Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info

Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

---

We are what we are today because of what happened in the past (part 5) Posted: 29 May 2013 01:00 AM PDT Umno leaders also realized that the British required inter-ethnic cooperation before a further political transition would take place. The Chinese on their part were forced to be restrained in their demands because the Emergency, which was seen as supported largely by Chinese, had placed the community under a political cloud. And after the 1955 elections when they had less seats than Umno, they realized that their bargaining position was weaker. There must be appreciation that the Constitution was drawn up in a context of compromise and consensus so as to forge a united front in the fight for independence. Today there is an urgency to retrieve and regain that spirit of mutual respect and understanding to build a cohesive Malaysia that can thrive in an increasingly globalising and competitive world. THE CORRIDORS OF POWER By Lee Kam Hing, CPI (7 February 2010) Road to Independence (3): Inherent tension in the Constitution Drafting the Malayan Constitution: Compromises and Consensus, 1956-57 The sequence of political events leading to independence, according to Donald Horowitz, was a factor in consolidating a coalition of ethnic-based parties that proved to be enduring. At the pre-independence stage components members of the Alliance were forced to arrive at compromises in order to present a common stand in independence discussions. And they were more willing to make concessions to one another to maintain the inter-ethnic coalition, a condition stipulated by the British before any transfer of power could take place. There were several stages in the negotiations for a new constitution. Of these the most important were the preparation of the Alliance Memorandum (April-September 1956), the Reid Commission (19 June 1956-21 February 1957), and the tripartite Working Party (22 February-27 April 1957). The Alliance Memorandum was one of several from different organisations that were submitted but it was the one which the Reid Commission paid most attention to since this came from the majority party in the Federal Legislative Council. The Alliance Memorandum was finalised after crucial concessions were obtained from all sides within the coalition. The Reid Commission was entrusted with drafting the Constitution after taking into account the views of different groups. The tripartite Working Party, which included representatives from the Alliance, the Malay rulers and the British, met between 22 February and 27 April 1957 to go through each item in the draft constitution. This was to ensure that the new constitution would be acceptable to the major communities. Some significant amendments were made at this final stage although the general structure of the draft constitution was retained. Articles in the Constitution on citizenship, Malay special position, language, and religion were the most sensitive and were closely scrutinised and debated. Throughout these discussions, Umno and the non-Malay Alliance leaders had to contend with very communal demands from radical sections of their communities. Over the years since then, these Articles in the Constitution have continued to be major sources of disagreement and a bone of contention in inter-ethnic relations. Jus soli Members of the Alliance agreed on the application of jus soli for citizenship so that those born in the Federation after independence became citizens and non-residents could qualify by fulfilling residence, language and oath of loyalty requirements. This liberal citizenship requirement was a major concession from the Malays because with this agreement, large number of non-Malays became citizens. The Alliance, which insisted on a single nationality, also eventually accepted the Reid Commission's inclusion of modified dual-citizenship especially for those from the Straits Settlements who were British subjects.26 In exchange for liberalising citizenship requirements, non-Malay leaders in the Alliance accepted the special position of the Malays. Umno wanted to continue with Malay privileges as provided under the Federation of Malaya Agreement through provisions for Malay reservation land, operation of quotas within the public services, quotas for licenses and permits for certain businesses, and quotas for public scholarship and education grants. Malay special position There was the intention both in the Alliance and the Reid Commission that the provision in Article 157 (becoming Article 153 in the final version of the Constitution) on Malay special position should be transitional. In the earlier drafts of the Alliance memorandum it was stated that the special position provision in the Constitution would be reviewed 15 years after independence. However, this was omitted in the final version to avoid criticisms from Malay organisations although it was conveyed orally to the Reid Commission. The majority of members in the Reid Commission was uncomfortable with the provision in the Alliance Memorandum as they considered it incompatible with democracy and fundamental rights Amendments were made to Article 157 at the tripartite talks in April 1957. As a result of strong UMNO representation, it was decided that the special position of the Malays be reviewed from time to time instead of a stated fixed period. The Agong would have the responsibility for safeguarding the "special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of the other communities."27 Furthermore, Article 157 was also transferred from the transitional provisions of the Constitution to the permanent section at the final meeting of the Working Party on 27 April 1957. It was also decided that the government should have the flexibility to extend the areas classified as Malay reservations.28 MCA was unhappy with the amendment made to Article 157. Its representatives to the talks had failed to realize the implications particularly that future amendments to Articles in the permanent section of the Constitution required a two-thirds majority of total number of members of each House of Parliament. Nevertheless, this transfer was made on an understanding that the White Paper to be tabled at the Federal Legislative meeting should include a statement that "it is considered in the interests of the country and in the interests of the Malays themselves that the provisions of Article 157 should be reviewed from time to time."29 Furthermore, following MCA's expression of concern that Article 157 provision should be carefully worded, it was agreed that a protective clause be included which stated that "Nothing in this article shall empower Parliament to restrict or control any trade or business just for the sake of creating quotas for Malays."30 Islam It was at the tripartite negotiations that an Article making Islam the official religion of the Federation was introduced. The majority in the Reid Commission had favoured retaining religion as a state matter. They feared that providing an official religion, as proposed earlier in the Alliance memorandum, was a contradiction to the status of a secular state. Tunku Abdul Rahman, under pressure from Umno, argued that the inclusion of Article 3 was important psychologically to the Malays. However in recognising the objections of the rulers and the concerns of non-Malays, two provisos were included in the Article. The Article, accordingly, would not affect the position of the rulers in their respective states as head of Islam and the practice and propagation of other religions in the Federation would be assured.31 Although there were strong objections from non-Muslim organisations to the Article, the MCA and the MIC were assured by Umno that Islam was intended to have only symbolic significance and for ceremonial purposes only, and that the rights of the non-Muslims would not be affected. Article 11 guaranteed the right of the citizens to "profess, practise and propagate their religion. The Federation would be a secular state."32 Language There was also a compromise on language. The Alliance agreed to Umno's proposal that Malay be the official language but that there would be no objections to the use of Chinese and Tamil for unofficial purposes. The Tunku also assured Chinese educationalists that Chinese schools, language and culture would be preserved. The tripartite Working Party agreed to a proviso in Article 140 on language allowing the teaching and learning of Chinese and Tamil. English was to be retained as official language for ten years after independence and thereafter until Parliament otherwise provided. Finally, the Malay rulers were to be constitutional monarchs and they would act on the advice of the Cabinet. In the tripartite meeting it was agreed that the rulers would be consulted on matters affecting their positions, territorial changes, changes affecting the special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of the other communities, and in the appointment of important commissions such as the Election Commission and the Public Service commission. Conclusion Consensus was reached among the leaders at the constitutional talks on what were undoubtedly sensitive and difficult issues. Efforts were made to ensure that the core interests of all the communities were safeguarded. Though the constitutional provisions did not satisfy everyone there were key compromises made which enabled the members of the Alliance to work together towards independence. The Constitution which the founding leaders of Malaysia helped bring to fruition has since the provided the parameters of all subsequent discourses on inter-ethnic relations. But over the years, the inherent tension in a number of Articles of the Constitution have surfaced. Members of the various communities have claimed that the interests of their constituencies as provided in the Constitution had not been protected or advanced and these concerns have been taken up by opposition parties and even component members of the ruling coalition. There have also been calls for review of some of the provisions in the Constitution. At the same time, some Malays have argued that the community was not receiving the full benefits of their special position in exchange for granting citizenship to non-Malays. While non-Malays were granted immediate citizenship, the Malay community was still lagging behind economically and Malay was not as widely used as the official language. Many non-Malays, on their part, perceive that the Constitution has favoured the Malays and want to redress the bias so as to ensure fairer access to educational and employment opportunities in the government sector as well for to bring about the wider use of other languages and the development of vernacular-language schools. So long as the founding leaders were still around and the mystique of the Alliance as the party of independence remained, it was possible to contain the deep unhappiness of all communities. The hope of the early leaders was that with economic growth and equitable distribution, a maturing democracy, and continued inter-ethnic cooperation, the contentious issues would gradually fade away. Inter-ethnic cooperation was forged during a period of political transition in the pre-independence years. Donald Horowitz contends that the sequence of events was decisive in the formation of the Alliance and in the willingness of leaders of the component parties to reach agreement during constitutional talks. Prior to the Alliance, there had been efforts at inter-ethnic cooperation and thus when Umno and MCA formalised their partnership it was not an entirely new or uncharted experience. Horowitrz suggested that the Alliance could be looked upon as a creation of chance "a curious and irreplicable combination of circumstances". There was the Emergency and British colonial policy which pushed Umno and MCA together; that elections were held first for town councils where voters were mainly Chinese, and that there were no strong competing communal parties. In these circumstances, Umno as the leading Malay party was willing to reach across ethnic lines to work with the MCA in order to defeat the IMP, its main threat. Umno leaders also realized that the British required inter-ethnic cooperation before a further political transition would take place. The Chinese on their part were forced to be restrained in their demands because the Emergency, which was seen as supported largely by Chinese, had placed the community under a political cloud. And after the 1955 elections when they had less seats than Umno, they realized that their bargaining position was weaker.33 Horowitz also argued that leaders of the Alliance had time to develop a close relationship even before they needed to face 'divisive' issues. The electoral battles they fought together and the difficulties they encountered with the colonial authorities bonded them in friendship. They were willing to make compromises in a spirit of give and take in order to maintain a united front when negotiating with the colonial authorities for independence. Fifty years after independence there is a need to renew our understanding of how leaders of the various ethnic groups came together to create a political coalition, to relearn of the different stages in the drafting of the Constitution, and to be aware of what the founding leaders agreed on with regard to citizenship, Malay special position, the place of Islam in this country, education and language, and the role of the Malay rulers. There must be appreciation that the Constitution was drawn up in a context of compromise and consensus so as to forge a united front in the fight for independence. Today there is an urgency to retrieve and regain that spirit of mutual respect and understanding to build a cohesive Malaysia that can thrive in an increasingly globalising and competitive world. ******************************************************** Dr Lee Kam Hing's essay is originally titled 'Forging Inter-ethnic Cooperation: The Political and Constitutional Process towards Independence, 1951-1957' and published in the book Multiethnic Malaysia — Past Present and Future (2009). CPI with permission from the author is reproducing his essay in three parts for online reading in our website. Today's Part 3 is as above. Dr Lee is research director at Star Publications. He was visiting Harvard-Yenching research scholar at Harvard University, and visiting scholar at Wofson College, Cambridge University. He was previously history professor of Universiti Malaya. TO BE CONTINUED ******************************************************** Footnotes: 26 Those who held an additional nationality were given a year to decide if they wanted federation nationality while the introduction of a Commonwealth citizenship status allowed Commonwealth countries to grant certain privileges to citizens from other countries. Joseph Fernando, The Making of the Malayan Constitution, pp. 124-126, pp.160-161. 27 Ibid, p.164 28 Gordon P. Means, Malaysian Politics, pp.177-179 29 Joseph Fernando, The Making of the Malaysian Constitution, p.164 30 Ibid 31 Tun Mohd Suffian bin Hashim, An Introduction to the Constitution of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer, 1976, pp.245-249; H.P.Lee, Constitutional Conflicts in Contemporary Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1995, pp.4-21 32 K.J.Ratnam, Communalism and the Political Process in Malaya, Singapore: University of Malaya Press, 1965, pp.117-126 33 Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1985 pp.396-440 ********************************************************  Bibliography Adnan Hj Mohd Nawang, Za'ba (Zainal Abidin bin Ahmad) dan Melayu, Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing Sdn Bhd, 1998 Ampalavanar, R., The Indian Minority and Political Change in Malaya, 1945-1957, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1981 Arasaratnam, S., Indians in Malaysia and Singapore, London: Institute of Race Relations, 1967 Ariffin Omar, Bangsa Melayu: Malay Concepts of Democracy and Community, 1945-1950, Oxford University Press, 1993 Cheah Boon Kheng, The Making of a Nation, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2002 Cloake, J. Templer: Tiger of Malaya, London: Harrap, 1985 Clutterbuck, R., Riot and Revolution in Singapore and Malaya, London: Faber and Faber, 1973 Emerson, Rupert, E., Malaysia: A Study of Direct and Indirect Rule, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1964 Fernando, J.M., The Making of the Malayan Constitution, Kuala Lumpur Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Monograph No 31, 2002 Firdaus Abdullah, Radical Malay Politics, Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk, 1985 Funston, J., Malay Politics in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann, 1980 Furnivall, J.S., Netherlands India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1939 Goh Cheng Teik, The May Thirteenth Incident and Democracy in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1971 Heng Pek Khoon, Chinese Politics in Malaysia, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1988 Heussler, Robert, Completing a Stewardship, London: Greenwood Press, 1983 Hickling, R.H., An Introduction to the Federal Constitution, Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer, 1960 Horowitz, D.L., Ethnic Groups in Conflict, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985 Loh Kok Wah, Francis, Beyond the Tin Mines, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1988 Husin Mutalib, Islam and Ethnicity in Malay Politics, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1990 Means, G.P. Malaysian Politics, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1976 Mohamed Noordin Sopiee, From Malayan Union to Singapore Separation, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1974 Mohamed Suffian Hashim, An Introduction to the Constitution of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer, 1972 Mohamed Suffian Hashim, Lee, H.P. and Trindale, F.A. (eds), The Constitution of Malaysia: Its Development 1957-1977, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1978 Ramlah Adam, Dato' Onn Ja'afar: Pengasas Kemerdekaan, Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustakaa, 1993 Ratnam, K.J., Communalism and the Political Process in Malaya, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1965 Roff, W.R., The Origins of Malaya Nationalism, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967 Sheridan, L.A. and Groves, H.E., The Constitution of Malaysia, Singapore: Malayan Law Journal Stockwell, Anthony J., Malaya, London: HMSO, 1995 Stubbs, Richard, Hearts and Minds in Guerrilla Warfare: The Malayan Emergency, 1948-1960, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1989 Tan Liok Ee, The Rhetoric of Bangsa and Minzu: Community and Nations in Tension, the Malay Peninsula, 1900-1955, Clayton, Australia: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1988

You are subscribed to email updates from Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info

Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

---

• We are what we are today because of what happened in the past (part 5)
• Raja Nong Chik lodges police report against Nurul Izzah
• Xavier’s supporters gather outside Anwar’s house
• Is Anwar reduced to clutching straws?
• Is BN a validly elected Government - by Art Harun
• PKR to hold four rallies next month over electoral reforms, says Johari Abdul
• Semua Exco PKR dan Speaker Selangor adalah wanita
• Najib will prevail in Umno
• Four MCA reps quit JB city council
• Selangor EXCO crisis continues
• Stay out, Singapore tells Malaysia after Merlion Park protests
• Malaysia’s deep divides
• Malaysia -- Slaying the Tiger Economy
• Liberty, sedition and jailed dissidents
• Activist Hishammuddin Rais also charged with uttering seditious words

We are what we are today because of what happened in the past (part 5) Posted: 29 May 2013 01:00 AM PDT Umno leaders also realized that the British required inter-ethnic cooperation before a further political transition would take place. The Chinese on their part were forced to be restrained in their demands because the Emergency, which was seen as supported largely by Chinese, had placed the community under a political cloud. And after the 1955 elections when they had less seats than Umno, they realized that their bargaining position was weaker. There must be appreciation that the Constitution was drawn up in a context of compromise and consensus so as to forge a united front in the fight for independence. Today there is an urgency to retrieve and regain that spirit of mutual respect and understanding to build a cohesive Malaysia that can thrive in an increasingly globalising and competitive world. THE CORRIDORS OF POWER By Lee Kam Hing, CPI (7 February 2010) Road to Independence (3): Inherent tension in the Constitution Drafting the Malayan Constitution: Compromises and Consensus, 1956-57 The sequence of political events leading to independence, according to Donald Horowitz, was a factor in consolidating a coalition of ethnic-based parties that proved to be enduring. At the pre-independence stage components members of the Alliance were forced to arrive at compromises in order to present a common stand in independence discussions. And they were more willing to make concessions to one another to maintain the inter-ethnic coalition, a condition stipulated by the British before any transfer of power could take place. There were several stages in the negotiations for a new constitution. Of these the most important were the preparation of the Alliance Memorandum (April-September 1956), the Reid Commission (19 June 1956-21 February 1957), and the tripartite Working Party (22 February-27 April 1957). The Alliance Memorandum was one of several from different organisations that were submitted but it was the one which the Reid Commission paid most attention to since this came from the majority party in the Federal Legislative Council. The Alliance Memorandum was finalised after crucial concessions were obtained from all sides within the coalition. The Reid Commission was entrusted with drafting the Constitution after taking into account the views of different groups. The tripartite Working Party, which included representatives from the Alliance, the Malay rulers and the British, met between 22 February and 27 April 1957 to go through each item in the draft constitution. This was to ensure that the new constitution would be acceptable to the major communities. Some significant amendments were made at this final stage although the general structure of the draft constitution was retained. Articles in the Constitution on citizenship, Malay special position, language, and religion were the most sensitive and were closely scrutinised and debated. Throughout these discussions, Umno and the non-Malay Alliance leaders had to contend with very communal demands from radical sections of their communities. Over the years since then, these Articles in the Constitution have continued to be major sources of disagreement and a bone of contention in inter-ethnic relations. Jus soli Members of the Alliance agreed on the application of jus soli for citizenship so that those born in the Federation after independence became citizens and non-residents could qualify by fulfilling residence, language and oath of loyalty requirements. This liberal citizenship requirement was a major concession from the Malays because with this agreement, large number of non-Malays became citizens. The Alliance, which insisted on a single nationality, also eventually accepted the Reid Commission's inclusion of modified dual-citizenship especially for those from the Straits Settlements who were British subjects.26 In exchange for liberalising citizenship requirements, non-Malay leaders in the Alliance accepted the special position of the Malays. Umno wanted to continue with Malay privileges as provided under the Federation of Malaya Agreement through provisions for Malay reservation land, operation of quotas within the public services, quotas for licenses and permits for certain businesses, and quotas for public scholarship and education grants. Malay special position There was the intention both in the Alliance and the Reid Commission that the provision in Article 157 (becoming Article 153 in the final version of the Constitution) on Malay special position should be transitional. In the earlier drafts of the Alliance memorandum it was stated that the special position provision in the Constitution would be reviewed 15 years after independence. However, this was omitted in the final version to avoid criticisms from Malay organisations although it was conveyed orally to the Reid Commission. The majority of members in the Reid Commission was uncomfortable with the provision in the Alliance Memorandum as they considered it incompatible with democracy and fundamental rights Amendments were made to Article 157 at the tripartite talks in April 1957. As a result of strong UMNO representation, it was decided that the special position of the Malays be reviewed from time to time instead of a stated fixed period. The Agong would have the responsibility for safeguarding the "special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of the other communities."27 Furthermore, Article 157 was also transferred from the transitional provisions of the Constitution to the permanent section at the final meeting of the Working Party on 27 April 1957. It was also decided that the government should have the flexibility to extend the areas classified as Malay reservations.28 MCA was unhappy with the amendment made to Article 157. Its representatives to the talks had failed to realize the implications particularly that future amendments to Articles in the permanent section of the Constitution required a two-thirds majority of total number of members of each House of Parliament. Nevertheless, this transfer was made on an understanding that the White Paper to be tabled at the Federal Legislative meeting should include a statement that "it is considered in the interests of the country and in the interests of the Malays themselves that the provisions of Article 157 should be reviewed from time to time."29 Furthermore, following MCA's expression of concern that Article 157 provision should be carefully worded, it was agreed that a protective clause be included which stated that "Nothing in this article shall empower Parliament to restrict or control any trade or business just for the sake of creating quotas for Malays."30 Islam It was at the tripartite negotiations that an Article making Islam the official religion of the Federation was introduced. The majority in the Reid Commission had favoured retaining religion as a state matter. They feared that providing an official religion, as proposed earlier in the Alliance memorandum, was a contradiction to the status of a secular state. Tunku Abdul Rahman, under pressure from Umno, argued that the inclusion of Article 3 was important psychologically to the Malays. However in recognising the objections of the rulers and the concerns of non-Malays, two provisos were included in the Article. The Article, accordingly, would not affect the position of the rulers in their respective states as head of Islam and the practice and propagation of other religions in the Federation would be assured.31 Although there were strong objections from non-Muslim organisations to the Article, the MCA and the MIC were assured by Umno that Islam was intended to have only symbolic significance and for ceremonial purposes only, and that the rights of the non-Muslims would not be affected. Article 11 guaranteed the right of the citizens to "profess, practise and propagate their religion. The Federation would be a secular state."32 Language There was also a compromise on language. The Alliance agreed to Umno's proposal that Malay be the official language but that there would be no objections to the use of Chinese and Tamil for unofficial purposes. The Tunku also assured Chinese educationalists that Chinese schools, language and culture would be preserved. The tripartite Working Party agreed to a proviso in Article 140 on language allowing the teaching and learning of Chinese and Tamil. English was to be retained as official language for ten years after independence and thereafter until Parliament otherwise provided. Finally, the Malay rulers were to be constitutional monarchs and they would act on the advice of the Cabinet. In the tripartite meeting it was agreed that the rulers would be consulted on matters affecting their positions, territorial changes, changes affecting the special position of the Malays and the legitimate interests of the other communities, and in the appointment of important commissions such as the Election Commission and the Public Service commission. Conclusion Consensus was reached among the leaders at the constitutional talks on what were undoubtedly sensitive and difficult issues. Efforts were made to ensure that the core interests of all the communities were safeguarded. Though the constitutional provisions did not satisfy everyone there were key compromises made which enabled the members of the Alliance to work together towards independence. The Constitution which the founding leaders of Malaysia helped bring to fruition has since the provided the parameters of all subsequent discourses on inter-ethnic relations. But over the years, the inherent tension in a number of Articles of the Constitution have surfaced. Members of the various communities have claimed that the interests of their constituencies as provided in the Constitution had not been protected or advanced and these concerns have been taken up by opposition parties and even component members of the ruling coalition. There have also been calls for review of some of the provisions in the Constitution. At the same time, some Malays have argued that the community was not receiving the full benefits of their special position in exchange for granting citizenship to non-Malays. While non-Malays were granted immediate citizenship, the Malay community was still lagging behind economically and Malay was not as widely used as the official language. Many non-Malays, on their part, perceive that the Constitution has favoured the Malays and want to redress the bias so as to ensure fairer access to educational and employment opportunities in the government sector as well for to bring about the wider use of other languages and the development of vernacular-language schools. So long as the founding leaders were still around and the mystique of the Alliance as the party of independence remained, it was possible to contain the deep unhappiness of all communities. The hope of the early leaders was that with economic growth and equitable distribution, a maturing democracy, and continued inter-ethnic cooperation, the contentious issues would gradually fade away. Inter-ethnic cooperation was forged during a period of political transition in the pre-independence years. Donald Horowitz contends that the sequence of events was decisive in the formation of the Alliance and in the willingness of leaders of the component parties to reach agreement during constitutional talks. Prior to the Alliance, there had been efforts at inter-ethnic cooperation and thus when Umno and MCA formalised their partnership it was not an entirely new or uncharted experience. Horowitrz suggested that the Alliance could be looked upon as a creation of chance "a curious and irreplicable combination of circumstances". There was the Emergency and British colonial policy which pushed Umno and MCA together; that elections were held first for town councils where voters were mainly Chinese, and that there were no strong competing communal parties. In these circumstances, Umno as the leading Malay party was willing to reach across ethnic lines to work with the MCA in order to defeat the IMP, its main threat. Umno leaders also realized that the British required inter-ethnic cooperation before a further political transition would take place. The Chinese on their part were forced to be restrained in their demands because the Emergency, which was seen as supported largely by Chinese, had placed the community under a political cloud. And after the 1955 elections when they had less seats than Umno, they realized that their bargaining position was weaker.33 Horowitz also argued that leaders of the Alliance had time to develop a close relationship even before they needed to face 'divisive' issues. The electoral battles they fought together and the difficulties they encountered with the colonial authorities bonded them in friendship. They were willing to make compromises in a spirit of give and take in order to maintain a united front when negotiating with the colonial authorities for independence. Fifty years after independence there is a need to renew our understanding of how leaders of the various ethnic groups came together to create a political coalition, to relearn of the different stages in the drafting of the Constitution, and to be aware of what the founding leaders agreed on with regard to citizenship, Malay special position, the place of Islam in this country, education and language, and the role of the Malay rulers. There must be appreciation that the Constitution was drawn up in a context of compromise and consensus so as to forge a united front in the fight for independence. Today there is an urgency to retrieve and regain that spirit of mutual respect and understanding to build a cohesive Malaysia that can thrive in an increasingly globalising and competitive world. ******************************************************** Dr Lee Kam Hing's essay is originally titled 'Forging Inter-ethnic Cooperation: The Political and Constitutional Process towards Independence, 1951-1957' and published in the book Multiethnic Malaysia — Past Present and Future (2009). CPI with permission from the author is reproducing his essay in three parts for online reading in our website. Today's Part 3 is as above. Dr Lee is research director at Star Publications. He was visiting Harvard-Yenching research scholar at Harvard University, and visiting scholar at Wofson College, Cambridge University. He was previously history professor of Universiti Malaya. TO BE CONTINUED ******************************************************** Footnotes: 26 Those who held an additional nationality were given a year to decide if they wanted federation nationality while the introduction of a Commonwealth citizenship status allowed Commonwealth countries to grant certain privileges to citizens from other countries. Joseph Fernando, The Making of the Malayan Constitution, pp. 124-126, pp.160-161. 27 Ibid, p.164 28 Gordon P. Means, Malaysian Politics, pp.177-179 29 Joseph Fernando, The Making of the Malaysian Constitution, p.164 30 Ibid 31 Tun Mohd Suffian bin Hashim, An Introduction to the Constitution of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer, 1976, pp.245-249; H.P.Lee, Constitutional Conflicts in Contemporary Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1995, pp.4-21 32 K.J.Ratnam, Communalism and the Political Process in Malaya, Singapore: University of Malaya Press, 1965, pp.117-126 33 Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1985 pp.396-440 ********************************************************  Bibliography Adnan Hj Mohd Nawang, Za'ba (Zainal Abidin bin Ahmad) dan Melayu, Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing Sdn Bhd, 1998 Ampalavanar, R., The Indian Minority and Political Change in Malaya, 1945-1957, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1981 Arasaratnam, S., Indians in Malaysia and Singapore, London: Institute of Race Relations, 1967 Ariffin Omar, Bangsa Melayu: Malay Concepts of Democracy and Community, 1945-1950, Oxford University Press, 1993 Cheah Boon Kheng, The Making of a Nation, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2002 Cloake, J. Templer: Tiger of Malaya, London: Harrap, 1985 Clutterbuck, R., Riot and Revolution in Singapore and Malaya, London: Faber and Faber, 1973 Emerson, Rupert, E., Malaysia: A Study of Direct and Indirect Rule, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1964 Fernando, J.M., The Making of the Malayan Constitution, Kuala Lumpur Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Monograph No 31, 2002 Firdaus Abdullah, Radical Malay Politics, Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk, 1985 Funston, J., Malay Politics in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann, 1980 Furnivall, J.S., Netherlands India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1939 Goh Cheng Teik, The May Thirteenth Incident and Democracy in Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1971 Heng Pek Khoon, Chinese Politics in Malaysia, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1988 Heussler, Robert, Completing a Stewardship, London: Greenwood Press, 1983 Hickling, R.H., An Introduction to the Federal Constitution, Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer, 1960 Horowitz, D.L., Ethnic Groups in Conflict, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985 Loh Kok Wah, Francis, Beyond the Tin Mines, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1988 Husin Mutalib, Islam and Ethnicity in Malay Politics, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1990 Means, G.P. Malaysian Politics, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1976 Mohamed Noordin Sopiee, From Malayan Union to Singapore Separation, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1974 Mohamed Suffian Hashim, An Introduction to the Constitution of Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Government Printer, 1972 Mohamed Suffian Hashim, Lee, H.P. and Trindale, F.A. (eds), The Constitution of Malaysia: Its Development 1957-1977, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1978 Ramlah Adam, Dato' Onn Ja'afar: Pengasas Kemerdekaan, Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustakaa, 1993 Ratnam, K.J., Communalism and the Political Process in Malaya, Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1965 Roff, W.R., The Origins of Malaya Nationalism, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967 Sheridan, L.A. and Groves, H.E., The Constitution of Malaysia, Singapore: Malayan Law Journal Stockwell, Anthony J., Malaya, London: HMSO, 1995 Stubbs, Richard, Hearts and Minds in Guerrilla Warfare: The Malayan Emergency, 1948-1960, Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1989 Tan Liok Ee, The Rhetoric of Bangsa and Minzu: Community and Nations in Tension, the Malay Peninsula, 1900-1955, Clayton, Australia: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1988

Raja Nong Chik lodges police report against Nurul Izzah Posted: 28 May 2013 08:00 PM PDT (Bernama) - Lembah Pantai Umno division head Datuk Raja Nong Chik Raja Zainal Abidin today lodged a police report on a statement made by the Lembah Pantai Member of Parliament Nurul Izzah Anwar linking him to the purchase of 4.856 hectares of land in Bukit Kiara. He said the report was to enable the police to investigate the statement made by Nurul Izzah, who is also Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) vice-president, one day before polling for the 13th general election. Raja Nong Chik claimed that the statement had slanderous undertone. "I leave the matter to the police to investigate. I will consider filing an (election) petition and a suit against her (Nurul Izzah)," he told reporters after lodging the report at the Pantai Police Station at about 3pm today. Nurul Izzah defeated Raja Nong Chik, who was the former Minister of Federal Territories and Urban Wellbeing, in the 13th general election on May 5 with a majority of 1,847 votes.

Xavier’s supporters gather outside Anwar’s house Posted: 28 May 2013 07:42 PM PDT The group vented their frustration over the decision to drop the dentist from the Selangor exco line-up. B Nantha Kumar, FMT Disappointed that Dr Xavier Jeyakumar had been dropped from the Selangor exco lineup, a group of PKR members and NGO leaders gathered outside party de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim's house in Segambut to vent their frustration last night. It is learnt that they also held a closed door meeting with Anwar, persuading him to give the Seri Andalas assemblyman an exco post for another term. "However, it was not a fruitful meeting since PKR has already identified their new exco line up for the second term under Menteri Besar Abdul Khalid Ibrahim's administration," claimed a source close to Anwar. Speaking on the condition of anonymity, the PKR source confirmed that it was a heated meeting after one of the supporters was told to leave the meeting by Anwar. According to him, six people led by Selayang councillor George Gunaraj and Suaram co-chairman K Arumugam had the meeting with Anwar. It is believed that during the meeting, Anwar explained that it was the Selangor palace and not the party that wanted Xavier to be dropped. Xavier was appointed as the state exco in the Pakatan Rakyat government after winning the Seri Andalas state seat in 2008. Despite the dentist retaining his seat by defeating MIC candidate T Mohan with a bigger majority this time around, he was dropped from the exco list for unknown reasons. In a related issue, Anwar's special advisor R Suresh Kumar criticised Xavier and his supporters for gathering in front of Anwar's house. "It is very unprofessional and unhealthy for a senior leader like Xavier. Any party related issues must be discussed in the office not in leaders' houses," he added. Suresh also admitted that he would lodge an official complaint over the incident. "I will meet the party disciplinary committee by this week to lodge a report against Xavier and his supporters who gathered in front of Anwar's house," he said. READ MORE HERE

Is Anwar reduced to clutching straws? Posted: 28 May 2013 06:28 PM PDT   SEDUCTIVE CHARM: He has the gift of the gab and can entertain many a crowd to believe he was cheated of something that was rightfully his By Zainul Arifin Md Isa, NST AM I the only one who thinks Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is turning into a parody of himself? He has, to many people outside his sphere of influence and support, become a caricature of the man he once was, or the man he wants to be. His seeming obsession with the prime ministership, ironically, is making him look rather un-prime ministerial-like, I think. He now runs around in black shirts -- supposedly to remind us of nefarious blackouts, which many said never happened, during the recent 13th General Election (GE13) -- with as much indignation he can muster, telling those willing to listen that he and his allies were cheated of something that was rightfully theirs. For a significant portion of the population, who consumed only the words of Anwar and his allies, it was indeed gospel truth that thousands of Bangladehis were flown in to help Barisan Nasional (BN) win, and that ballot boxes were lost and counting was done in the dark, with ballot papers surreptitiously smuggled in to weigh in for the ruling party candidates. Proof is a mere inconvenience for the allegations, I presume. Anwar claimed that the coalition he led had won the popular vote, so they must form the government, conveniently ignoring rules and conventions, or the breakdown of votes for the winners and losers. But the crowd roared, their anger already stoked all these years and that they have been denied again by dirty deeds. Anwar told them BN cheated, so the election cannot count; Pakatan must rule and, presumably, he be made the prime minister. He said the Election Commission was incompetent because the indelible ink did not stay on and, except for states and seats that he and his allies won, the election must be declared nullified. Is he clutching straws now? He said this and that, and they should have won. Theirs is the party of destiny and he should have been prime minister, except that the other guys cheated. In 2008, he claimed to have 31 members of parliament in his pocket and requested that then prime minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi meet him to arrange a smooth and orderly transition. He made such proclamations then with much confidence and authority. In his political career, Anwar has proven to be not only charismatic but also seductive. He has the gift of the gab and can charm and entertain many a crowd. Over the years, he has successfully reinvented himself many times over, from a student activist with socialist leanings to a religiously inclined cult figure; to the up-and-coming politician with the common touch who later morphed into the newly arrived Malay politician with insights into the corporate world. He was later a reformer who was much maligned; and now a true democrat looking out for everyone. He persevered and his personal re-invention worked. This time, his audience is disproportionately more Chinese. They had bet en bloc on Pakatan to take over Putrajaya and now that it did not happen, his is the shoulder they cry on and he is the rallying point for them to vent their anger. Lastly, there is the said secret deal with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, as told by former Indonesian vice-president Mohamad Jusuf Kalla, which the latter claimed Anwar tried to weasel his way out of. Anwar is now at odds with Jusuf, who brokered the deal, as to who approached whom for the agreement that both BN and Pakatan should respect the results of the elections. According to Jusuf, it was Anwar though the latter demurred. Rightly or wrongly, many could conclude that Anwar is jeopardising further his reputation and appearing rather desperate, too, for the prime ministership, by putting himself at the forefront of this campaign against the results of the elections while, at the very same time, his allies are rejoicing about their victories and busy preparing for new administrations in three states. He said he respects the rule of law, yet his allies are egging for anarchy without him even raising a whimper. He can't possibly think we do not notice all these things and that he can continue to have his cake and eat it, too.

Is BN a validly elected Government - by Art Harun Posted: 28 May 2013 05:47 PM PDT ANAS ZUBEDY In 2008, Pakatan Rakyat fought a titanic battle in the GE12. It managed to astound Barisan Nasional by denying the BN, for the very first time in Malaysia's history, a two-third majority. Honestly, I don't think many people gave the PR that fat chance to do so in 2008. The same system as in GE13 was used. The same delineation of voters and constituencies as in GE13 was used. I have heard not a single complain about gerrymandering since 2008 until May the 5th 2013. (I could be wrong and I stand to be corrected on this). In fact, most voters did not even know the word "gerrymandering" before 6th May 2013. Prior to GE13, noises were made about the electoral roll being dirty. Efforts were put, either by making noises, lodge police reports or by going to Courts (YB Nurul Izzah did this and it was commendable of her I must say) to clean the roll. But to no avail as judicial review was not available. But gerrymandering WAS NEVER an issue at all. Nobody, as far as I know, within Pakatan had complained about this. In fact, a cursory reading of the Buku Jingga, Pakatan's political and administration Bible, did not even mention gerrymandering. Buku Jingga did not even mention Pakatan's aspiration to re-delineate the various constituencies if they had come into power. The truth is this. It is without doubt that delineation of constituencies have been made and used by the BN to somewhat favour them. The question is whether that was legal or Constitutional. Why has there been no legal challenge? But why is it such a huge issue suddenly now? Because Pakatan lost the GE13? What if Pakatan had won? Would it be an issue? Or would Pakatan be ready to live under the same delineation just because it works for them? Was Pakatan willing to hedge its position prior to GE13 by NOT making any kind of noise about gerrymandering PRIOR to GE13? I don't know. My point is this. You knew it was there all this while. You live with it. You never made an issue out of it. You contested in not one, but TWO GEs with the same system. READ MORE HERE

PKR to hold four rallies next month over electoral reforms, says Johari Abdul Posted: 28 May 2013 05:43 PM PDT (The Star) - PKR is adamant about continuing its rallies to protest the results of the May 5 general election despite last Saturday's being the last. Chief organizer and PKR supreme council member Datuk Johari Abdul told a press conference on Wednesday that four more rallies had been planned for next month. Johari listed three "electoral reform" demands, including the resignation of Election Commission members, for the Government to meet before it ceased with the rallies. "We want a new panel of members that is agreed to by Pakatan Rakyat and the civil societies," he said. Johari, who is Sungai Petani MP, said the party would seek a by-election in 30 seats where cheating is alleged to have taken place as well as the postponement of the election law amendment and the re-delineation exercise. "We will continue having these rallies every week if the Government does not heed our demands," he said. Asked why PKR had not "moved on", Johari said the party will not move forward until the matter has been fully addressed by the Government. He challenged the critics to join the rallies and "witness the multitude of people who are also demanding the same thing".

Semua Exco PKR dan Speaker Selangor adalah wanita Posted: 28 May 2013 05:38 PM PDT (Hannah Yeoh....bakal Speaker DUN Selangor menurut Dr Halimah Ali) (Harakah Daily) - Ketiga-tiga Exco Selangor dari PKR adalah wanita manakala Speaker Dun Selangor yang baru juga seorang wanita. Menurut bekas Exco Selangor yang juga Adun Selat Klang, Dr Halimah Ali di dalam blognya, ketiga-tiga wakil PKR yang bakal dilantik sebagai Exco ialah bekas Exco Rodziah Ismail (Batu Tiga), bekas Exco Elizabeth Wong (Bukit Lanjan) dan Dr Daroyah Alwi (Sementa). Selain beliau (Dr Halimah) yang juga dikekalkan sebagai Exco penggal ini, wakil daripada PAS terdiri daripada Sallehen Mukhyi (Sabak), Iskandar Samad (Chempaka), Dr Ahmad Yunus (Sijangkang). (Senarai Exco baru Selangor yang disiarkan Dr Halimah dalam blognya) Adun Sungai Pinang, Datuk Teng Cheng Khim pula mewakili DAP bersama Ean Yong Hian Wah (Sri Kembangan) dan Ganabathirau Veraman (Kota Alam Shah). Menurutnya, upacara mengangkat sumpah serta akujanji akan berlangsung di Istana Alam Shah Klang jam 9.00 pagi esok. Sementara itu, Adun Subang Jaya, Hannah Yeo Tseow Suan dijangka akan dilantik sebagai Yang Dipertua DUN atau Speaker. Sebelum ini, Speaker adalah Teng Chan Khim yang kini akan dilantik sebagai Exco.

Najib will prevail in Umno Posted: 28 May 2013 02:58 PM PDT Some say Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin is unlikely to challenge his boss as he appears to be sticking to his role as a loyal deputy. The Straits Times/Asia News Network    DATUK Seri Najib Tun Razak is likely to prevail in the upcoming contest for Umno's presidency because there is practically no one in the country who matches his stature and popularity at the moment, Singapore's Straits Times newspaper reported yesterday. The newspaper said that the win will strengthen his position as Prime Minister and give him the power to carry out his "national reconciliation" after the divisive May 5 general election. In an analysis of the post-GE13 scenario, the Singapore daily pointed out that possible contenders for the party's top post could be his own deputy or one of the three vice-presidents. It could even come from an unknown Umno member who mounts a symbolic challenge just to embarrass him or to underline the unhappiness of some sections over his leadership, the daily noted. "Some say Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin is unlikely to challenge his boss as he appears to be sticking to his role as a loyal deputy. "But things may change if he feels he will get sidelined during Najib's second term. Nonetheless, without the backing of (Tun) Dr Mahathir (Mohamad), Muhyiddin can expect a very tough fight which could cost him his political career. "As for Dr Mahathir, he will remain in the background, now that his son Datuk Mukhriz, the new Kedah Mentri Besar, is back on track in his political career." Despite the Barisan Nasional's poorer overall electoral results, Najib's leadership had ensured Umno succeeded in netting a significant nine more seats in Election 2013, giving the Malay party a total of 88 in the Dewan Rakyat compared to 79 in Election 2008, the paper reported. Although Dr Mahathir had said that Najib may be ousted in party polls, the 87-year-old's recent remarks to journalists in Tokyo signal that Najib's position is safe for now due to the "lack of an alternative". "Dr Mahathir's words imply that he is not inclined to do the same to Najib. Other contenders will now have to think twice before making any move against Najib in the party elections. "Najib is likely to survive the battle in Umno. The new mandate will give him the clout to execute reforms in the party to make it relevant to all Malays, especially the urban middle class. "It will also strengthen his position as the Prime Minister in dealing with national reconciliation after the divisive election." Election 2013 saw the ruling Barisan returned to power with 133 federal seats to Pakatan Rakyat's 89 seats despite losing the popular vote by scoring just 48% to Pakatan's 51%. Pakatan leaders have maintained that Election 2013 was fraught with irregularities, starting from the use of an indelible ink that was not indelible to discrepancies in the voter roll and outright cheating on polling day itself through the alleged use of phantom voters and electricity blackouts.

Four MCA reps quit JB city council Posted: 28 May 2013 02:53 PM PDT (The Star) - Four of the nine MCA representatives in the Johor Baru City Council (MBJB) have handed in their resignation letters. MBJB mayor Burhan Amin said the other five representatives were on leave and had yet to tender their resignations. "We have made rearrangements in the committee so that we can continue our work without major interruptions," he said during the MBJB full council meeting here yesterday. The four who resigned were Chang Mei Kee (Pulai Wanita deputy chairman, who also lost in the Pengkalan Rinting state seat contest), Teo Boon Keong (Pasir Gudang Youth deputy chief), Neo Kai Beng (Pulai Public Complaints Bureau head) and Ang Boon Heng (Pulai leader). The five who have yet to hand in their letters are Tan Hong Hua (Tebrau deputy chairman), Tan Lian (JB deputy chairman), Wong Kwee Eng (party member), Leow Kam Choy (Neng Yih branch Youth head) and Ang Puay Wah (JB deputy Youth chief).

Selangor EXCO crisis continues Posted: 28 May 2013 02:47 PM PDT (The Star) - The swearing-in ceremony of the new Selangor executive council is just 24 hours away but Pakatan Rakyat is nowhere near finalising the line-up, according to sources. Intense haggling was still going on, said a Pakatan official who declined to be named. He claimed that two separate name lists had been prepared and presented to Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah for his consideration. The swearing-in is scheduled before the Sultan at Istana Alam Shah tomorrow, with a rehearsal planned for today. Selangor DAP vice-chairman Datuk Teng Chang Khim confirmed that the final list of 10 exco members had not been decided and that PKR, PAS and the DAP were still in discussion. "But we will definitely be ready before the swearing-in,'' he said when contacted. Likening the selection process to that of picking a football team, Teng said the Sultan had consented to "a squad which includes first team players and substitutes". "Now we are discussing who will be in the final 10. When the players march on to the field, you will know who they are," said the former Selangor State Legislative Assembly Speaker. In the previous line-up, the DAP and PAS had three representatives each and PKR four. PKR is likely to be the party with three representatives this time but it is not known which party the DAP or PAS will get the extra exco seat. The DAP has already announced the names of two of its representatives, Teng (Sungai Pinang) and Ean Yong Hian Wah (Seri Kembangan). It is learnt that the other names nominated by the party are Lau Weng San (Kampung Tunku), Ng Suee Lim (Sekinchan), Hannah Yeoh (Subang Jaya) and V. Ganabatirao (Kota Alam Shah). Former exco members Teresa Kok did not contest a state seat and Ronnie Liu was dropped, leaving Ean Yong as the only "survivor" from the old team. Ean Yong is expected to continue in his New Village Development and Illegal Factories portfolio while Teng is slated to take over the Local Government portfolio, which was held by Liu. A PKR source said the party's nominees were Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad (Seri Setia), Shuhaimi Shafiei (Sri Muda), Haniza Talha (Taman Medan), Rodziah Ismail (Batu Tiga) and Dr Xavier Jayakumar (Sri Andalas). PAS has nominated its Selangor commissioner Dr Rani Osman and its three former exco members Iskandar Samad (Cempaka), Dr Halimah Ali (Selat Kelang) and Dr Yunus Hairi (Sijangkang) as well as Sallehen Mukhyi (Sabak). There is also talk that PKR's defeated Sabak Bernam parliamentary candidate Dr Abdul Aziz Bari could be brought in as the Speaker. "He is a law professor and is articulate and knowledgeable. He will make a great Speaker,'' a PAS official said. On another matter, a PKR insider said the party planned to appoint its secretary-general Datuk Saifuddin Nasution Ismail as the Selangor Mentri Besar's chief of staff.

Stay out, Singapore tells Malaysia after Merlion Park protests Posted: 28 May 2013 02:38 PM PDT (TMI) - Singapore has warned Malaysian lawmakers against interfering in the republic's affairs in the wake of appeals to show leniency towards its citizens who face being barred from the country for taking part in illegal protests earlier this month. Several opposition MPs had last week sent a memorandum via the Singapore High Commission here asking the republic's government to "exercise restraint and give those arrested a second chance" to 21 Malaysians arrested for violating the Lion City's laws on illegal assembly when they held two demonstrations protesting Malaysia's 13th general elections at the iconic Merlion Park on May 8 and 11. "Singapore does not interfere in the domestic matters of other countries. In turn, Singapore will not tolerate outside forces interfering in our internal affairs," Singapore's home affairs ministry and foreign affairs ministry said in a joint statement posted on the latter ministry's website. The two Singapore ministries said they were responding to the petition and reminded the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) lawmakers that some of the 21 Merlion Park protestors had "deliberately ignored repeated warnings that the protests were illegal, and that foreigners should not import the differences that they may have over issues in their countries into Singapore." "They broke Singapore laws, and have to be dealt with accordingly," the statement said. The Singapore government also reminded the Malaysian lawmakers that "their actions to involve foreign parties are attempts to seek special treatment and to further politicise what is essentially a domestic law and order issue in Singapore." Last week, a group of PR parliamentarians, including re-elected Lembah Pantai MP Nurul Izzah Anwar and the new MP for Kulai, Teo Nie Ching, had pleaded with Singapore authorities on behalf of the affected Malaysians, some who had their work permit there revoked as punishment for breaking the law. READ MORE HERE

Malaysia’s deep divides Posted: 28 May 2013 01:42 PM PDT   National elections on May 5 haven't cooled political and racial tensions, writes Asia Sentinel's John Berthelsen Any hope that May 5 national elections in Malaysia would cool the political atmosphere appears to have been misguided, leaving a country entangled in deepening racial problems and creating the risk of a real threat to the legitimacy of Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak's reign. While not calling for Najib's removal, the prime minister's most potent critic, former Premier Mahathir Mohamad, damned him with faint praise, telling Bloomberg News in an interview in Tokyo last week that the United Malays National Organization will continue to support him "because of a lack of an alternative." Najib himself appears to have gone quiet as figures close to Mahathir including his longtime ally Daim Zainuddin have gone public to say the prime minister's closest political advisors should be sacked. Instead of even attempting to woo Chinese voters, Daim said in an interview with the Chinese News, "surely the Barisan Nasional knows that the Chinese majority areas were gone. Why waste time and money? As a strategy you should concentrate on those areas where you lost by slim majorities in 2006 and strengthen the seats you won in 2008." In the same interview, Daim echoed criticisms that Najib's forces had in some cases picked the wrong candidates for the race and accused the advisors of attempting to run the election as a popularity contest for Najib instead of a parliamentary race, although in public opinion polls, Najib consistently ran far ahead of his party, which is widely viewed as corrupt, racist and tired. The Daim interview was picked up on a blog maintained by A. Kadir Jassin, editor in chief of Berita Publishing and a longtime close confidant of Mahathir. "Daim let Najib have it," an UMNO source told Asia Sentinel. "He should go if you ask me. I'd much rather have Muhyiddin. UMNO is particularly upset as we told Najib not to throw money at the Chinese as other constituencies needed the resources and the Chinese wouldn't vote us anyway. So now he has to answer for it." Read more at: http://asiancorrespondent.com/108303/malaysia-divides-election-2013-ge13/

Malaysia -- Slaying the Tiger Economy Posted: 28 May 2013 01:27 PM PDT Dr. Azeem Ibrahim, Huffington Post  The outcome of the recent election in Malaysia has been a huge disappointment to democratic economic reformers. Malaysia has been continuously running budget deficits since 1998 with government debt rising to US$164.6 billion in the third quarter of 2012, bringing Malaysia's debt-to-revenue ratio to a level similar to that of Italy's. After 55 years of one-party administration by the ruling coalition, it was considered to be high time that Malaysia had an alternative new vision. However, not only does it look like more of the same, but the greatly reduced majority for the ruling party makes it likely that any reforms will be postponed until October or November. This is when new party leadership elections will take place and Prime Minister Najib Razak will have to answer to the traditionalists in his party for its poor electoral showing. The ruling BN coalition lost the popular vote, gaining only 47%, and turned in its worst electoral result ever as it was largely abandoned by minority Chinese and rejected by voters of all races in urban areas. The result should be seen as a message from voters tired of corruption and patronage politics and also a rejection of the BN's austerity plans for balancing the budget with a new consumption tax and lower food and fuel subsidies. Malaysia has been recognized for its strong "tiger" economy, growing at 5% in 2013 and surprisingly resilient at a time of negative developments internationally. This is despite dismal export performance because of the recession and stagnation in Europe and the slow economic growth in the US. Consumer confidence is expected to continue holding up and the inflation rate is stable in spite of higher food prices and is expected to remain at between 2.3 percent and 2.8 percent until 2016. Unemployment figures are low and expected to remain around 3 percent. However, the underlying structure of the Malaysian economy is based on its relationship with its international trading partners and the domestic economy needs to be backed by the more lucrative external market. A vulnerable domestic economy must be strengthened if it is to continue to withstand the current global economic downturn and the status quo will no longer serve Malaysia well. Malaysia had hopes of economic reform with the emergence of a strong political opposition under the leadership of Anwar Ibrahim whose issues based campaign pointed to the need for ongoing reform. Institutional shortcomings that constrain the country's prospects for long term economic expansion include the prevalence of corruption and lack of transparency and a judicial system that is vulnerable to political interference. These are pressing issues that the government must address if it is to maintain competitiveness and achieve growth potential. The folly of reducing taxes has contributed to the budget deficit, and Malaysia's rate of 26 percent seems reckless when compared with Thailand's 37%, where the GDP has also been growing at a healthy rate. The present government's appetite for debt has been escalating since 2008, negating the effects of inward foreign investment. This has been justified as government spending on commercial enterprises to stimulate the economy, but too often has been seen as funding large-scale projects that reward political crony capitalists and support their companies. The strain of debt load inevitably becomes significant and falls on the wage-earning people. Read more at: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/azeem-ibrahim/malaysia-slaying-the-tige_b_3335958.html

Liberty, sedition and jailed dissidents Posted: 28 May 2013 01:20 PM PDT   The recent arrests of opposition figures over charges of sedition should be seen in the context of opposition members crossing a 'red line' set by authorities. Nile Bowie, FMT  The recent arrests of student activist Adam Adli, three other prominent opposition figures, and 18 people holding a peaceful candlelight vigil outside the Jinjang Police Detention Centre have understandably fuelled negative sentiments. Regardless of where we stand on the political spectrum, we all expect the space to voice our opinions and express dissent within a democratic framework. Personally, I do not agree with the authorities decision to arrest Adli and others, if anything, it only legitimises the accusations of Barisan Nasional's opponents. At the same time, one must attempt to view this situation through the lenses of the government. Whether we'd like to admit it or not, the authorities have been extremely soft on public gatherings, candlelight vigils, and opposition rallies held after the May 5 election. Rallies were met with no resistance; few if any security personnel were in attendance, and attendees were not infringed upon or prevented from exercising their freedom of expression. As far as I am aware, the police did not exercise force upon any rally-goer, nor did authorities block access to print or digital media that is favourable to the opposition prior to the recent arrests of Adli and others. By international standards, the response of the state has been extremely liberal. In countries such as Australia, the United States, and within the European Union, public displays of dissent are more often than not met with police batons and 'less-lethal' munitions such as rubber bullets. (Malaysia does not use the latter.) In the regional context, the crowd dispersal protocols in neighbouring countries are significantly more heavy-handed than practices in Malaysia. When Thailand faced significant political unrest in 2010 over challenges to the rule of former PM Abhisit Vejjajiva, the government authorised the use of live ammunition and ordered curfews for several days; popular areas of Bangkok looked like war-zones, the domestic economy nearly ground to a halt, and handfuls of civilian causalities were incurred. The recent arrests of opposition figures over charges of sedition should be seen in the context of opposition members crossing a 'red line' set by authorities. After successive rallies and continued momentum from those members of the opposition, calls to march to Putrajaya and overthrow the Barisan Nasional 'by force' were seen by authorities as the moment when these figures began abusing the softness granted by the authorities. Read more at: https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2013/05/29/liberty-sedition-and-jailed-dissidents/

Activist Hishammuddin Rais also charged with uttering seditious words Posted: 28 May 2013 01:14 PM PDT   (The Star) - Political activist Hishammuddin Rais has joined four others in being charged with uttering seditious words at a May 13 forum. Earlier, Hishammuddin had surrendered to the police in the court complex in Jalan Duta following a warrant of arrest issued against him. He was then taken to the Sessions Court and the charge under the Sedition Act 1948 was read out to him. He claimed trial. The judge set bail at RM5,000 in one surety, and fixed July 2 for mention. In the court earlier, PKR vice-president Tian Chua, former Umno leader Tamrin Ghafar, activists Haris Ibrahim and Safwan Anang were charged with a similar offence.

You are subscribed to email updates from Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now.	Email delivery powered by Google
Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net