commercial crimes director Ramli Yusoff is also said to be a strong supporter of PAS and at one time he was even considered to be a candidate in Pasir Mas to fight controversial Ibrahim Ali, a pro-BN independent. READ MORE HERE

Violence won’t translate into votes Posted: 29 Apr 2013 02:17 PM PDT As campaigning enters the final rounds, stories of violence are making headlines in the mainstream media. Free Malaysia Today True to form, the mainstream media went to town with stories and pictures of escalating violence in the run-up to the 13th general election. The blown-up photograph taken at night of the scene of a blast in one newspaper was clearly and delibrately played up to scare voters into believing that peace and harmony were in danger of going up in smoke. It was a cheap tactic employed to advance the interest of the ruling coalition under threat of going down in defeat. The so-called escalating violence is used as a pretext to spread panic that Malaysia will descend into chaos if the attacks spiral out of control. Invariably the fingers will be wagged at the opposition for stirring up trouble. The opposition will be blamed for every blast including firecrackers even though it could be the work of the other side. If fighting erupts on the streets, the caretaker government can declare a state of emergency and call off the polls. When emergency rule is in place the guns will be turned on the opposition force and its leaders may end up behind bars for causing mayhem. With the opposition crippled, the election will resume but under the barrel of the gun. Voters will be intimidated into casting their ballots for the same discredited rulers. But this scenario is unlikely to come to pass because the caretaker government has a weak case. No government can have the force of legitimacy if an election is not won fair and square. The campaign is entering the last few laps and both camps are stepping up their verbal assaults against the background of "escalating" violence. For sure, here and there scuffles will break out, which will get "star" treatment in the state-controlled media. The ever-vigilant press will be ever ready to distort, twist, manipulate every incident in an all-out bid to poison and influence the minds of the voters. Any fatal shooting involving government officials will be subtly linked to the election battle. The line between truth and fiction will be blurred to serve the interests of the political masters. Malaysians are no longer guillible. The story and picture of the bomb blast published in the newspaper was only greeted with disgust and anger. Disgust at the blatant attempt by the daily to create unnecessary alarm, and anger at the caretaker government for using the media platform to advance its agenda for victory at all cost. If any thing, the fear tactic will only backfire. The mood in the country is turning ugly with every passing day and the ruling party is not helping itself with its crude methods of swaying public opinion. Not a good strategy The crowds at the opposition rallies are getting bigger and bigger. This is a clear indication that the opposition alliance is scoring at the popularity stake. This also means that the ruling coalition is in deep trouble. Herein lies the danger: the caretaker commander may decide on something drastic to stop the inexorable march of its opponents to Putrajaya. How about lobbing a few Molotov cocktails into opposition gatherings? This can easily be done with the help of pro-government supporters or any bad hats paid handsomely to do the job. It will not work. READ MORE HERE

You are subscribed to email updates from Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net