Ahad, 9 September 2012

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Khalid nudges his way in

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 03:01 PM PDT

Is Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim trying to secure his own political future by positioning his party boss Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim at the forefront of Selangor politics?

Joceline Tan, The Star

THE body language between Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim and his party boss Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has grown warmer of late.

The two men have not been the best of friends over the last few years but those who attended the Mentri Besar's Hari Raya open house last month noticed that Khalid was particularly attentive and deferential towards Anwar.

Quite a number of people were surprised to see Anwar and PKR president Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail at the receiving line, playing host alongside Khalid. This was essentially Khalid's do but the Mentri Besar was sharing the limelight with Anwar. This has not always been the case because Khalid has had no qualms about showing people that he is in charge in Selangor or that he is more adept at economic matters than Anwar who is the Selangor economic advisor.

Celebrity look: Khalid and Anwar (second and third from left) sporting snazzy sunglasses as they welcome guests at the Mentri Besar's recent Hari Raya open house at the state government complex together with Dr Xavier (left), Dr Wan Azizah and assemblywoman Elizabeth Wong. Celebrity look: Khalid and Anwar (second and third from left) sporting snazzy sunglasses as they welcome guests at the Mentri Besar's recent Hari Raya open house at the state government complex together with Dr Xavier (left), Dr Wan Azizah and assemblywoman Elizabeth Wong.

They even sported identical-looking sunglasses as they stood in the bright sunshine in the compound of the state government complex. The dark glasses were quite ironic because both politicians apparently had lasik treatment so that they could improve eye contact with people. Generally, dark glasses are a big no-no for politicians because it makes them look aloof and removed from ordinary folk, but it did give the pair a certain celebrity look.

It is evident that Khalid has been trying to get on the good side of Anwar to the extent of inviting him as the VIP guest and to address the crowd at the Selangor Merdeka eve parade on Aug 30. With the general election widely expected in November, Pakatan also wanted to elevate Anwar's profile to remind voters that he is their candidate for prime minister.

But it has since become a political issue and opinion out there has been deeply polarised over whether the state should have given the Penang-born Anwar such a prominent role.

The state government scrambled to do damage control after the outcry over why Anwar, who is not Selangor-born nor a wakil Rakyat in the state, should have been up there addressing the gathering. The fact that the Selangor palace saw fit to comment only made it more awkward for the state government.

Merdeka Day has never been this political or contentious. Some attributed it to the fact that this year's celebration coincided with a blue moon, a phenomenon where there is a second full moon in a month. Strange things do happen on a full moon, what more a blue moon.

Pakatan leaders had accused the Barisan Nasional of playing politics over the Merdeka Day theme of Janji Ditepati. But they have been no less political: at the Selangor affair, Anwar had begun his speech by urging for fair and clean elections before proceeding to talk about national unity.

Mohd Zin: Concerned about the signal being sent out about the role of the palace. Mohd Zin: Concerned about the signal being sent out about the role of the palace.

Patriotic events are always about loyalty to king and country. Hence, they are rarely complete without a sovereign figure up there. The Sultan not being there is one thing but to have Anwar there alongside the Mentri Besar did not go down well with many people.

"I suppose they put him there to show that they rejected the federal government's national day celebration. They wanted to show their power in Selangor and allow people a peek at the future if Pakatan wins Putrajaya. It was their way of saying that politicians will play a bigger role than at present. But they shot themselves in the foot. Why give the Barisan a chance to attack and why antagonise the palace?" publisher Datuk A. Kadir Jasin pointed out.

Or as state Barisan coordinator Datuk Seri Mohd Zin Mohamed put it: "What kind of signal are they sending out about the role of the palace?"

Nik Aziz: Wondered if trouble-makers at demonstration were possessed by evil spirits. Nik Aziz: Wondered if trouble-makers at demonstration were possessed by evil spirits.

On top of that, the police and military excused themselves from the parade pleading logistics issues. But for days after the event, rumours were rife that the two bodies withdrew because they did not want to have to salute Anwar.

PKR assemblyman and state exco member Dr Xavier Jayakumar called a press conference a few days later to defend the State's action. He said Pakatan Rakyat was democratically elected and could invite anyone to speak at the Merdeka event. Datuk Seri Hadi Awang of PAS and DAP's Lim Kit Siang were also invited but could not attend.

Dr Xavier is perfectly right to say that the ruling coalition can invite whomever it wants but given the fallout, inviting Anwar may not have been the wisest thing to do.

Khusrin: Fingers pointed at him when things went wrong over the Merdeka parade. Khusrin: Fingers pointed at him when things went wrong over the Merdeka parade.

"This is a very formal and official occasion but I suspect that some of them think it is like another ceramah," said restaurateur Juhaidi Yean Abdullah.

Some have suggested that it was mooted largely by Khalid who looked like he was having a great time that night, especially when he called out "Merdeka!" at the stroke of midnight. It was Anwar who seemed a little unsure of himself, as though he felt out of place in the Selangor setting.

Campaign bus

Khalid definitely eclipsed his rival and Selangor PKR chief Azmin Ali that evening. The MB calls the shots on such occasions and Azmin looked like a bit player in the Merdeka tableau.

There has been endless talk that Khalid is on the way out but it looks like the man is fighting to stay on by currying favour with Anwar who will have the biggest and last say on candidates and seats.

Last month, PKR launched a campaign bus, a refurbished double-decker that is said to have cost RM500,000. Khalid paid for it out of his own pocket and it is for Anwar to use in his country-wide campaign. Both sides of the bus are screen-painted with big portraits of a smiling and handsome Anwar.

It was a big gesture on the part of Khalid who is a multi-millionaire but is famous for being tight-fisted with money.

The bus can seat 19 people, has a conference area, Wi-Fi, top quality public address system and a stage that folds out from the baggage compartment. But the best part about this bus has got to be the two high-end massage chairs for tired bodies.

All that must have catapulted Khalid into the good books of Anwar.

Khalid is evidently not as naive as he has been made out to be. For instance, he knows that the Sultan does not look kindly on street protests. Just recently, the Tuanku advised Selangoreans going on the Haj or umrah not to tarnish the country's image by holding demonstrations in the Holy Land. It was a hint of the royal figure's opinion of street protests. It is no coincidence that all those Bersih protests have not been allowed in his state.

But Pakatan is in danger of making protests the centrepiece of their governing tactic. When they won in five states, there was not a word about dirty elections but now that they are not sure of holding on to those five states, they are accusing their opponents of rigging the elections.

After more than four years in power, Pakatan is in danger of being associated with street politics rather than the new politics they had promised. The last two big street protests have damaged rather than won them fans among the Malaysian middle ground.

The recent Merdeka eve march organised by the Bersih group of people was largely peaceful but the string of unfortunate incidents – people waving an "alternative flag", the stomping and mooning of pictures of the Prime Minister – has again hurt Pakatan.

It was not a very Malaysian thing to do, and because it happened at what was basically an anti-Barisan demonstration, the incidents, rightly or wrongly, became associated with Pakatan.

Utusan Malaysia frontpaged the photographs of every single culprit from the group, from the duo happily waving the "alternative flag" to the boy with the now most famous butt in the country.

Pakatan politicians were quick to point the finger at Barisan saboteurs but the political alignments all seem to point to Pakatan parties.

The person behind the "alternative flag" turned out to be none other than Najwan Halimi, the deputy information chief of PKR's Youth wing. Najwan, 26, works as an aide to Anwar and was a defence witness in Anwar's sodomy trial. He admitted to having designed the flag in 2007.

The female stomper, a glamorous model, turned up at the police station in Johor Baru accompanied by DAP MP for Bakri Er Teck Hwa.

Pakatan leaders have since distanced themselves from the acts but only Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat came down hard on the culprits, saying that Malays and Muslim should not do such shameful acts.

"Maybe those involved were possessed by evil spirits. Why should we change the flag, it has been accepted by the world. I really regret that this happened," said the Kelantan Mentri Besar.

The incidents had eclipsed the larger purpose of the demonstration. It was similar to what happened at the Republican convention in the United States – there were many interesting speeches but at the end of it, the most talked about part was the rambling and incoherent debut by Hollywood actor Clint Eastwood.

Some Malay nationalists have wondered why Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak does not react to such provocation.

There is a very simple answer to that. Najib knows that he has secured the Malay ground and that the traditional supporters have returned to Barisan. His focus is now on the middle ground, a group of people who are not aligned to either side and who will vote according to issues, candidates and situations. Incidents like these will impact this group most of all. Najib is adopting a very shrewd approach to win the middle ground.

Khalid has been anxious to sort out the fiasco over his state's Merdeka do. Fingers had been pointed at state secretary Datuk Mohd Khusrin Munawi when things went wrong but Khalid has cleared the top civil servant's name.

He also claimed that Anwar attended the event not as the "guest of honour" but as a "guest speaker". Some thought it rather unbecoming to downsize a VIP guest in this manner and that Khalid should have stood his ground.

Khalid has secured his place in his party's list of election candidates. But his coalition is still struggling to secure its hold over Selangor and his jazzed-up campaign bus may find that the GPS may not have the roadmap to Putrajaya.

 

Political politeness

Posted: 06 Sep 2012 03:31 PM PDT

Culture and courtesy are under attack by youthful ignorance

IGNORANCE is far too often the cause of much unnecessary grief among young people and their hapless parents. The barely adult, rebels without causes and spoiling for one in a peaceful and prosperous country like Malaysia, are easy targets for less-than-responsible politicians.

That some supporters of the so-called "Janji Demokrasi" gathering on the eve  of Merdeka Day were reported to the police for public displays of offensive behaviour that could lead to a public disturbance suggests that many have no real sense of the importance of constructs intended as embodiments of national sovereignty and identity -- an insult to which is punishable by law.

National emblems fall within this category, and all nations go to great lengths to cherish and protect them.The National Emblems (Control of Display) Act 1949 defines a national emblem as "any flag, banner or other emblem... of any state... or any likeness or resemblance however reproduced of any national leader or former national leader of any state or the leader or former leader of... political organisation(s)". What the act does is to regulate and safeguard the public use of these emblems. Though the punishment of offenders is not severe, its writ is large and includes the power of arrest without warrant. A reasonable cause to believe that an offence under the act is being committed can be considered evidence enough.

Unfortunately, how many of our compatriots know this? To many, a flag is more decoration than symbol of national dignity. This is borne out by the many faded and tattered Jalur Gemilang left to litter public spaces. But this casualness is different from the dishonour of replacing or equating the national pennant with something else. The insult alleged to have happened at the same gathering to pictures of the prime minister and his wife is also demonstrative of the infantile nature of political discourse in the country. After all, we do not wish any of us to be so profaned, so why would we wish it on our leaders?

Since the 2008 general election, Malaysians have been treated to astonishing spectacles of incivility. Politicians have been happily photographed stepping on the posters of their foes. Such immaturity cannot be a good thing given that politics consists of the serious business of deciding what is best for the greater good. Every voter must participate and party manifestos, speeches and door-to-door campaigning are the given methods of persuasion. Why then this recent rush to offensive and sometimes violent expressions of protest? Why this sudden descent to barbarism? This is not how Malaysians should conduct their politics and exercise their democratic rights.


Tanda Putera director lashes out at critics

Posted: 05 Sep 2012 02:06 PM PDT

Shuhaimi Baba speaks to FMT in a brief e-mail interview about her upcoming controversial film that will depict the May 13 bloody race riots. 

Teoh El Sen, FMT

Filmmaker Shuhaimi Baba has declared that she is open to a debate to discuss her latest controversial movie "Tanda Putera", provided that such talks be held after the movie is screened.

The award-winning director, whose movie retells the story of Malaysia's second prime minister, the late Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, and deputy prime minister, the late Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman, amid the bloody May 13, 1969 race riots, said in an e-mail to FMT that she would not mind sharing views as long as it was done in a "mature" manner.

The director, who has received open scorn from critics lately, has also called on all Malaysians to just "cool it", stressing that she and her crew have put in a lot of love into their work and are not about "peddling hatred and propaganda".

Even before it has hit the silver screen, Shuhaimi's movie, which is now re-scheduled to be screened on Nov 15, has been criticised for allegedly providing only a one-sided view of history.

Shuhaimi had denied accusations that the movie promoted a pro-Malay agenda. She also had to douse accusations that it featured a character based on DAP leader Lim Kit Siang in a negative light.

Another controversial aspect of the movie was that the RM4.8 million cost was fully funded by the National Film Development Corporation (Finas) and the Multimedia Development Corporation (Mdec), with questions raised over whether a movie that did not gel with the "official version" would receive such support.

The film, according to critics, demonises early leftist movements, with its trailer allegedly showing scenes of Chinese groups marching through the streets of Kuala Lumpur city after the success of the opposition parties in municipal elections carrying the Labour Party flag and other banners bearing anti-Malay slogans.

However, despite all the "unexpected and upsetting" response she has received, Shuhaimi maintained that she has done her legwork.

"I looked as far back as confrontation to understand the deep psychological resentments at that time until May13. But the catalysts were – the 'hooliganism' – the choice of words and insults thrown at the Malays, the over-the-top celebration by the opposition parties.

"The movie is not about judging and blaming any side in particular. Touchy as it may be, we needed to drive home the point of the trauma of May 13 (that we should not let it happen again) and how Tun Razak and Tun Ismail succeeded in making the country overcome the trauma and forget May 13. The movie sets out to do that as we share the journey taken by the two heroes," she said.

Tanda Putera – rated PG13 – stars Rusdi Ramli (Tun Abdul Razak), Faezah Elai (Toh Puan Rahah), Zizan Nin (Tun Dr Ismail) and Linda Hashim (Toh Puan Norashikin). The film, a joint production by Pesona Pictures together with Finas and Mdec, tells the story about the friendship of the two national leaders and their struggles in healing the nation after the riots.

Below are excerpts from the e-mail communiqué:

FMT: Firstly, the meaning behind the title "Tanda Putera", if you could elaborate more on the choice of words?

Shuhaimi: Tanda Putera means "Mark of a Leader". This is the closest my team of writers and I could draw from our original title "Incurable Hero". It was written for a documentary drama in English. However, after several friends read the documentary script , they convinced us to do justice by writing it as a screenplay and a feature-length movie. The thought was scary at first, the amount of research, detailing and design work and most of all the budget needed gave me sleepless nights. But then after going through several material, I thought: 'Yes, why not? The two heroes deserve this tribute'.

Could you share with us your feelings so far, are you perturbed by the controversy the movie had courted?

Controversy, well, I think it comes with the territory. You know, it's only the movies after all! Expect anything in film-making – there are always issues to deal with. There was my first horror film 'Pontianak Harum Sundal Malam' – after 30 years of horror films being banned. But I went ahead and it opened doors for the industry. There's also the first feature-length movie on local folk lore 'waris jari hantu', the tigerman and the boy-girl character (hermaphrodite). They were contentious and controversial – only because the ideas were fresh and unexplored . But the 'restless' and 'opinionated' [ones] settled down anyway and cinema goers accepted the film.

So yes, I didn't expect the May13 scenes to go through without the usual noise. But I didn't expect the attention from people who don't watch local movies. They have no idea what movie-going culture is about and rant over the movie trailer! Aiyooo… what to say. Attention from politicians are much worse, I can say that much. Their reasoning is simply: 'See it my way or no way'.

I have a team of young people managing the Facebook for the movie and it turned into a 'battleground'! I had to keep reminding the admin team to keep their cool and it was tough for them to manage the racial slurs and hate-mongers. But you know, like other times, I told them these are people who need to get things off their chest and they will tire. I briefed them on the background of the country's history especially from Konfrontasi onwards so that they are confident and they know what they are up against.

Other than the threats, obscene language, racial slurs and hatred – I think although it was very unexpected and upsetting – we managed to calm everyone down reminding them this is nothing, we must deal with it as cool as possible.

Why was this movie being done? What prompted you to take up the challenge of such a touchy topic?

Difficult question. But I will try to answer. Malaysia was the only country in a unique dangerous situation – where the prime minister and deputy PM were facing critical illness at the same time – in a critical fragile situation. Their brave sacrifices needed to be told. It captured my imagination – I believe it would 'capture' others too. It's only touchy if you don't respect someone else's views and creative expression.

When I first read Dr Kua (Kia Soong's) book, I thought what came out first and shining through was his prejudices against Malays and his resentment against the office of the prime minister then. His accusations – alluding to who was responsible for May 13- that is, Tun Razak, was not only atrocious but irresponsible. But then he knows that, I am sure, since he's more intelligent than most men, and he does it for effect and propaganda and to rile up Chinese sentiments. It was too easy for him. As a writer, he preferred to be biased and did not shed any light on the riots but even considered the communists had nothing to do with it.

READ MORE HERE

 

Tussle over Johor Chinese-majority seats

Posted: 04 Sep 2012 03:58 PM PDT

PKR claims its multiracial branding gives it a better chance in 'mixed seats' which are in effect Chinese-majority constituencies which DAP has been serving.

Leven Woon, FMT

PKR and DAP in Johor are yet to resolve their differences in at least three Chinese-majority seats in Johor.

Both parties believe that they each have an upperhand in these constituencies.

The Pakatan Rakyat coalition of PKR, DAP and PAS is aiming to break into the Umno bastion state in the upcoming general election.

The tussle involves the Gelang Patah parliamentary seat, and the Tangkak and Johor Jaya state constituencies. Both PKR and DAP are still in negotiations, said Johor PKR election bureau chief Michael Chong.

It is understood that the Bakri parliamentary seat is also in the list, as the Johor PKR chairman Chua Jui Meng seeks a comeback in his former stronghold, despite the seat being controlled by DAP now.

Interestingly, in all the seats mentioned, the Chinese form the majority of voters – 54% – except for Johor Jaya where the community is at 49%.

The opposition, it seems, is banking on the anti-establishment sentiments of the Chinese community.

Chong admitted that the seats are much sought after because they are "winnable seats".

He, however, declined to categorise the seats as "Chinese-majority seats", saying that a Chinese seat should come with at least 70% of Chinese voters.

"There is an unwritten rule that PKR would not get [take] a Chinese seat from DAP because they have been contesting there from the start.

"But we felt the seats we are demanding now are mixed seats, and our track records show PKR did slightly better in obtaining Malay votes in mixed areas," he told FMT in a phone conversation yesterday.

DAP a better bet

Chong said it is important to have the support from all races to win in those seats.

"It's better for PKR to field a Chinese or Indian leader," he said.

Chong also denied requesting the Bakri seat from DAP, saying that there is a consensus in Pakatan not to do so in the winning seats.

DAP's Er Teck Hwa won the sole parliamentary seat for Pakatan in the 2008 election, after MCA decided not to field Chua, the then incumbent, as candidate.

Meanwhile, Johor DAP chairman Boo Cheng Hau said the party could do better in those seats because it is more popular and has a better service records.

"Certain parties are better known in certain areas," he told FMT.

Likewise, he also denied pursuing the seats for Chinese votes, saying that Pakatan engaged a non-racial approach in seat distribution.

He said the results from the past election are also "favouring the Rocket" (DAP party symbol).

"Last time there was a three-cornered fight between PKR, DAP and BN in a constituency, and the PKR candidate ended up losing his deposit.

"Over the years, they have never worked in the area," he said, implying the Johor Jaya seat where DAP's candidate garnered 3,726 votes in the 2004 election, to PKR's 1,714 votes.

Boo said DAP is using scientific findings and evidence to prove its case.

READ MORE HERE

 

Yap, Wee on a collision course

Posted: 04 Sep 2012 02:52 PM PDT

Dong Zong's threat to demonstrate outside the Parliament on Sept 26 may have little to do with the Chinese education cause and everything to do with the personal agenda of its president Yap Sin Tian.

They admit that Yap is committed to Chinese education but his combative nature, his inability to work with others and his overwhelming ambition has made him too controversial for the good of the Chinese education cause.

Joceline Tan, The Star

ONE of the most controversial figures to ever lead Dong Zong, Yap Sin Tian, is on a collision course with Deputy Education Minister Datuk Dr Wee Ka Siong.

Yap, known for his contentious nature, is taking his disagreements with Dr Wee to Parliament, so to speak.

He is organising a rally in front of the Parliament on Sept 26 to demand the resignation of Dr Wee on the grounds that the deputy minister has failed to settle Chinese education issues.

He is also hoping that the Parliament protest will be a repeat of the huge rally in Kajang earlier this year to protest the shortage of Chinese teachers. Yap had used the occasion to humiliate Dr Wee who attended the event.

But Chinese education activists are wary about Yap's motives this time around. It is quite clear by now that Yap's issues with Dr Wee have more to do with his personal ambitions than the cause of Chinese education.

Everyone knows that Yap, who is desperate for another term as Dong Zong president, may not be able to do so because of a technical clause and he is blaming Dr Wee for that.

Moreover, they think that Yap has gone overboard in demanding Dr Wee's resignation.

"Some people agree with Yap but others say that it is unreasonable to ask Dr wee to resign. They think that Dr Wee is sincere about the Chinese education cause and he is trying his level best," said Tang Ah Chai, CEO of the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall.

The Chinese educationists are also unhappy that Yap has equated his Dong Zong position with the future of Chinese education.

He is said to have portrayed his problems with Dr Wee as a "life and death struggle" for Chinese schools in Malaysia.

"That is too much for us to swallow. Chinese schools will go on with or without him," said a retired headmaster.

Dong Zong, the national body for the boards of governors of Chinese schools and its sister organisation Jiao Zong, which represents the Chinese school teachers, used to be a very powerful force under the umbrella body of Dong Jiao Zong.

But Dong Zong's image has suffered under Yap, whom Chinese NGOs view as a polarising figure and difficult to work with.

Yap's reputation languished after his very public and acrimonious feud with the academic staff at the New Era College (NEC), the flagship college run by Dong Zong, which resulted in the ousting of the NEC principal Dr Kua Kia Soong.

The dispute caused divisions in the Chinese school movement and has yet to heal. But Yap's biggest humiliation was when a student marched up to him during the NEC graduation ceremony and gave him a bloody nose in front of a packed hall three years ago.

Earlier this year, there was a lot of adverse publicity about the string of degrees and PhDs that he claimed to have. He did not respond and the matter died down.

However, the Chinese language papers, which give him a lot of coverage, have stopped referring to him as "Dr Yap" and that says a lot.

Yap was eyeing a fourth term as Dong Zong president and that was how his problem with the Education Ministry started.

Anyone vying for a seat in the Dong Zong leadership must be on the board of a Chinese school.

Each school board has to comprise three members each from the five main bodies associated with the school, namely, the parent-teacher body (PIBG), alumni, trustees, sponsors and the government.

The list of board members has to be approved by the state education department.

Yap used to be the board chairman of SJKC Jinjang Utara but he quarrelled with the PIBG and the school alumni over almost everything from the running of the school canteen to what to do after the school was hit by flash floods.

Things grew so dire that the PIBG and alumni refused to have anything to do with him and, earlier this year, they formed their own 15-member board of directors.

Yap then came up with a rival list of board members but could not fill the remaining six slots with PIBG and alumni members who had boycotted him.

Both lists were submitted to the state education department, which accepted the full list instead of Yap's incomplete list.

Yap was furious and placed the blame on Dr Wee.

He evidently felt that Dr Wee should have made an exception for him.

Unless Yap is able to parachute into another school board elsewhere, he will be out in the cold when his term as Dong Zong president expires next year.

Many think that this is basically what the rally on Sept 26 is all about – it is Yap's personal vendetta against Dr Wee.

They are concerned that Yap is exploiting the Chinese education cause in such a brazen manner.

They think that it is wrong but seem powerless to stop him.

"This is a tragedy for the Chinese education cause. He said he is doing this to save Chinese education but it is actually to save himself.

"He is using us to bring down Wee Ka Siong and it is not right. I don't think he is fit to be president," said the retired headmaster.

Even Jiao Zong has refused to have much to do with him.

For instance, although Jiao Zong sent representatives to the March rally in Kajang, they refused to co-organise it with Dong Zong.

Yap is not without his support in the movement and the Chinese politicians in DAP and PKR are standing behind him.

But some Chinese activists are reluctant about being dragged into what they regard as Yap's personal agenda.

They admit that Yap is committed to Chinese education but his combative nature, his inability to work with others and his overwhelming ambition has made him too controversial for the good of the Chinese education cause.

 

Next GE could be Anwar's last one

Posted: 03 Sep 2012 03:44 PM PDT

Although such a role is widely acknowledged, a disastrous election outcome may spark a rethink among his coalition partners, some of whom may decide to go their separate ways. If that happens, Anwar may indeed have to pack up and retire a disappointed man.

The Straits Times (Singapore)

Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim has floated the idea of retiring from politics if the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) coalition which he leads fails to take over Putrajaya, the seat of the federal government, in the general election due in the next few months.

He first spoke about his retirement plans in a July interview with the Financial Times and repeated it at another occasion on August 18, to the consternation of his supporters and critics.

"If we don't get the mandate, then we should give space for the second-liners in leadership," he said during an online forum broadcast on YouTube.

As a dominant figure in Malaysian politics, his absence from the scene would be felt and would certainly trigger some realignment in the opposition ranks.

Political observers may dismiss his remarks as just another of his posturing in the lead-up to the election to gain voter sympathy. But his talk of retirement may have been dictated by the political reality that he is confronted with.

First, the former deputy prime minister is running out of time. At 65, he is not as agile a politician as he was before he was sacked by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad in 1998 and later imprisoned for corruption and sodomy.

He was released from jail in 2004 after the sodomy conviction was overturned, and returned to Parliament quickly. The coming general election will be his last shot at the premiership if he can lead his coalition to topple the Barisan Nasional, which has ruled for more than half a century. By the time the 14th general election is held in 2017, he will be 70, and likely too old to lead the coalition.

Second, over the next few years, the opposition leader will be preoccupied with defending himself in court against a lawsuit.

The prosecution has filed an appeal against his acquittal on a second sodomy charge by the High Court in January.

After the third rally for electoral reforms by Bersih in April, he was detained and charged in May with inciting an illegal street protest.

If he is convicted in both cases, he will be behind bars for many years. Even if he is acquitted of all the charges, Anwar would have been busy attending court hearings that would leave him with very little time for party work. It would also sap his energy and would render him less effective as a political leader.

Third, his popularity ratings have declined compared to his arch rival, Prime Minister Najib Razak. Anwar is a popular leader with charisma, but many surveys have shown that voters are not as keen on him being prime minister. For example, in a survey by the University of Malaya in January, some 27 per cent of Malaysians see Najib as the more capable leader in managing the country's economy compared to Anwar, who scored 21 per cent. Part of the reason for this is his chequered record when he was an Umno superstar and deputy prime minister until he was sacked.

Fourth, his credibility as a leader has suffered in recent years. One glaring incident was his promise that he would march to Putrajaya to claim his place on Sept 16, 2008, when enough Barisan Nasional MPs would have crossed the floor to give his coalition a simple majority in Parliament. The much-promised switch never took place, to the embarrassment of him and his PR colleagues.

Another example was his failure to announce the opposition's shadow Cabinet line-up as he had promised in 2009.

Finally, his critics have questioned his leadership of the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and PR.

The sodomy charges against him and the alleged sex video purported to involve him have sullied his reputation as a leader, even though the courts have cleared him and no conclusive evidence has been found to prove his involvement in the scandal.

The Economist, in an assessment of him, said in its Jan 14 issue: "Although Mr Anwar remains a charismatic figure and a forceful speaker, his reputation has been tarnished. That won't matter to his acolytes, but at 64, he also seems a distant and untrustworthy figure to many younger Malaysians."

Another observation is that he has not allowed a second generation of leaders to develop within PR, hence preventing the emergence of younger opposition figures who could challenge him in the future.

Given the reality that he is facing, Anwar may choose to step aside after the election if PR fails to unseat the Barisan Nasional. But his critics think otherwise, given the man's resilience and commitment to politics.

He may want to stay on, thinking he is still needed because of his role as the glue that unites the disparate forces of the coalition and as the politician who brought together the secular Democratic Action Party and the Islamist Parti Islam SeMalaysia into one entity.

Although such a role is widely acknowledged, a disastrous election outcome may spark a rethink among his coalition partners, some of whom may decide to go their separate ways. If that happens, Anwar may indeed have to pack up and retire a disappointed man.

 

Analysts: have election soon, or Pakatan will strike

Posted: 03 Sep 2012 03:13 PM PDT

anwar_vs_najib3

He also pointed out that urban voters have remained receptive towards Pakatan which, he claims, have also made inroads in rural areas in the Peninsular mainly through PAS. "In the urban areas there is a strong feeling of change. It's the rural areas that will decide the outcome. You'll see in rural areas now Umno and PAS are almost running back to back. There is no clear middle in the rural areas now so this is why I say it's 50-50." 

Syed Zahar, Malaysian Digest

Speculation that the 13th General Election will be held in November may have some ring of truth to it after all.

With a renewed buzz over a possible November polls following Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak's strongest hint yet on it on Sunday, political analysts believe Barisan Nasional (BN) would be better off if it was to hold the pivotal election in November or even earlier.

Political analyst Tan Sri Ramon Navaratnam opines that, for BN's sake, "it is better earlier than later."

When asked on whether the election is going to be held in November, he said, "Very likely."

"To wait beyond that (November) they may face seasonal problems – the monsoon season – and this is not good for voting and they'll have a lower voter turnout.

"From the government's point of view, it may be the right time to hold the election soon after the Budget (expected to be tabled later this month). And considering the school holidays, it (election) might be in November or even earlier," said Ramon. When contacted by Malaysian Digest yesterday.

Ramon, who is also a prominent economist, said economic conditions would be a big factor on the election date.

"The international economy has not been growing and may slide further. The outlook of the Malaysian economy is still not bright and it may get worse in the second half of the year and following year," he said.

By delaying the election, the parties and its candidates would risk getting a lower voter turnout as people could get put off and end up not voting, said Ramon.

"People are getting tired of waiting (for election to be called) and are getting impatient, therefore they may lose interest. This could affect the voter turnout as there could be more people who will be reluctant to cast their votes because they are fed up," he added.

Monash University's political analyst Prof James Chin also believes that, despite speculations of the slowing down of Malaysia's economy at year-end, BN would still be in a more advantageous position if it was to hold the election in November.

"November is a good time for Najib and most analysts say 2013 will be a difficult year for the international economy. It is very likely that the European financial crisis will hit Asia in 2013.

"Another reason for an election perhaps even earlier than November is that BN parties are suffering from election fatigue. Most of the Umno machinery has been quite ready since last year and it's very expensive to keep the machinery going," Prof Chin told Malaysian Digest yesterday.

Dodging Pakatan's Next Assault

Prof Chin also believes that by holding the election before 2013, BN would avoid the political assault which, he claims, is being planned by Pakatan for the early part of next year.

"The major reason Najib would have an advantage (in having November polls) is because the opposition is planning to bring up new scandals come New Year. So the sooner he holds the election the better (it is for BN)," said Prof Chin.
 
He said Pakatan's main ammunition would be the Scorpene hearing in France which is expected to be held at the end of this year.

"The main thing for the opposition is the French court. Right now the judge is compiling the initial draft report for the Scorpene scandal and will go to hearing. In the French system the investigative judge will have to face another judge who would confirm the findings. Something will happen by the end of this year," he added.

Is BN Ready for November Polls?
 
Asked if BN is ready to face Pakatan – which appear to have grown more formidable since the last election – in November, Prof Chin said, "Right now it's 50-50."

However, he said BN has a bit of an upper hand due to Najib's strong branding though this may not last as Malaysians, he said, "tend to be ungrateful."
 
"BN has a slight advantage now because the 'Najib brand' is very strong. But the problem with any brands and products is the longer it's been in the market the less attractive it becomes.

"The best way to look at it is like a launch of a new Proton car. The first year after it's launched everyone becomes excited about the Preve. Today you ask people (about the car) they will not remember already.

"You can have brand new products like the Kedai Rakyat 1Malaysia and others, but it will only work for a very short time. Another thing to remember is that the Malaysian public is very ungrateful. They get something from you today and they'll only remember it for a very short time until the next festive celebration. It's always like this.

Meanwhile, Ramon feels that BN is ready to take on Pakatan in November.

"BN have been ready for some time because they've been campaigning in one way or another. If they are not ready by now they don't deserve to win.

"Overall, BN seems to have an edge and it's particularly because of the PM's popularity," said Ramon.
 

Hard to Predict

Ramon, asked on his prediction on the outcome of the next election, said it was difficult to do so as "there's too many slips between the cup and the lips."

He said a late election would only make both sides of the political divide more susceptible to making more mistakes.
 
"At any time, anyone can make a blunder somewhere and say the wrong thing."

"Both sides of the political divide may suffer from the possibility of putting their foot in their mouths as they make mistakes along the way and they are more likely to trip."

"For all these reasons, it is better to get it over with and only then can we get back together and move forward."

Meanwhile, Prof Chin said it's hard to come up with an accurate prediction as he believes GE13 is going to be a close call.
 
"You can't really predict (the outcome) because both sides seem to have detailed plans for their campaigns. All we know is the campaign is going to be a very short one as the Election Commission won't allow a long campaign period so the election momentum is going to be very different this time."

He also pointed out that urban voters have remained receptive towards Pakatan which, he claims, have also made inroads in rural areas in the Peninsular mainly through PAS. 

"In the urban areas there is a strong feeling of change. It's the rural areas that will decide the outcome. You'll see in rural areas now Umno and PAS are almost running back to back. There is no clear middle in the rural areas now so this is why I say it's 50-50."

"People always misjudge government programs for government support. By now we all know that when a minister comes and there's free makan and other free stuff a lot people would come but it doesn't mean support at all. People in rural areas are savvier now," he added.

 

BN is losing the battle

Posted: 03 Sep 2012 01:51 PM PDT

Anwar Ibrahim has probably grown immune to the system to the point that the system is crashing under his weight.

Amir Ali, FMT

The tactic of targeting Anwar Ibrahim – using ruffians to throw stones and bottles at pro-Pakatan Rakyat supporters – is a definite sign of reckless behaviour by the ruling coalition.

This, coupled with the holding of ceramah next to the Pakatan rallies, is an indication of the bankruptcy of Barisan National.

The events at Pantai Dalam some months ago where Umno thugs disturbed, under the nose of the authorities, the rally organised by PKR is not only shameful but also further tarnished the image of BN and its leaders.

After Perkasa, which attacked the opposition in its ceramah and rallies, it is now Umi Hafilda Ali and Tibai (Tolak Individu Bernama Anwar Ibrahim) doing the same shameful acts.

The disturbance created by the hooligans wearing the "Patriot" T-shirt – who did not garner support during Bersih 2.0 – is something of grave concern. It shows that BN is growing desperate.

Former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad's constant accusation that Pakatan will turn violent if it loses the next general election is another indication of the panicky state of affairs in BN.

Despite the supposed success of Umno's 66th anniversary rally in August, BN is facing bad times. Its problem is that Pakatan is winning the battle.

BN has been waging a psychological war against Pakatan and Anwar since the latter won the Permatang Pauh by-election.

BN and Umno are doing everything to divide Pakatan, from the secret talks with PAS to the poaching of opposition members. But they did not make any headway.

Since 2008 in the aftermath of the worst electoral debacle for BN, we have seen numerous examples of the psychological warfare waged by the BN machinery.

These include the Perak takeover, the Sodomy II affair, the Bersih 2.0 and 3.0 rallies, the Apco issue and many others.

Anwar more upbeat

There have been many accusations against Anwar but no one from the BN side dared sue the opposition leader. On the contrary, Anwar has sued most of his accusers albeit the courts rejected the cases, at times on flimsy grounds.

BN thought the "court defeats" would destroy Anwar's political career, but they had the opposite effect: Anwar is more upbeat now.

The Perak takeover will come back to haunt the BN come the 13th general election. It will be seen as a mistake, which was proven when the former menteri besar Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin won a by-election by a large margin.

Following his victory, the state has not really recovered from the shock of the overthrowing of the Pakatan-led government. The BN is saying it has the edge in Perak but on the ground it says otherwise.

The fact that it took the courts years to deal with the Sodomy II case is an indication that the Pakatan de facto leader is a tough nut to crack. The Sodomy II case is a landmark defeat for those who plotted the case against him.

The case came to light before the massive "Arab Spring" in the Middle East and, at first, it looked as if the opposition leader was doomed to a jail term. But the turn of events – not that these were the reasons why Anwar was proclaimed innocent – in the Middle East with the fall of several Arab regimes, made it virtually impossible to put the leader behind bars.

From the beginning of the Sodomy II trial, it was evident to many observers in the country that Anwar was not guilty. The appearance of medical reports denying there was sodomy was sufficient for the public to come to that conclusion.

BN is today in a state of shock following the Bersih rally which created waves while the Bukit Jalil gathering was an obvious "flop". The repeated delays in the announcement of the 13th general election date is not playing into the hands of BN as well.

The hesitation is leaving fissures in the ruling coalition and this is being shown by the violence organised by thugs at Pakatan rallies.

READ MORE HERE

 

‘Pakatan ready for polls… but will it be fair?’

Posted: 02 Sep 2012 05:00 PM PDT

Pakatan is confident of taking over Putrajaya if polls are held in November, but expresses doubt that the short notice is enough to clean up the 'dirty election roll'.

Anisah Shukry, FMT

Pakatan Rakyat is ready for a possible November general election, opposition leaders said today, but added that they were not prepared to face a "dirty election roll" which could hamper their win.

Yesterday, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak had emphasised heavily on his favourite number 11 in a speech in Sandakan – an indication that he may call for a general election as early as November, The Star reported.

"Six times 11 equals 66, five times 11 equals 55 and 2 times 11 equals 22. The 11 factor appears in all, it is unique and good," Najib was quoted as saying, in reference to Umno's age, Malaysia's 55th National Day and Sabah Umno's age.

PAS vice-president Mahfuz Omar said that Pakatan had been long prepared to take on Barisan Nasional in the general election, but it was unlikely that the Election Commission (EC) would be able to clean the electoral roll by November.

"We have been prepared since the beginning. The only thing we are not prepared for is the dirty electoral roll. We are not ready for that," he told FMT when asked to comment on the November polls speculation.

"We just want clean and fair management of the elections. Is the EC ready? There are many issues they must handle such as phantom voters, immigrants given citizenship, etc, " he said.

He was referring to the influx of immigrants in Sabah who are said to be given blue identity MyKad in return for a vote for the ruling government.

Although the government had recently announced it would set up a Royal Commission of Inquiry to look into the issue, it has yet to officially appoint the commissioners.

"Is the EC capable of solving all this by November?" Mahfuz said, his voice tinged with scepticism.

FMT has attempted to contact the EC for comments, but was unable to obtain a response.

Meanwhile, PKR vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar also confirmed that Pakatan was prepared to take on BN at whatever time, including November, as they were forced to rely on the prime minister to decide on the dates.

"As the opposition in Malaysia, subservient to PM [with regard to] general election dates, we have little choice except to be very ready," the Lembah Pantai MP said in an e-mail to FMT.

Najib has consistently delayed calls for an election that must be held before BN's mandate expires in April next year. The November polls "hint" is merely one among many that have been spotted by political analysts and various sources throughout this year.

"We've been taking the multiple hints seriously to date. Looking to the escalation of violence and the prime minister's penchant for using malicious allegations this Merdeka, it seems that a November election might be a real possibility," Nurul said.

She was referring to Najib's accusation that Pakatan was masterminding a plan to change the national flag after several individuals were spotted waving flags with altered designs during last Thursday's Independence Day countdown in Dataran Merdeka.

But despite Najib's finger-pointing, Nurul said she was very confident in the wisdom of the rakyat "predicated upon free and fair elections, devoid of political violence and scare-mongering tactics".

Pakatan's shadow cabinet

When asked whether Pakatan would be revealing its shadow cabinet soon in response to the speculation of looming polls, Nurul was coy.

"We will make sure the work of our shadow committees is presented to the public," she said.

"Lest we forget, Pakatan's commitment is towards a lean cabinet – and our prime minister will not simultaneously hold other portfolios – such as finance and women's ministry – which have hit a snag in recent times," she said, in an apparent jab towards Najib.

Najib, aside from being the prime minister as well as the finance minister, had taken over the position of Women, Family and Community Minister in April this year after its former minister Shahrizat Jalil had stepped down following the National Feedlot Corporation scandal.

Nurul also said that the public can be prepared for a host of other policy pronouncements from Pakatan prior to the election, adding that Pakatan was currently working towards a joint manifesto.

READ MORE HERE

 

Umno fears a revived Usno?

Posted: 02 Sep 2012 04:37 PM PDT

The only reason Kuala Lumpur is hesitant to approve the registration of a new Usno is because it will mean the death of Umno in Sabah, claims its pro tem leader.

Joseph Bingkasan, FMT

KOTA KINABALU: Is the acronym Usno and its equally colourful founder Datu Mustapha Datu Harun so powerfully etched in the minds of Sabahans that Umno fears its resurrection before the 13th general election?

Is this "fear" the reason why the Umno-led federal government has kept former members of United Sabah National Organisation (Usno) waiting in the wings for approval of their party?

Two years on, ex-members of Usno are fuming over the choke-hold grip the federal government and Umno have on Sabah and its future.

The once all-powerful and controversial Sabah party is – naively, perhaps – relying on the goodwill of Umno, which it helped set root in Sabah in 1991 by dissolving its own moribund party and joining en masse the Peninsular Malaysia-based party.

That goodwill has not been reciprocated, but that has not prevented the "pro tem committee" of the new Usno from anxiously waiting in the wings.

The party's stop-gap vice-president until it can be registered, Abdullah Sani Abdul Salleh, sees no reason for the delay in registering his party apart from Umno fearing for its own survival.

He said the party wants to field candidates in the 13th general election but is having difficulty getting the consent of the federal-controlled Registrar of Societies (ROS).

Abdullah Sani senses that this reluctance to approve Usno's revival stems from Umno's growing insecurity in the state which the Barisan Nasional coalition government of Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak calls its "fixed deposit".

The new Usno, if approved, is a far cry from the old.

The Usno established by Mustapha in Kampong Ayer, Kudat, on Oct 26, 1961 and dissolved in 1991 to allow all its leaders and members to join Umno en bloc is of a different era.

Usno-STAR pact

In the years after Usno's dissolution even Mustapha and his old party colleagues regretted leaving it by the wayside for Umno, which they had always considered a party bearing no association whatsoever to Sabah.

Now a group of born-again Usno supporters headed by his younger brother, Abdul Salam Datu Harun, believe the time is right for the return of the political party.

The first step was to register the new Usno as an NGO and when that failed, sent in an application to register it as a political party with Mustapha's fourth son Datu Badaruddin as pro tem head on Oct 26, 2010.

In the party's Merdeka Day message, the new Usno indicated that it is moving ahead with plans to contest the coming general election in Muslim-majority constituencies in Sabah.

Usno has already joined hands with Jeffrey Kitingan's Sabah State Reform Party (STAR) with Badaruddin and Jeffrey signing an election pact termed "Semporna Declaration" in February .

"Umno fears the combined political strength of Usno and STAR," Abdullah Sani said, adding that Usno still commanded respect and loyalty in the state although it was dissolved a long time ago.

This respect and loyalty, he said, was what Umno feared the most and was stalling their bid to get registered as a party.

He believes that Umno, instead of being thankful to Usno for making way for the Peninsula-based party to spread its wings to Sabah, was acting strangely by blocking the party's return to the state's political stage.

"There is no other reason for the delay [in registering Usno as a political party].

"If Makkal Sakti's application for registration was approved within 60 days, why is the ROS sitting on Usno's application?" he asked.

READ MORE HERE

 

Delay polls and risk punishment

Posted: 02 Sep 2012 01:31 PM PDT

The Bersih leader takes the prime minister to task for delaying the general election with no good reason, describing this as disconcerting and irresponsible.

Elaborating on electoral reforms, Ambiga said that Election Commission chairman Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof cannot lead the commission as he was a former Umno member.

RK Anand, FMT

In 2009, Najib Tun Razak took over the leadership reins after his predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi relinquished the post following Barisan Nasional's biggest electoral setback to date.

Najib and his retinue of advisers had the unenviable task of reversing the political fortunes of the ruling coalition, which seemed to suffer from an incurable perception malaise.

But during his initial period in office, the prime minister appeared to be pressing the right buttons, his popularity soared and speculations of a snap polls were rife.

However, Malaysians still remained in the dark about the 13th general election, with the latest talk being that the polls would be held in November, on the 11th, which happened to be Najib's lucky number.

Those close to Najib argue that the premier was being cautious while the grapevine had it that intelligence reports painted a bleak picture for BN.

Describing this as both "disconcerting and irresponsible", Bersih co-chairperson S Ambiga warned Najib that the continued delay could prove to be perilous for him and BN.

She said that it would not come as a surprise if the voters, including the fence-sitters, punished him for this feet-dragging in the next polls.

"I understand it is the Westminster system and it is the prerogative of the prime minister. But a good government should be prepared to take on the election and not be afraid to set a date," she told FMT.

"We have been in election mode since he [Najib] took over and everyone has been pumped up. He drops hints [about the polls] and that is irresponsible. You don't toy with people's feelings.

"People are fed up! They can't plan things like going on holidays and so forth. Furthermore, it affects investor confidence.

"That's why I say it is irresponsible. If this is how a government is going to play with the election date, then it would be best to have a fixed date for polling," she added.

Ambiga said as political leaders in other parts of the world discussed the economic crisis and recession, their Malaysian counterparts were still engrossed in politicking.

"So who is running the country? This is unacceptable," she stressed.

Is the government afraid?

Ambiga said that Bersih had also called for the election to be postponed in the past with regard to the implementation of electoral reforms.

She added that if the government claimed that the election was being delayed in order to push through the reforms, then it would be justifiable.

"But everyone has forgotten about electoral reforms. So the election is being dragged for no reason.

"It seems the government is concerned about the results [of the election]. Otherwise, they would have called for it," she added.

Elaborating on electoral reforms, Ambiga said that Election Commission chairman Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof cannot lead the commission as he was a former Umno member.

"He cannot claim that he would discharge his duties without bias. There are enough grounds to believe or to suspect that he would be biased and this makes him unfit for the post," she added.

Ambiga also dismissed claims that Najib was concerned that if the polls were held before the term expired in April 2013, Pakatan Rakyat-controlled states would not dissolve their respective assemblies.

"I don't buy that excuse. He [Najib] kept the nation on election mode. Even the recent Merdeka celebration was an election campaign," she said.

Commenting on the Merdeka celebrations, Ambiga expressed disappointment that both political blocs could not set aside their differences for one day.

The Bersih leader also pointed out that the government's Merdeka campaign appeared to be centred around the prime minister.

"It's a case of adoration for the PM… Where is his team? And I am also saying this with regard to Section 114A of the Evidence Act," she said.

On Aug 14, Najib had twitted that he was instructing the Cabinet to review the controversial amendment of Section 114A following protests on the social media network.

However, Najib's announcement was met by contradictory statements by the Cabinet defending the provision.

The new law imposed a presumption of guilt on Internet users and service providers for Internet abuses such as slander, hate speech and seditious comments posted through their network.

READ MORE HERE

 

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Suaram-funding NGO link to Soros probed

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 06:39 PM PDT

(NST) - The Domestic Trade, Cooperatives and Consumerism Ministry is investigating whether an American non-governmental organisation allegedly funding Suara Rakyat Malaysia (Suaram) is linked to currency speculator George Soros, Minister Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob said today.

He said the NGO was one of two based in the United States allegedly contributing a huge amount of funds to Suaram.

The ministry was carrying out the investigation through the Companies Commission of Malaysia (SSM), he said after opening the Rasah Umno Division delegates meeting here.

Ismail Sabri asked Bank Negara to investigate the matter under the Anti-Money Laundering and Anti-Terrorism Financing Act 2001.

He also asked the Home Ministry and the Registrar of Societies to determine the status of Suaram.


Up to police to investigate gun incident, says Anwar

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 03:31 PM PDT

Lisa J. Ariffin, The Malaysian Insider

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim will leave it to the authorities to investigate claims that his bodyguard drew a firearm and pointed it at Barisan Nasional (BN) supporters in Kampung Baru Rim, Malacca yesterday.

The opposition leader said today he will leave it to police to "establish whether the security behaved in self-defence and according to SOP (standard operating procedures)".

"Whether he did it in self-defence or followed SOP that is for the police to investigate. They (the bodyguards) all have permits anyway," he told reporters today during Lembah Pantai MP Nurul Izzah Anwar's Hari Raya open house here.

Anwar had claimed that the bus, in which he was travelling for PKR's Jelajah Merdeka Rakyat programme, was attacked by a group he believed to be Umno Youth members.

Plainclothes policemen detained the 37-year-old bodyguard at the scene when the incident took place at 3.15pm. Police and Special Branch officers were there to observe the event.

Local media reports said the bus in which Anwar was travelling was stopped by some youth who wanted to prevent them from entering the venue for the programme. The bodyguard alighted from a car near the bus and pointed the firearm at the youth.

Anwar said it was deplorable that none of the youth who attacked his bus were arrested.

"The fact that none of the Umno fellas were arrested is shocking," he said.

"This shows how incompetent and how irresponsible Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak and the Home Minister (Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein) are," he said.

"These hooligans are supported by Najib and (Hishammuddin)," he claimed.

Anwar then said he had video and photographic evidence of the group attacking his entourage.

At least four police reports were lodged by members of Jasin Umno Youth and the Belia 4B movement over the incident.

State police chief Datuk Chuah Ghee Lye said the bodyguard has been detained for questioning.

"Let us investigate the matter first as it is still premature to determine if the man had actually pointed the weapon at the public, or he was just brandishing it as an act of protecting someone. He could have taken out the gun and accidentally showed it to the people gathered there," he was quoted as saying by the New Sunday Times.

 

PAS Syura Council not likely to fire Nasha

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 02:29 PM PDT

(The Star) - Certain groups in PAS who are eager to see Bachok MP Nasharudin Mat Isa sacked are likely to be disappointed today.

Chances of Nasharudin being sacked are slim as even the party's central committee would not put any pressure on the Syura Council to act against the PAS former deputy president.

There have been calls within PAS for Nasharuddin to be sacked after suggesting that PAS should review its position in Pakatan Rakyat in view of an impasse over hudud.

PAS secretary-general Datuk Mustafa Ali confirmed yesterday that the central committee would not discuss the matter during its meeting this morning.

"We will not discuss the matter at all. We will leave it entirely to the Syura Council as Nasharudin is a member of the council," said Mustafa, adding that the Syura Council meeting was scheduled to be held tonight.

Mustafa said this when asked to comment on talks that the central committee would put pressure on the Syura Council to take stern action against Nasharudin for airing views against the interest of Pakatan Rakyat.

Syura Council deputy chief Datuk Dr Harun Din also affirmed that there were no special agenda to discuss the issue.

"However, we do not know what will transpire at the meeting," he said.

The 15-member Syura Council headed by PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat is the highest body in the organisation that deliberates on policy matters.

Ulama chief Datuk Harun Taib, who is also a Syura Council member, said the party needed intellectuals like Nasharudin.

 

DAP worried of BN rage if defeated at polls

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 02:17 PM PDT

If the voters choose Pakatan in the 13th GE, will BN make a public statement that it will respect the decision with peace and harmony through democracy, asks Lim Kit Siang.

Azman Habu, FMT

TAWAU: A general sense of unease is rising in the Pakatan Rakyat camp that the Umno-led Barisan Nasional coalition government will not easily vacate Putrajaya if Malaysians vote to change the government in the coming elections.

Currently riding high on a wave of dissatisfaction over the performance of the national coalition government due to a series of scandals over the last 50 years of its rule, Pakatan believes this is no guarantee that the transition will be smooth.

Pakatan leaders see the long drawn out indecision by Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak's government to set a date for general election that must be called by the first quarter of next year as indications of trepidation within the BN about going to the polls.

DAP advisor Lim Kit Siang voiced the worry during the party's statewide public hearing on 'Janji Ditepati' (promises fulfilled) theme that the BN opted for as its Merdeka Day celebration mantra in a bid to stem criticism of wastefulness and inefficiency in its unbroken half century in power.

The veteran opposition leader wants a guarantee from Najib and former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who still wields immense influence in the government, that there will be no disturbances if the opposition wins the 13th general election.

Political pundits see the former prime minister to be steering his son Mukhriz towards the prime minister's job and in the process ensure his legacy remains untouched.

BN government stalwarts have taken to deriding and intimidating the opposition and its supporters by using the legal system to carry out a campaign to smear and silence detractors.

Generous budget handouts, the repeal of widely condemned laws limiting freedom of assembly and the press have been replaced by equally severe laws.

Lim sees these government tactics as signs that a BN defeat at the polls will be met with resistance.

READ MORE HERE

 

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A blatant show of disrespect

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 02:25 PM PDT

The Selangor state government's failure to invite the Sultan to the state-level Merdeka eve celebration goes against protocol and reflects political foolishness.

Wong Chun Wai, The Star

SOMETHING has gone terribly wrong if the leadership in the Selangor state government believes that if the Sultan of Selangor wishes to attend the state-level Merdeka eve celebration, he should himself ask to be invited.

Astonishing as it may sound, that was precisely what Faekah Husin, the political secretary to the Mentri Besar, reportedly suggested.

But that was not all. In a bid to wriggle itself out of the fiasco, the state government then claimed it was just a Merdeka countdown, not a formal Merdeka celebration or an official state function. That's semantic gymnastics for you.

Never mind the fact that the event included a march past by 56 contingents from various state agencies. The police and the military were also asked to attend. But on learning at around 5pm that Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah was not invited, the police and army made the right decision to pull out from the event.

The VVIP for that night was none other than Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. He may be the Opposition Leader but the point is he has no business being there.

He is not a Member of Parliament from Selangor, nor is he a state assemblyman. The only claim he has to the state is that he is an economic adviser.

Surely, the police and army cannot be expected to salute Anwar at the march past. He may want to be the prime minister but he has to exercise some patience. Win the elections first.

The entire protocol was wrong. In fact, it is not wrong to believe that the state government had no intention of informing the Sultan. An invitation, even in verbal form, did not come from the Mentri Besar or his office.

There was no such courtesy extended and this was further compounded by a subsequent suggestion that the Sultan is good enough to be invited only for religious functions.

Can anyone be blamed for thinking that the state leaders wanted to turn the Merdeka eve bash into a political event? Or, to put it bluntly, a big political ceramah?

When the palace expressed its displeasure, the state claimed that Anwar was merely a guest speaker and not the guest of honour.

But the bottom line is the state leadership has shown utter disrespect and contempt towards the Sultan.

Instead of blaming others for purportedly attempting to exploit the incident, the state leadership must deal with it in a more honest manner.

The impression that this writer gets is that the state leadership feels it has done no wrong and there is no need to apologise nor explain to the Sultan.

Then, in an apparent move to disentangle itself from the fiasco, the state leadership tried to get the state secretary Datuk Mohd Khusrin Munawi to carry out damage control. And this is the man the state government tried to block from holding the post!

The state had created a fuss when his name cropped up for the job, claiming that the appointment violated the State Constitution because the Mentri Besar was not consulted, even though the Sultan had already approved the appointment.

In Selangor, the Sultan lays down strict procedures when it comes to state-level functions. For example, the mosques cannot be used for politics and the directive applies to both sides of the divide.

No elected representative from outside Selangor will be awarded the state's Datukship.

And the state's MPs and assemblymen must serve a second term before they can be nominated for such a title.

The number of Datukships awarded should be less than 40 each year, and the Tuanku has kept it to less than the number stipulated.

The Tuanku is known to be against any wastage for state functions and state agencies have been reprimanded for blowing their budget.

The palace is clear and precise on such protocol. But it would seem that many in the state leadership are still blur or simply refuse to adhere to the rules and practices.

Such political foolishness would not help to strengthen ties between the state government and the palace.

For a start, the Mentri Besar should keep his speech at the Istana during the Tuanku's birthday short and precise. Stick to the achievements of the state, and even blow your own trumpet, by all means. But please spare us the ceramah part.

 

Tanah Melayu: Yours or mine?

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 02:13 PM PDT

Umno's political survival depends greatly and gravely on Tanah Melayu 'belonging' to the Malays and not the other way round.

CT Ali, FMT

As a Malay I am trying to understand where I am now politically.

You cannot simply ask me to detach myself from Umno – the only political party I have known from the time that iconic word "Tanah Melayu" came into my consciousness.

Not Malaya (as we know it then) but "Tanah Melayu."

I remember it being spoken of reverently by my uncles and the older Malays as I sat and listened to them speak not of politics but of what the future will hold for them and the many other races that was already calling Malaya their home even then.

Tanah Melayu was our land, our country, ours to call our own – we belonged here, it was our home.

But in reality Tanah Melayu was not ours to call our own.

Let me explain.  Today Malaya is called Malaysia. Somehow along the way from then to now, things have changed.

"Tanah Melayu" to quote the words of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad "belongs to the Malay race. Peninsular Malaysia was known as Tanah Melayu but this cannot be said because it will be considered racist. We must be sincere and accept that the country is Tanah Melayu."

Mahathir said the Malay community may risk losing the country if the communities continue to identify themselves according to the country of origin … as it is an admission that they are immigrants in the country.

But how can the Malays lose Malaysia when it never belonged to them in the first place!

We Malays belong to this land called Malaysia – not the other way around.

'There is no risk'

That being the case, no other community, no other people, no other race can take away Malaysia from the Malays – not when these non-Malays have pledged themselves to belong to the same Tanah Melayu.

So Umno really has nothing to do if it says that its work is to save Tanah Melayu for the Malays.

The Malays have never risked losing the country – it is the country that risks losing the Malays, the Chinese, the Indians, its Orang Asli, the Dayaks, Ibans, Kadazans…and all those who have called Malaysia their home.

And even as I write this, you and I know that this Tanah Melayu is losing its people as they leave this Tanah Melayu to make their home elsewhere.

So why is Umno still trying to save this Tanah Melayu for the Malays when what needs to be done is for Umno to ensure that this Tanah Melayu will not lose the people that it already has?

The very people that helped build Tanah Melayu into what it is today –  a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-religious community comfortable in its own identity and trying to move forward as one people in the global community that we are all part of.

But Umno will not have any part in this. Their political survival is dependent on this Tanah Melayu belonging to the Malays and not the Malays belonging to Tanah Melayu.

READ MORE HERE

 

Double standard, one-sided, 7.25%

Posted: 07 Sep 2012 02:40 PM PDT

The double-standard practice and one-sided action seen during the current tenure of the incumbent government should be put to a stop.

Selena Tay, FMT

It cannot be denied that the political temperature has gone up a notch after the recent Merdeka Day celebrations.

In taking a swipe at Pakatan Rakyat, Defence Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi recently mentioned that Barisan Nasional has fulfilled more than 87% of its promises since the first parliamentary election in 1959 when it was known as the Alliance.

From the first parliamentary election till now, it has been 12 terms that BN has been in power.

"Take 87% divide 12 terms and you get 7.25%. This means that for each term BN only managed to fulfil 7.25% of its promises," said Mahfuz Omar, PAS MP for Pokok Sena in Kedah.

Zahid had also mentioned that Pakatan has fulfilled less than 15% of its promises.

Countered Mahfuz: "We still win hands down. Fulfilling 14% of our promises per one parliamentary term is still more than BN's 7.25% per term. That is if Zahid still wants to play with figures."

This is a clear indication that BN leaders are poor in maths. This is evident when Umno leaders also like to tell their Malay constituents that DAP wants to control the nation after the coming 13th general election.

How can DAP control the nation when it is contesting only 50 parliamentary seats? There are a total of 222 parliamentary seats and even if DAP were to win all its 50 seats, it is not even one-third of the total. Does this not show the mathematical skills of BN leaders?

To-date, BN has continued to harp on its "Janji Ditepati" (Promises Fulfilled) theme. This theme sounds foolish when there is still a lack of basic amenities, for instance, a regular supply of clean tap water in the interior areas of Sabah and Sarawak.

This problem also exists in Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak's home state of Pahang, especially in the Jengka areas as reported by a local Malay daily.

Sabah and Sarawak are also lacking in good roads, especially in the rural and interior areas.

Another example is good bus transport; for instance, in the 1990s there was regular bus service for the Taman Bukit Maluri, Kepong-KL route. Now there is no bus service for this route. Promises by the government to improve the bus service are nothing to shout about.

What about the oil royalty payments to the Kelantan government? Till today, there is absolute silence about making the payments except the setting up of an Oil Royalty Payments Committee.

"Is the committee nothing but an eyewash to dupe the Kelantan voters in view of the coming general election?" asked Dzulkefly Ahmad, the PAS Kuala Selangor MP.

Selective prosecution

On the promise of transparency in open tenders, this promise has not been kept. The National Feedlot Corporation contract is one such example.

"The mainstream media has blanked out the government's misdeeds, mistakes and failures in keeping promises. Therefore, the majority of the people especially those in the rural areas are kept in the dark. This is done with the intention of keeping them ignorant so that they will continue to vote for the incumbent government," said Dzulkefly.

One-sided media coverage during BN's tenure is one thing. Another thing is the misdeed of the current government in using its lackeys to bully opposition leaders.

These lackeys delivered "shit-cakes" to Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng as well as holding a mock funeral rite for him and stepping on his posters, yet these are not highlighted by the mainstream media.

In a recent incident earlier this month, another group of lackeys threw a shoe into a mosque in Kedah when Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim was giving a religious talk. Besides, the lights and loudspeaker were repeatedly switched off and when Anwar started to speak using a loudhailer, the mosque's siren was suddenly activated.

These lackeys seem to be above the law. Are they entitled to ride roughshod over the rakyat?

"No action is taken on these goons as they are the devil's own. Selective prosecution seems to be the order of the day but if the opposition makes a mistake, the government-controlled media will go to town over it," said Dzulkefly.

Finally, there is also the broken promise regarding the cleaning of the voter rolls. This issue needs no further elaboration.

READ MORE HERE

 

When all else fails, use Sedition Act

Posted: 06 Sep 2012 04:26 PM PDT

The act of arresting, handcuffing and detaining 19-year-old Ong Sing Yee will start a backlash against the authorities.

Mariam Mokhtar, FMT

In the past, Malaysia's Sedition Act 1948 was used to silence the political adversaries of the ruling administration. Today, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak's government has deemed it necessary to curb individuals, NGOs and even teenagers.

This government refuses to understand that it needs to summon the courage to tackle the necessary and urgent reforms demanded by the electorate. It should not take the easier option of hounding teenagers and people who dare criticise.

The act of arresting, handcuffing and detaining 19-year-old Ong Sing Yee for 15 hours and then interrogating her without the presence of her lawyer, will start a backlash against the authorities.

Ong's crime? She had been charged with sedition for stepping on posters of Najib and his wife, the self-styled First Lady Rosmah Mansor, during the Janji Demokrasi march on the eve of Merdeka Day at Dataran Merdeka.

If Najib and the police would really like to make an impact, they should raid people's homes and arrest, handcuff and detain all those people, including and especially Malays, who use newspapers with Najib's photographs to line their cat litter trays. Some do this with relish, because they claim, this is their own form of silent protest.

Photos of Najib seem to attract all sorts of contempt. Not so long ago. It is alleged he had to arrest boys for throwing bricks at his pictures on KTM trains.

MP for Puchong, Gobind Singh Deo, had already said that stepping on photographs of the prime minister and his wife is not sedition. Najib and his wife are not rulers, nor are they the government. Najib is merely a government servant.

In May, NGO and social activist Irene Fernandez was charged with sedition. A Jakarta daily reported that she had claimed Malaysia was unsafe for migrant workers.

Curbing free speech

In June, the Sedition Act was used by the Johor police to investigate the former Perak mentri besar, Nizar Jamaluddin for his comments on the Sultan of Johore's purchase of the car registration number plate, WWW1. The number plate had cost the Sultan RM500,000 and Nizar opined that the money could be put to a better use, such as helping the poor.

Kosmo, an Utusan publication which printed two cartoons on the controversy, escaped censure.

"Why the double standard in only charging me whereas no action has been taken against Kosmo for the same offence? Is it because Kosmo is an Umno paper whereas I am a Pakatan leader?" asked Nizar.

At the time, Azmi Sharom, a law lecturer at the Universiti Malaya (UM) also criticised the use of the Sedition Act 1948, to prosecute individuals.

"The underlying theme is the government is using all these powers to curb dissent against the government, to curb criticism of the government.

"What they are doing to Nizar is very clearly to suppress his right to free speech, his opinion. This is obviously a bad law… It is bad faith on their part. If they think something is bad, then don't use it. Get it fixed first," said Azmi.

Signs of desperation

It is easy to see what is happening. Najib and members of his Cabinet are clearly showing signs of desperation and fear.

Najib and his administration lack original ideas to push through reforms. They have failed to act on their promises. What happened to the National Harmony Act which Najib promised last June, to replace the Sedition Act?

Malaysia now has an opposition which is strongest and the most credible party to take on the BN government.

READ MORE HERE

 

Constitutional posers for GE13

Posted: 06 Sep 2012 04:03 PM PDT

Once Parliament is dissolved, a general election need not be held immediately. The Constitution permits a delay of 60 days from the date of dissolution.

Dr Shad Saleem Faruqi, The Star

A GENERAL election may be around the corner. So we need to brush up on our knowledge of the constitutional principles relating to elections.

No fixed term: Under Article 55(3) of our Constitution, the life of Parliament is stated to be five years from the date of its first meeting. As that date was April 28, 2008, the existing Parliament will automatically dissolve when the sun rises on April 28, 2013.

However, it is constitutionally permissible for the Prime Minister to advise the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to dissolve Parliament before the expiry of its term and thereby to give himself the advantage of choosing the most favourable time for the electoral contest.

This is in contrast with many Commonwealth countries including Britain which have enacted laws to have fixed term legislatures. Malaysia may wish to emulate this wholesome practice.

Early dissolution: Though the King is a constitutional monarch required to act on advice, in the matter of early dissolution, he has been explicitly vested by Article 40(2)(b) with a discretion to accept or reject his PM's counsel. Conventionally, however, he always obliges though in exceptional circumstances he may not do so.

Elections: Once Parliament is dissolved, a general election need not be held immediately. Article 55(4) of the Constitution permits a delay of 60 days from the date of dissolution. This means that contrary to popular expectations of early polls, the next election can be held as late as the last part of June 2013!

One must note, however, that the timing is not for the PM to determine. The nomination date, the date of polling and the campaign period are in the hands of the Election Commission, which must act with independence and impartiality. The present law permits a campaign period of no less than seven days though news has it that for the next election, the EC will permit 10 days.

Interim period: Between the dissolution of one Parliament and the convening of the next, who steers the ship of state? The Constitution is gloriously silent on this important issue. For this reason, the British constitutional convention is adopted that the incumbent PM who called the election continues to remain in office in a caretaker capacity.

Powers of the caretaker PM: Leadership during interim periods poses problems of democratic legitimacy for the caretaker government. This is due to the fact that once Parliament is dissolved, the PM ceases to satisfy the twin requirements of Article 43(2).

These requirements are that the PM must belong to the House of Representatives and he must in the judgment of the King command the confidence of the majority of the members of the House. As the House ceases to exist, the legitimacy rug is pulled from under the PM's feet.

For this reason there is worldwide debate about the need to impose clear curbs on the powers of interim governments.

In Australia, a Caretaker Conven­tion has been drafted to outline that the proper role of such a government is to be a night watchman, to hold the fort, not to initiate radical policies, not to dismiss or appoint new judges or undertake significant economic initiatives.

In India, the President has on several occasions vetoed caretaker governments' measures because exercise of such powers may embarrass the government to be formed.

In the Malaysian case of PP v Mohd Amin Mohd Razali (2002) the court held that Article 40(1), which requires the monarch to act on advice, is not applicable if the advice is rendered by a caretaker government during the dissolution of Parliament.

Hung Parliament: If no single party or coalition emerges with an absolute (50% + 1) parliamentary majority, the new legislature will be referred to as a hung Parliament.

Such parliaments exist and function throughout the world but have never made an appearance in Malaysia at the federal level. Commentators are deeply divided about their demerits or merits.

Appointment of PM: Whatever one's views on hung parliaments may be, it has to be conceded that they create massive problems for the Head of State on a number of issues, among them the critical one of who is to be trusted with the mantle of leadership. Several competing considerations are available.

First is the incumbency rule. If no one secures an absolute majority, the caretaker PM must be given the first chance to form the government.

Second, in Nepal there is a constitutional rule that in a hung Parliament, the first bite of the cherry must be offered to the leader of the largest party.

Third, if a viable coalition or a unity government can be hammered out, it should get the chance to lead the nation.

Fourth, if no coalition can be cobbled together, the Head of State should appoint a "minority government" that is capable of obtaining ad hoc support to pass the budget and other critical measures.

If the defeated PM asks the King for an immediate "double dissolution", should His Majesty consent? It is submitted that Article 55(4) requires that after one dissolution the new parliament must be convened within 120 days.

The proper course of action would be for Parliament to meet, a vote of no-confidence to be taken and then only the House dissolved for a new election unless an alternative government can be put in place.

Caretaker's tenure: If the ruling party fails at the general election, must the caretaker PM who took the country to the poll resign immediately? In England Gordon Brown refused to step down till he had (unsuccessfully) exhausted efforts to form the government.

If the caretaker PM refuses to step down, can the King dismiss him?

If the formation of a unity or coalition government takes a long time, must the defeated Prime Minster re-main in office till a new PM is appointed? Most amazingly, Belgium went 535 days with a caretaker government because the new government took time to be pieced together.

The permutations of politics are many and more than any other aspect of a nation's political life, general elections throw up issues that test our wisdom to the fullest.

> Dr Shad Saleem Faruqi is Emeritus Professor of Law at UiTM

 

Freedom to be loyal

Posted: 06 Sep 2012 03:59 PM PDT

An anti-hopping law would give party leaders even more power over MPs, who already cannot muster the courage to disobey the party whip if they believe that a Bill is not in the interests of their constituents.

Tunku 'Abidin Muhriz, The Star

MANY commentators with whom I generally agree on measures to improve our country seem to have been hoodwinked into supporting a popular anti-democratic move, namely the banning of party hopping by members of parliament and state legislators.

I opposed this in a political philosophy essay I wrote at university in 2002, I opposed it in my column in 2008 and I oppose it now.

The whole campaign is based on two flawed assumptions.

The first is that Malaysians vote for political parties, not for individuals. This is legally untrue (our Federal Constitution refers to "individuals" elected to the Dewan Rakyat and the "individual" to be appointed Prime Minister, but never to "political parties"), but even those who understand this important distinction claim that "Malaysians vote for parties by default", which has not been scientifically verified (I suspect most Malaysians give consideration to both the party's manifesto and the candidate's background and record).

If it turns out that Malaysians do in fact vote for the party rather than the candidate, they should campaign for a law to be passed to make this a legal reality, but until then, it is dangerous to fix a perceived problem based on unverified claims.

The second assumption is that whenever an instance of party hopping occurs, it is the candidate who is at fault, rather than the party. Well, let us imagine that I vote for Puan Thavamani of the Feline Front because she campaigns (in accordance with the party manifesto) to ban dogs from public roads.

She wins the election, but months later there is an internal party struggle. The leader is replaced, and he reverses the party policy: dogs will now be allowed to roam free everywhere.

I am furious, because I supported the candidate based on this manifesto pledge. If YB Thavamani now supports canine freedom on public roads, she would be violating the trust I placed in her.

At the very least, I would expect her to defy her party whip in relevant parliamentary votes.

But let us imagine that party policy changes in other areas too, and it is clear that the manifesto is being disregarded to the extent that a different political party, the Cats Pact, better reflects the manifesto I supported. I would most definitely support YB Thavamani hopping from Feline Front to Cats Pact better fight for the causes that I supported.

Clearly, if a no party-hopping law was in force, she could not do that.

More flexible commentators agree that she should be able to hop, but must resign and re-contest.

However, apart from the costs involved, this would also be a breach of my trust – I voted expecting her to serve for a full term.

Furthermore, it is possible that the new result could be less democratically legitimate if the by-election has a lower turnout than at the general election (perhaps my critics will then support the undemocratic idea of compulsory voting).

My detractors will say that my analogy does not apply in Malaysia, where the reality is that inducements are made to successful candidates to switch loyalties for pure political power play rather than ideological differences.

Even then, there is a better way to deal with unprincipled party hopping than to attempt to ban it: namely, to democratise the political parties.

At the moment, it is easy for Party Leader A to buy a candidate's support from Party Leader B because in both parties it is the party leader who decides who gets to be a candidate and where: the loyalty goes upwards.

But if Party B were to instead have candidates elected by local party grassroots or even all voters in a constituency (like in US primaries), it would be much more difficult for Party Leader A to buy any support: the candidate would feel loyalty downwards, to a much larger base of people.

Naturally, none of our party leaders from both sides of the divide are supporting such a scheme because they all want to hold on to the enormous powers of patronage they currently enjoy.

Indeed, an anti-hopping law would give party leaders even more power over MPs, who already cannot muster the courage to disobey the party whip if they believe that a Bill is not in the interests of their constituents!

So, while I certainly sympathise with those who are disgusted by unprincipled politicians, I believe that banning party hopping will not deal with the root causes.

Rather, we should seek more democracy within political parties, more transparency on political party funding and more media freedom. These will help ensure that in future, any candidate who wishes to switch allegiance will better have a damn good reason to do so.

> Tunku 'Abidin Muhriz is president of IDEAS

 

Judiciary has failed the rakyat

Posted: 06 Sep 2012 01:42 PM PDT

Will the judiciary take all the blame if both Nor Afizal and Chuah were to commit more rapes?

Jeswan Kaur, FMT

It's confirmed that the two judicial experts who found statutory rape of two minors a non-issue need help in understanding what rape is – or else they will go on delivering reproachful judgments in favour of rapists.

On Aug 28, Sessions Court judge Nisa Abdul Aziz released a 22-year-old electrician Chuah Guan Jiu on "good behaviour" after he was convicted of raping his then 12-year-old girlfriend twice last year.

Chuah was instead bound over for three years on a RM25,000 good behaviour bond. He had committed the crime at his flat in Jalan Ru 1, Air Itam on July 18 and 19.

The offence under Section 376(1) of the Penal Code carries a jail sentence of up to 20 years' jail and whipping.

But Nisa decided that since the sexual act was consensual between Chuah and the victim and that he had not tricked her into the act, no "rape" had taken place.

Nisa made the perpetrator's future her priority, not the fact that he had tricked his minor partner into having sex with him; the facts of the case stated that Chuah had persuaded the victim to skip school and follow him to his home, which then led to the offence being committed.

So the judge thought best that Chuah be bound over for three years on a RM25,000 good behaviour bond.

A shame that the judge failed to understand the psyche of a rapist who not once but twice raped his schoolgoing girlfriend. Worse still, Nisa made the probation report her "bible" in stating that Chuah did not have a prior criminal record and was a Form Two school drop-out.

What is even more shocking is that Nisa, like her predecessor, Court of Appeal president Raus Shariff, displayed her ignorance on what constitutes statutory rape and that Malaysia is a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) 2009.

According to the Committee on the Rights of the Child – Implementation Handbook for the CRC, a girl under the age of 18 is a minor and is not in a position to give informed consent.

The second-highest ranking judge in the country, Raus had opted to show concern for perpetrator Noor Afizal Azizan's "bright future" in setting aside the five-year jail term imposed on the national bowler by the Malacca High Court, and instead binding him over for good behaviour.

Nor Afizal, then 19, was charged with raping his 13-year-old girlfriend at a hotel in 2010.

A tragedy that Nisa and Raus have not only failed to uphold justice but they have also downplayed the crime of statutory rape, claiming, on the contrary, that consensual sex between a minor and an adult is "permissible" under the law.

Nightmare for the parents

By siding with the rapists, both Nisa and Raus have decided that the welfare of the rape survivors is none of their business and that irrespective of their ages, rape survivors are "party" to rape.

When Raus's judgment created a public uproar, all he did in trying to clarify his decision was to say that despite being let off on a personal bond of RM25,000 for good behaviour, public interest had been served as Nor Afizal had been convicted and the offence recorded.

Raus' clarification comes as a nightmare to the parents of the young girls. What do we make of such senarios – a rapist is allowed to roam about freely simply because the judge was impressed with his "credentials" or because the rapist is too young to do jail time?

Are Raus and Nisa willing to take all the blame if both Nor Afizal and Chuah were to commit more rapes?

READ MORE HERE

 

Not many date options are left

Posted: 05 Sep 2012 06:20 PM PDT

Lim Sue Goan, Sin Chew Daily

There are not many date options left. The 13th general election is likely to fall in November this year, January or March next year.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak recently hinted that the general election might be fall in November, as 11 is his favourite number. Therefore, people started to speculate, avoided the Deepavali and Awal Muharram on Nov 13 and 15, the polling day could fall on Nov 3, 11 or 25.

However, it could also be a false alarm, as there is still no sign showing that the election will be held in November. If the Prime Minister wants to distribute candies on September 28 when the Budget is tabled, it will take time to achieve the expected effects and they would not make it by November.

Najib is very likely to announce another round of the RM500 BR1M aid distribution or other people-friendly measures. The aid can be issued the earliest in December and the timing will be nice if the election is held in early next year.

Feedback from the public shows positive response to the BR1M aid, even better than fuel subsidies, and it consumed only RM2.6 billion. Therefore, it is believed that the BN will not miss the opportunity to create a feel-good mood.

Moreover, the factional problem of Umno has not yet been solved. Some district leaders actually ignore Najib's plan of fielding only those with the highest chance of winning, and insist to compete. The election would not come so soon before the problem is solved.

Therefore, Umno leaders are very likely to authorise the party president the full authority to decide on election candidates at the annual party congress, to eliminate different voices in the party. Also, Umno is expected to motivate party members and implement the party's policy at the congress.

Therefore, the possibility to have the election in November is not high. Since they have been waiting for so long, why should they take the risk now? Therefore, it is believed that the election should be held either in January or March next year. Since February 10 is the Chinese New Year, February is not suitable for campaigning. Of course, Najib would not allow the Parliament to be automatically dissolved after April 28 to avoid affecting the morale of BN's component party members.

In any case, even if the election falls in November, Najib is now Malaysia's longest serving Prime Minister without his own electoral mandate, the previous record was four and a half year. It shows that the BN is really facing the most difficult political situation this time.

The BN has done all it wants to fight for swing votes and its policies can no longer be changed. The people have also already made their decisions. Further delay will make the situation more chaotic, and more and more conflicts will be triggered. It is not something in favour of the BN, too.

Incidents triggered by the Janji Demokrasi rally on August 30, including the move of stepping on a picture of Najib, would not affect the Pakatan Rakyat as the society has been seriously divided. The BN, instead, should be vigilant against unexpected events.

For example, after two Sabah lawmakers have withdrawn from the BN and decided to support the Pakatan Rakyat, the BN should not give them more time to stir up Bumiputeras' sentiments. If the world economy does not deteriorate and the global food prices surge, it might still affect domestic prices in early next year.

Therefore, based on the above analysis, January will be the best timing and the situation would turn dangerous if they fail to make good use of the opportunity.

 

Arguing for an anti-party hopping law

Posted: 03 Sep 2012 04:41 PM PDT

In conclusion, the current need for an anti-party hopping law reflects poorly on us as a democracy. Malaysia needs to move forward and away from merely voting according to party lines to voting because of individuals. Voting according to party lines restricts the voices of the people as MPs are tied to the party line and cannot represent the actual views of the people which may at times be at odds with the party he/she represents.

Galvin Wong, The Malaysian Insider

Recent events have focused on the topic of whether or not there should be restrictions on MPs switching sides. The hopping of Beaufort MP Lajim Ukin and Tuaran MP Wilfred Bumburing has definitely brought back memories of what happened in Perak few years ago. The former event, together with Lim Guan Eng's proposal of an anti-hopping law, has generated much debate from both sides of the political divide.

In this article, I attempt to frame the arguments for MPs to step down and be given a fresh mandate if they intend to switch parties and also try to counter-argue against those who disagree with the need to do so.

In 2004, it was clear that the people voted mainly based on national issues. Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's message of reform caused major casualties such as Abdul Hadi Awang and very nearly Karpal Singh. 

These were capable, popular candidates, only through an added emphasis by voters on national issues could they have lost or, in Karpal's case, nearly lost.

In the 2008 GE, it was clear that the trend continued. 

This was proven by how Nurul Izzah Anwar and Tony Pua, two newbies to the political scene, upset established candidates such as Shahrizat Abdul Jalil and Chew Mei Fun in the urban seats of Lembah Pantai and PJ Utara as well as how Michael Jeyakumar beat S. Samy Vellu the rural seat of Sungai Siput.   

As mentioned earlier, this is a clear indicator that people essentially voted according to party lines. This means that the candidates who are elected are expected to support party stands in Parliament. Not only that, when issues not discussed during elections come up during their term, the decisions on what stands to take are also the party's to make in our system of representative democracy. The candidate's mandate is to merely to support the party. 

When one MP changes parties, this will mean that he/her stands change accordingly.

This is extremely undemocratic as people have not approved this and there is the likelihood that he/she is not representing his/her constituency's views. That there may be ethical issues involved in which he/she may have hopped because of position or cash rewards strengthens the case against party hopping.

An anti-hopping law pushes for a by-election to be called and for the people to decide whether they agree with he/her decision and whether or not they should retain him/her despite the ethical issues.

One can argue that if he/she changes parties but maintains his/her stands, a new by-election should not be called. However, I would have to say that this is unlikely due to the fact that in Malaysia our political parties practise strict toeing-of-the-party line.

An example of this is Tunku Abdul Aziz who claimed that he was forced out from the DAP for failing to agree with the party's stand on Bersih 3.0. 

In addition, one must not forget that defections do not merely affect the representation of a few constituencies. At times, a few defections would mean an entire change in a state government. The Perak constitutional crisis in 2009 is an example of this. 

A change in the state government is not the most of it. The next election will likely be a closely fought one. Proof of this is Merdeka Center's survey which indicated that 49 per cent of people were happy with the government, which might mean that almost half of the number of Malaysian voters might go for Pakatan Rakyat. 

If both parties have close to the same number of seats after the elections, it is highly likely both sides will attempt to tempt MPs over. And this may result in an entire federal government changing due to defections. One does not need to be a rocket scientist to figure out how bad this is. The government will be one that does not reflect the wishes of the majority. That's how high the stakes are.    

Let's take a look at the arguments for party hopping. Wan Saiful Wan Jan, CEO of IDEAS, was quoted in The Sun as stating that if a politician believes that his party is making the wrong stand for the people, it would only be fair to the rakyat if he changes parties.

Another argument that has been circulating is that Malaysians would very soon be voting for the individual candidate and not the party. Thus, legislation forbidding party hopping would not be needed. 

Wan Saiful brings up an excellent point. However, his point is only valid in a situation where the mandate a MP receives is one where people support him according to his own personal stands and he has the mandate to make decisions for them on his own accord. As has been said, this is simply not the case in Malaysia.

Therefore, if an MP decides that a party's stands are wrong, it is only right for him to resign and for a by-election to be held to make sure of what the people want.

Moving on to the second argument. The truth is that even though surveys show people want to start voting based on individuals, there is a significant lack of information for them to do so. If a voter wants to vote based on a candidate's stands or track record/CV, he or she requires such information. 

This is a problem in Malaysia as there are few newspapers that publish such details. Mainstream and online media like The Star, The Sun, The Malaysian Insider and Malaysiakini report news only on high-profile party leaders such as Khairy Jamaluddin and Tony Pua. Lesser-known representatives are given little or no attention whatsoever.

Local newspapers such as the Selangor Times are solutions to such a problem. They publicise actions taken and stands by state assemblymen and local MPs, allowing the people to effectively evaluate the performance of their representatives. 

There has to be local newspapers which are neutral as well, portraying actions and stands of candidates from both sides of the political divide in order for the people to make effective, informative decisions when voting for a candidate based on his record. The government has also come up stating that such a law would be against freedom of association. Both Roger Tan and P. Ramakrishnan have both written lengthy articles in The Star and Aliran respectively on this point and I would not add much additional value by elaborating further.

Instead, I would like to comment on what should be done if, say, an anti-party hopping law is ruled unconstitutional. The fact of the matter is, even though an MP has the right to associate with different parties, he has the responsibility to make sure that his decision and stands will first reflect that of the people.

Therefore, if formal methods are declared unlawful, the only way would be an informal method. I propose that each party's MPs publicly declare that they would stand for a by-election if they choose to hop. The party should highly encourage the current term MPs to do so and once the 13th general election concludes, the new MPs as well. 

In conclusion, the current need for an anti-party hopping law reflects poorly on us as a democracy. Malaysia needs to move forward and away from merely voting according to party lines to voting because of individuals. Voting according to party lines restricts the voices of the people as MPs are tied to the party line and cannot represent the actual views of the people which may at times be at odds with the party he/she represents.

A freer and much increased flow of information as well as a slacker system of toeing the party line are measures that must be taken. Hopefully when the 14th GE is held, there will no longer be a need for an anti-hopping law.

 

What I’d Like For GE are My Two Front Teeth… No Crime…

Posted: 03 Sep 2012 02:05 PM PDT

Dina Zaman, The Malaysian Insider

When will the General Elections be held?

Asking Malaysians on what they think the outcome of the General Elections only elicit shrugs. Everyone is tired of everything: the politics, rising cost of living, lack of work-life balance and crime. Many feel that come GE 13, nothing will change. "Same old, same old. Voting Pakatan Rakyat won't mean a better future."

What is there to hope for, asks a majority of professionals. They view Pemandu suspiciously, because they don't  experience what the organisation touts. If the national bowler can be let off scot free for raping a 13 year old, what protection and rights will their children have, is another question. Malaysia seems to be lawless — it's a cowboy town.

In a closed group the writer is a member of, members are vocal and frustrated. The topics discussed in the group range from jokes to issues on religion, diversity and politics. On the topic of Pemandu's GTP, a member commented that, " I think it offers more of the same — quick wins and low-hanging fruits, which are all well and good, but sooner or later, you're going to run out of quick wins and low-hanging fruits and then what? Also, the measurement biases/moral hazard problems haven't been solved. Take the crime NKRA for instance, all v 2.0 does is set new targets based on the same measurements, but they'll still be reported by people whose performance these targets are meant to measure, so there'll still be the tendency for crime figures to be underreported and in some cases, mis-reported."

Another member added, "Notwithstanding the arguments and discussion given above, I think the main problem with our public policy formulation is not the actual process, but rather the primary data that we based our initial assumptions on. For some reason, government agencies are reluctant to share their statistics on numerous public policies with Institute of Higher Learning, or Research Groups (read OSA). That in itself is not necessarily a bad thing, if the said agencies are prepared to carry out analysis on these statistics themselves. Most of the time, that is not the case, thus the data gathered are most of the time lumped together, and any Tom, Dick or Harry who happens to be in charge can make his/her assumptions on those findings (which explains why we get merepek policies)."

"Personally, I think PEMANDU is a wonderful idea. Too long had our agencies played the role of both formulator and implementer, (even govt have the legislative and executive branch kan ?) for it to be fair and consistent."

Back in Glitzy Kay El…

Glitzy Kuala Lumpur now seems to have lost some of its steam. — AFP pic
Kuala Lumpur seems to have lost some of its steam. It never really shook off the gloom when Reformasi overtook the hearts and soul of angry Malaysians and the 1998 recession set in. Yes, there are a lot more luxury cars on the road and luxury high-rise condominiums, which are mostly empty. Yet, life in the city has stalled somewhat. Fashion insiders report of budgets being slashed, and what used to be fun and boisterous events are now muted. Parties and clubbing have toned down. Even political forums and activist gatherings are not as "dynamic as before," a jaded observer remarked. Of course, on the upside, there's Bersih, and Malaysians are more politically informed. They aren't shy about making their voices heard, and social media has aided them tremendously.

Nadia Jalil is a young mother, highly educated, and views Malaysian politics with great humour. She is the quintessential young Malaysian success story: brilliant, went to the right schools, literate, witty with a bite, married with a child. She wears the hijab fashionably, and despite the rather masculine work that she does, is girly. Her husband has quit the rat race and is now focussing on a food-and-beverage business. Both their families help care for their daughter, and because of the rising costs of housing, they live with Nadia's parents. They own one car, and rely on public transport for work and to get to wherever they want. Like many other young Malaysians, she wonders what will happen to her country. Her election wish-list is long, and realistic.

"Obviously I cannot ask for a total cessation of mudslinging, but maybe if there's sex involved, the mudslinging doesn't have to be conducted on the front pages of national newspapers for our children to see," Nadia says.

 A relatively "clean" election, without last-minute appearances of postal votes and/or voters who are dead is another, and she would like candidates who have a minimum IQ of 100, and are literate in BM, English or either one.

Nadia can be described as a policy-wonk, and some of the policies she would like to see are a repeal of the Town and Country Planning Act 1976 to allow for local elections. This would mean more accountability and more empowerment for the people in charge of our cities; a smaller government: fewer, not more, ministries and agencies. Revamp the current JPA system — currently promotions are based on availability, not expertise, so someone who's been working on international trade for years can find themselves transferred suddenly to the Forestry Department simply because there's a vacancy there in that position. This needs to change, and lastly, the Department of Statistics to provide access to data, especially for research. Malaysian data access is one of the worst in the world. This hampers research, which then hampers educated policy-making.

She would also like an actual rationalisation of subsidies, licences and rents. "This is absolutely wishful thinking, especially since 1MDB's inexplicable purchase of Tanjung, but those IPP contracts need to be re-negotiated. While you're at it, take a look at the long-term procurement contracts for all the GLCs."

She does concede that there are success stories. "The myEG online government thing. If it is a crony running it, at least it's a competent crony. Improvements to the immigration process have been great. Hooray for automated passport renewal! And I like those new garbage bins provided by DBKL."

The Boys (and Girls ) in Blue

Supporters of Barisan Nasional seen with a party flag. — AFP pic
Right across Subway and Silverfish Books on Jalan Telawi, is the Barisan Nasional Youth Volunteer 2012 (BNYV) headquarters which sprouted within a month. When the cornerhouse was being renovated, it sparked off great interest among the tight-knit Jalan Telawi community of shopowners/tenants and households. It was a dental clinic. Looked like a new boutique. Maybe it was a pizza parlour. Oh, it's blue – it's a police station. Hold on. Oh my. Barisan Nasional is our new neighbour.

And running it is a young man passionate about politics and volunteerism and is a familiar name to readers of this website and also Free Malaysia Today. Zaidel Baharuddin is the director of BNYV 2012. His nomination to lead the group has been a pleasant surprise, and his mantra to the volunteers is straightforward, 'Low Cost, High Impact.'

The headquarters is all white and blue on the outside and inside, and all the furniture and appliances have been donated by corporations and individuals. There's a campus-like feel to it, though seeing people's heads bobbing past the living room window can be unnerving, especially in the middle of the night.

Zaidel is proud and excited about the venue and BNYV 2012. In a nutshell, it's a platform for young Malaysians aged from 19 to 25 to voice out their opinions on everything and anything to the Government. "Here's the thing; BNYV may sound like a political platform, but it is not. It's an avenue for Malaysians youths to tell the Government what they think. It does not claim to be the voice of Malaysian youths, or backed by them." But yes, he knows that the public may not buy the sentiment.

So when is the GE, Zaidel? "I don't know. God's honest truth. This (BNYV 12) was also set up to get volunteers to help out with the GE but we don't know when it will be. If GE is next year…" he scratches his head as he frowns, "I guess we may have to change our name!"

Of course he wants BN to win. Of course he wants an increase in youth votes, another term for the current Prime Minister, and for the ETP and GTP to work and be effective. All these are a given. But he also wants to instil a spirit of volunteerism and activism among the young. "I'm very inspired by Ron Paul's grass roots campaign and our UMNO 1946. Orang sanggup gadai rumah, kereta, untuk politik! (People were willing to mortgage their homes and cars just for politics.)"

Look, he says, he's a product of a local tertiary education. His parents are working to middle class people. He knows what the rakyat feels. How is he going to marry if he can't even afford a house? Have people seen the quality of houses now, despite the six star price tag attached to them? Education and childcare are another concern for him. As a young uncle to a special needs child, he knows what the parameters are like. He may be in BN but he's not raking in the money. He's like everyone else with dreams and worries.

"This AUKU and freedom of speech thing," he observes, "I'm all for freedom of speech but I have a caveat. Just because you are young it does not mean that you can voice out at any time. No. You voice out when your work is effective, your deeds are righteous and ideas are good."

Will BNYV be relevant post GE? Oh yes. He wants to take it beyond the elections, and turn the volunteerism machine into something bigger. "I know that there is a silent majority which supports us, but have all sorts of reasons for not being involved in politics. The narrative is hijacked by a noisy minority. This setup does not guarantee any volunteer any payment; in fact, we don't pay anyone. Everything is on a limited budget here. But we're confident of growing big."

What a taxi driver has to say

Cab drivers too have something to say about the current political climate in Malaysia. — AFP pic
Driving up and down Jalan Tun Razak is not for the impatient. And having a cab driver like W ("Oh no, you can't mention my name, I just renewed my permit. Nanti the authorities will take my taxi away, how?") who drives at a pace which can only be described as monotonous, it's a miracle that you get to your destination on time. Somehow, you do.

And like all cab drivers in the city, W has seen and heard many things. He's seen snatch thefts and smash and grab crimes in front of his taxi as he ferried passengers to their destinations, and his car has witnessed joy and heartbreak. He must know something about the GE.

"Aiyo. I wish the government would just get the elections over and done with. That's my wish. Then it'll give us time to see who we want, and vote for. If we have snap polls… how are we going to vote? So little time."

The cost of living is another issue he wants the Government to focus on. Subsidies should only be for the working to middle income Malaysians. "Why should the rich benefit from subsidies?" Even the expatriates who have come to work, complain. They feel that they have been tricked. "Kuala Lumpur is not cheap. Every week the prices go up and up in the supermarket. And this is not a high-class supermarket, you know?"

But he has high hopes for Malaysia. He believes the country will right itself, providing that the ruling government knows what to do with resources. "I just hope it's soon. I think we're fed up of waiting-lah."

In some areas in Malaysia, party flags are out in full force but they remain flapping from houses and lampposts. Malaysians don't seem to be enthusiastic about the upcoming general election. - AFP pic
It's a mixed bag, asking for reactions from Malaysians. Both Wilayah Persekutuan and Selangor are wealthy, and a good percentage of Malaysians living in these areas are middle income, educated and professionals. They are also Internet savvy, and more likely to debate and engage with others on current and social issues.

In certain areas like Bangi, Sg Buloh, party flags are out in full force but they remain flapping from houses and lampposts. In fact, the bridge leading to the Sg Buloh hospital is lined with faded BN and PAS flags. What an enthusiastic welcome to the elections. There isn't an air of general cheer in these areas, and despite the flags and ceramahs, there's little excitement on the ground. Most of the population living in these areas are more concerned about other things, like paying the rent, saving up for old age and illnesses. Bread and butter issues.

Attempts at on the spot, impulsive interviews were met with smiles and hands waving "No." They're too busy, not interested, and not keen to have their opinions published. Maybe we could try up ahead, the people there may talk.

On Facebook….

Luckily there is social media to help with interviews with Selangor-ians.

On Facebook, Malaysians are sharing their thoughts about the upcoming general elections. — AFP pic
Facebook has been a revelation for Malaysians in and keen on politics. Politicians have a love/hate relationship with social media, and no one underestimates its power to influence and make or break a career. Mark Zuckerberg's creation has become a platform for concerned Malaysians, who use it for any cause they feel passionate about. Malaysians against the 100 Storey Tower; Malaysians Against Rape, Assault And Snatch (M.A.R.A.H) and of course Bersih. It (Facebook) forces people to engage on concerns. Hazri Haili, Mimi Ahmad and Clayton Koh, who work in Selangor, may not be friends in real life, but on Facebook, they have come together to talk about their concerns. The three work in very diverse fields: education, social work and public sector.

Are they anticipating the elections? It's mixed. While Clayton is not bothered, Hazri and Harlequin are anxious to see the aftermath of the GE. They want it to happen so they can get on with their lives. They also hope that politicians really know the true scenario of the country; Clayton wants both the Government and Opposition to work together "… to get the work done (for the country)…" It's frustrating to see both at loggerheads with each other and not working for the rakyat.

Clayton's work allows him to observe both sides. He's blasé about the situation, but "If I am the PM, I will include the opposition in all discussion so that we have an open discussion on what really needs to be done for the people and not only for those who will put money in our pockets. Look into long term policies and not just focus on short term policies that benefit the ruling government."

Hazri thinks both parties have a good chance of winning: BN with their strong party machinery and their solid economic plans and Pakatan Rakyat backed by the frustration of the people and strong economic performances in Selangor and Penang. "I wish PR is more solid in their economic outlook," he says.

Mimi sounds fed-up. "I'm hoping for more peace and stability in our country as an outcome from the next GE. No more hanky panky and riots, and please ELIMINATE all those LEMBU ministers."

READ MORE HERE

 

Defining our political future

Posted: 03 Sep 2012 09:48 AM PDT

http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/najib-genera-election.jpg

You must remember that it is Najib or Anwar – two individuals impossibly flawed by their years in Umno. Two individuals that are cut from the same cloth by the same self-titled bespoke tailor that was Umno.

CT Ali

Who will get your vote? Najib Tun Razak or Anwar Ibrahim? Will your political affiliation decide your choice or would quality of leadership matters? Honesty, compassion, integrity, confidence and flexibility are all qualities impossible to find in abundance in either of them when political leaders should have all of these qualities – and more.

Najib is at best mediocre. He plods around bemused and befuddled by the unfamiliar situation he now finds around him – Rosmah Mansor, the cut and thrust of Umno and Barisan Nasional politics and his own inadequacies swirl around him in ever concentric eddies that threaten to whirl him away to places unknown.

Anwar does trip the light fantastic at times. A charming chameleon who can make himself to be the person we want him to be with just that hint of sincerity that allows us to think that maybe, just maybe that is the real Anwar. And yet the next day he goes off at a tangent because the political expediency needed in juggling Pakatan Rakyat gives him no other option but to do so.

Will our choices be based on what is good and right and in the best interest of the nation as a whole? Perish that thought. We are humans and as humans, we reserve the right and the privilege of choosing a leader we think will do good to us.

And there my friends lies the confidence and bravado that Najib and Anwar have in their belief that the Malaysian people might choose either of them as prime minister. Surely those right-thinking people among us (of which… ahem… this writer thinks himself as one) would have consigned either of them to that heap where the "not to be resuscitated" sign should tell us that they are both past their use-by-date. But we humans are not creatures of rationality.

But this is Malaysia. We have no others. So Najib or Anwar it is.

Defining our political future

If it was a matter of choosing between Najib and Anwar, then I say that Najib is the lesser of the two men. But the lesser of the two men is now the prime minister of our nation.

Those of you who do not want Barisan Nasional say you are tired of the corruption, the abuse of executive power for political and personal financial gain and the total lack of good governance displayed by BN leaders.

Those who do not wish to see Pakatan in government talks about the impossibility and improbability of having three diametrically opposed political entities (now together within the Pakatan coalition for political gain) working in tandem for the common good of the nation and its people.

How could these three once opposing political organisation be held together just because of their hatred for Umno?

We are moving towards the 13th general election and toward our future with all these dilemmas unresolved – not the best of situations but that is all that we have. The pity of it all is that it will still be with us whether we vote for Najib or Anwar. So what are we to do? What should we do? What must we do? What can we "janji" to do?

We need to move towards good governance. And the bottom line to good governance is a vibrant democracy. Only then will we have sustainable and equitable economic growth and political stability. This we will not have with the present crop of political leaders now in power and even among those waiting to gain or seize political power.

We need to define the culture of our political future. We do not want leaders who seek to gain or remain in power by the manipulations of ethnic or religious sentiments.

There are not just Malays and the "others" in Malaysia. We are all one people. Let us no longer talk about Ketuanan Melayu, the institution of royalty, about educating our children in schools that accentuate their ethnicity while ignoring the realities of a society that now demand equality in opportunities and the personal freedom to decide and express their voice in politics, education and in everything that affects their life and the life of their family and the nation they live in.

We already have independence. We already have national integration a long time ago. Now we want the freedom to go on with our life the best way we can – and the function of government is to facilitate that demand. We want and we will choose a government that can do that.

We will not allow Najib or Anwar to lead us elsewhere. If the two of them want their political kingdom, then their political kingdom must conform to our aspiration of what we want. Who your father is, who you are, what race you belong to, what language you speak, what your religion is and where you are coming from politically no longer matters to us – what matters is that we will have our Malaysia. You ignore these demands at your own peril.

Read more at: http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2012/09/04/defining-our-political-future/

 

 

 

Najib’s election dilemma

Posted: 03 Sep 2012 09:34 AM PDT

http://www.jhu.edu/~gazette/2009/18may09/images/18teaching_sais.jpg

Each time the election has been put off, it has either been in the wake of a scandal revelation — such as the National Feedlot Corporation — or after a mass rally such as those involving the electoral reform movement Bersih.

Bridget Welsh

When will Malaysia's 13th general election (GE) be held?

Pundits continue to speculate on the election timing, with views ranging from Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak making a surprise announcement to speculation that he will go the full term.

One thing is certain: the polls have to be held before the end of June next year. The person who appears most reluctant to hold the polls is Najib himself. He is now Malaysia's longest serving prime minister without his own electoral mandate — either from his own party, Umno, that has not held elections since 2008 — or from Malaysians.

The pressure to call the polls and deliver a comfortable majority remains intense. Najib's predecessor, Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, was forced to resign when he failed to win two-thirds of the parliamentary seats in the 2008 GE.

Based on fieldwork and polling, of the 222 seats up for grabs, 84 per cent of them are "competitive" — and with the Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition having about the same number of "safe seats".

It is thus not surprising that Najib has repeatedly delayed facing the electorate. Multiple windows for the GE have been by-passed. Instead, Najib has worked diligently to earn popular support with the aim of tying his personal popularity to a victory for his ruling coalition.

DIMINISHING RETURNS

His clock is ticking, as there is less than a year left before the GE will have to be called. The longer Najib waits, the more uncertainty he faces, with the real prospect of diminishing electoral returns.

Part of this is a product of the hype surrounding the earlier windows to hold the election. By failing to call the polls on repeated occasions after the election machinery was ramped up and candidate lists forwarded, Najib fuels a possible perception of weakness, as the delays are read as a lack of confidence on his part.

Najib also opens himself up to further uncertainties. Each time the election has been put off, it has either been in the wake of a scandal revelation — such as the National Feedlot Corporation — or after a mass rally such as those involving the electoral reform movement Bersih.

A pattern has set in — where weaknesses in Najib's political reform efforts have been showcased, only to lead to further efforts to reconsolidate support.

The question Malaysians are asking is what will come next. Most are saturated with stories of scandal and intrigue, but ultimately the longer the delay, the greater the possibility of further revelations and civil society mobilisation.

This was the pattern in 2007-2008 and it is already repeating itself, as illustrated by the recent protest against the controversial amendments to section 114A of the Evidence Act 1950. The changes presume that a person is guilty for anything written on their websites and social media mediums.

STATE OF THE ECONOMY

The most serious unknowns Najib faces with his delaying tactics involve the economy.

Malaysia has performed well in terms of growth under his watch — an average of 5.8 per cent growth in the three years. Yet the economy is closely tied to global trends.

Slowing growth in China, recession threats in Europe and a lacklustre economic recovery in the United States, cast real shadows on Najib's political fortunes.

A slowdown is already evident, with third-quarter growth figures dropping to 5.4 per cent.

Najib's government has also been unable to stave off the impact of global inflation. In the first six months of this year, stealthily but steadily prices for fuel have risen, with a 10-sen rise in the month before Hari Raya Puasa alone.

The attention to the economy calls into question Najib's main strategy of using financial handouts to win support. Billions of ringgit have been doled out to constituents in a variety of forms, from vouchers to disadvantaged families to salary bonuses. More are expected in the upcoming Budget this month, the second year in a row the Budget will have been used as an apparent election primer.

While the influx of public sector cash in the economy has boosted consumption, little attention has centred on the long-term implications of short-term allocations and deficit spending.

Read more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/sideviews/article/najibs-election-dilemma-bridget-welsh/

Cocky BN needs to repent

Posted: 02 Sep 2012 05:11 PM PDT

Before fingers are pointed at Pakatan for doing a bad job, it will do BN good to take a good look at itself and realise how how bad a track record it has.

Jeswan Kaur, FMT

Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the country's former longest-serving prime minister, wants the rakyat to vote for Barisan Nasional come the 13th general election. His reason is that the federal government under the Barisan Nasional was all ears and had changed many laws and policies to bring a better future for the people.

Thanks but no thanks, Mahathir; had BN been listening, there would have been no reason for the "Bersih" saga to take place.

If all was well at the polls, the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections or Bersih, would not have taken to the streets, not one or twice but thrice.

And did the BN government listen then? No!

Why then must the rakyat vote BN back into power, if all BN does is to "monopolise" its existence and hoodwink the people into believing that it cares?

Had BN been a good listener as Mahathir is desperately alluding, there would have been much peace and harmony among the people.

In the over five decades that BN has held the nation's fort, much damage has been done, all because its leaders chose to give in to corruption and their never-ending hunger for more power.

On the contrary, the opposition under the Pakatan Rakyat banner has only had a taste of "calling the shots" since 2008; has it in just four years done as much damage to the nation as BN has been doing for the past 55 years?

For Mahathir to brag that only BN can determine the survival of the nation is implausible as the fate of the country does not lie in the hands of BN; likewise, Pakatan too should not claim it can do wonders for a nation whose people are slowly but surely being torn apart by racial slurs made by the very politicians who had once pledged to keep the nation united.

Too many mistakes made

Still, given time and experience, the opposition can deliver, provided it ties up all "loose ends" and all three parties under it – PKR, DAP and PAS – work in unison.

Any attempt by Mahathir or the likes of him to conjure up a "prima facie" case in the favour of BN is not going to work. Too many deliberate mistakes have been made by BN time and again, a reflection of its disrespect for the very voters who ensured its survival over the years.

Is BN willing to "repent", to take cognisance of all its wrongdoings and pledge never to take the rakyat for granted? Can Mahathir give the people the assurance that BN has turned over a new leaf?

Clearly, the former premier is unable for the "sludge" covering BN is beyond cleansing; the repeated acts of corruption tell the people that BN has become "too big for its shoes", its arrogance shrouding all promises made to the rakyat.

The instances are one too many. The controversial listing of the Felda Global Ventures Holdings is aimed at putting BN in the good books of the people; but really, why will the rakyat bother trusting the federal government when it knows, come what may, BN will never put an end to corruption, a scourge that is here to stay.

BN had no qualms appointing Isa Abdul Samad, the former Negeri Sembilan menteri besar who was suspended from Umno for engaging in money politics, as the chairman of Felda.

Is this what Mahathir means by "BN listening to the rakyat"?

The day BN gets serious in wanting to "listen to the rakyat", it will make an end of corrupt politicians like Sarawak Chief Minister Taib Mahmud.

Until then, it is pointless for Mahathir to beg for the rakyat's support in ensuring BN's victory in the coming general election.

BN selfish

Before fingers are pointed at Pakatan for doing a bad job since it came on board four years ago, it will do BN good to take a good look at itself and realise how how bad a track record it has.

Post-May 13, 1969 racial riots, did BN learn its lesson and work at strengthening unity among the people? No; instead, the racial divide became wider to the extent that the non-Malays have been made to feel "out of place" in their own homeland.

Was it not Mahathir who last year cautioned the non-Malays not to get carried away with the life enjoyed in this country, saying they owed it all to the Malays, the real "owners" of this nation?

Did it ever bother Mahathir how the non-Malays and maybe a handful of Malays must have felt each time Umno at its general assembly promised to wage war against the non-Malays should they dare question Article 153 of the Federal Constitution which safeguards Malay rights and privileges?

Is this how BN pays attention to the rakyat's woes?

READ MORE HERE

 

Replacing national flag: chasing after fantasy demons?

Posted: 02 Sep 2012 01:47 PM PDT

Two apparently well-meaning youths displayed a flag that looked similar but different from the national flag as a token to commemorate unsung heroes of independence at an independence eve rally, and lo and behold, the entire top leadership of Umno jumped instantly into a frenzy of wild accusations against the opposition without any proof.

By Kim Quek

As tension continues to mount ahead of the imminent general election, almost the entire top heirarchy of the incumbent Barisan Nasional government appears to have gone bonkers. 

Two apparently well-meaning youths displayed a flag that looked similar but different from the national flag as a token to commemorate unsung heroes of independence at an independence eve rally, and lo and behold, the entire top leadership of Umno jumped instantly into a frenzy of wild accusations against the opposition without any proof.

Prime Minister Najib Razak accused the opposition of wanting to replace the national flag, and warned of many more undesirable changes including the institution of royalty, should the opposition alliance come to power.

Minister of International Trade and Industry Mustapa Mohamed warned of a plot to amend the constitution and to turn the current constitutional monarchy into a republic.

Minister of Agriculture and Agro-based Industry Noh Omar said that in wanting to replace the national flag, the opposition has lost direction, and shown signs of power crazy even before they are in power.

Minister of Home Affairs Hishamuddin Hussein said he would act decisively against the "perpetrators of the provocative act", adding that the police have started investigation, and the attorney general will prosecute upon obtaining sufficient evidence.

Many other Umno ministers also launched similar attacks against the opposition simultaneously, including Rural and Regional Development Minister Shafie Apdal and Youth and Sports Minister Shabery Cheek.

Meanwhile, the police announced in its face book page that it was launching a man-hunt on the offenders who "tried to change the national flag", saying that such act "violates the federal constitution and the democratic process", which is a breach of the Sedition Act.

ACCUSATION DEBUNKED

Amidst this furor, two youths promptly appeared on the scene to debunk the story of changing flag.

Blogger Serigala Selatan, a student, claimed in his blog posting that he and a friend Zairi Shafai were the duo who showed the flag in question, known as Sang Saka Malaya.  It was a flag used by pre-independence nationalists during their struggle to gain independence for then Malaya.  As the story of their struggles has been erased from the official history, they wanted to remind the country of the existence of these forgotten heroes by displaying the Sang Saka Malaya on this commemorative occasion.

Serigala said they have not the slightest intention to replace the national flag (known as Jalur Gemilang) with Sang Saka Malaya, from which the Jalur Gemilang has evolved.

Meanwhile, top leaders of Pakatan Rakyat instantly and flatly denied that they ever conceived the idea of changing the national flag.

HILARIOUS BUT SERIOUS MISCONDUCT

Judging from the ferocity and intensity with which so many Umno ministers jumpted to the attacks, one would have imagined that the opposition must have been caught red handed in the act of committing the highest treason against the country, but alas, the truth turns out to be simply that these senior Umno leaders have been acting like a bunch of hyper-imaginative kids chasing after some fantasy demons, as there is neither a shred of evidence nor any credibility whatsoever to their accusations.

As DAP leader Lim Kit Siang succinctly put it, "the change of national flag is never a Pakatan Rakyat agenda and has never been discussed or raised in any Pakatan meeting".

In fact, the entire episode is so bizarre and funny that it would have made a hilarious Hollywood comedy, if not for the serious implications it carries for the nation.

Here we are not talking about some naughty politicians politicking, but the entire top hierarchy of the Malaysian government making unfounded accusations that are grave and obviously far-fetched.  

Such weird conduct by the ruling clique suggests that they are either dim-witted or dangerously deceitful, or perhaps both.

Whatever case it is, it means our country is in terribly bad hands.

Needless to say, this is another serious setback for BN along its bumbling road to defend a political power that looks more precarious by the day.

 

Janji Demokrasi – the real Merdeka event

Posted: 02 Sep 2012 09:07 AM PDT

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The comparison of the participants at the Janji Demokrasi gathering and those at Himpunan Merdeka is striking. The former were not promised any incentives. The only incentive for them was expressing their disaffection for the government, sending the ruling party the message that it cannot hijack Merdeka for its own selfish purpose: Merdeka belongs to the people, not to BN.

Kee Thuan Chye

 

The occasion could not have been better chosen or timed: The eve of the country's 55th Merdeka anniversary, two hours before countdown.

The venue could not have been more appropriate: Dataran Merdeka, where the countdown to Merdeka is held every year to commemorate the very first countdown to independence in 1957.

The theme could not have been more telling: 'Janji Demokrasi', a response to the government's Merdeka theme, 'Janji Ditepati'. Sasterawan Negara (National Laureate) A Samad Said (centre) to read his impassioned poem with its powerful ending:

himpunan janji democracy 310812 samad said mat sabu

Kita laungkan jerit senyaringnya: "Janji Demokrasi!"
sehinggalah janji itu turut menjeritnya sendiri!

(We cry with all our hearts: "The promise of democracy!"
until the promise itself joins in and cries out together with us!)

Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein predicted few people would turn up. But he was wrong. They came by the thousands – some counted tens of thousands – dressed in yellow, as requested by the organisers.

NONEThey came to show their disapproval of the government's hijack of this year's celebrations by imposing the theme 'Janji Ditepati' (Promises Fulfilled), which is actually the ruling party's election campaign slogan. They came to remind the government that it had indeed not fulfilled its promises – above all, the promise of clean and fair elections.

A demonstration like this would have come in the past from the opposition, but the amazing thing about this one is that it came from the rakyat. The rakyat came to Dataran Merdeka – people of all races, dressed in yellow, in fraternity, united in a common cause.

When this comes from the rakyat, not opposition politicians, the ruling party must needs tremble.

The rakyat even defied the police ban on the gathering. Hours before the event, the police tried to frighten people away by declaring the gathering illegal. But the people didn't care. Their disregard was a clear sign that the system is falling apart. When the people don't respect the law enforcers as well as the policy-makers, the end for the latter has to be near.

NONEThese were people who came of their own accord, braving the possibility of arrest. Very different from many of those who would be attending the official Merdeka Day celebrations the next night at the Bukit Jalil Stadium, the extravaganza organised by the government to display its might.

Of those who attended the Bukit Jalil event, 'Himpunan Merdeka', an insider tells me, "at least 50 percent were instructed to attend. We were given RM60 for meal expenses, free travel on the LRT. Those who brought their family got an additional RM50. Free rides on chartered buses were provided."

About 100,000 people reportedly showed up, but there must have been many who were lured by the live performances of famous local artistes, the fireworks display and the lucky draw. The prizes included a Proton Prevé, a Chevrolet Cruze, air tickets to London and Sydney, motorcycles, bicycles, etc.

Striking differences

The comparison of the participants at the Janji Demokrasi gathering and those at Himpunan Merdeka is striking. The former were not promised any incentives. The only incentive for them was expressing their disaffection for the government, sending the ruling party the message that it cannot hijack Merdeka for its own selfish purpose: Merdeka belongs to the people, not to BN.

That they managed to do so, in defiance of the police, on such a significant national occasion must be devastating for the government.

Going by this, if BN were to retain Putrajaya at the next general election, it will not have an easy time governing for another five years. It will likely face consistent resistance from a recalcitrant rakyat. Would it be facetious then to suggest that it capitulate now? Indeed, some people have already been calling this year's Merdeka celebrations "Umno-BN's farewell bash".

However, BN's leaders continue to strive to maintain that they are right.

Bt Jalil Merdeka NajibPrime Minister Najib Razak, in defending the use of 'Janji Ditepati' as the Merdeka theme, says there is no reason for anyone to dispute it "unless a person is not used to keeping promises". He says everyone should fulfil their promises, including ordinary people. "If the people want the country to be peaceful, stable and more prosperous, the people must promise to contribute to peace and prosperity."

The reasoning sounds weird and warped. Mainly because the logic of putting the onus on the people to ensure peace and stability is strained and contrived. Usually, that duty is assigned to the government. But what is more telling is Najib's evasion of the all-important point – that 'Janji Ditepati' is also BN's campaign slogan for the upcoming general election. That is the point of contention that he should have addressed.

In his speech at Himpunan Merdeka, Najib responded to the Janji Demokrasi gathering by saying that it involved only the minority whereas the gathering at Bukit Jalil involved the majority.
Again, he overlooked the key considerations.

First, many people were compelled to attend Himpunan Merdeka – among them civil servants and staff of some statutory bodies.

Malaysians wave national flags at a rally to celebrate Malaysia's 55th independence day in Bukit Jalil StadiumSecond, many of the people of his so-called "majority" are those still zombified by the massive doses of government propaganda they are fed every day through the mainstream press and television, and have therefore not awakened to the government's chicanery.

Third, if there had been no banning of the Janji Demokrasi gathering and the threat of possible arrest, many more people might have gone for it. Plus, many who did not show up nonetheless support it in their hearts. On social media that night, many said they wished they had gone, and many more cheered the success of the turnout.

Fourth, those who did come for the Janji Demokrasi gathering were not attracted by incentives, like payments, free transport and lucky draws. Their reason for coming was sincere and genuine.

Sore losers

It speaks poorly of the nation's prime minister that he used the Merdeka Day celebrations to lash out at Janji Demokrasi.

Not only that, he also demonised the opposition by accusing them of trying to bring chaos to the nation. Merdeka Day is supposed to be a day of national harmony and reconciliation. Desperate though Najib may be to win the next general election, he should still have shown respect for the occasion. Instead, he hijacked the event and used it as his election platform.

How then can it not be said that the Janji Demokrasi gathering was totally justified?

NONE

By the way, the gathering was peaceful, and Dang Wangi district police chief ACP Zainuddin Ahmad admitted that no untoward incidents were reported. Yet even so, he added, "We'll investigate later (for any violations)." What's there to investigate if there were no untoward incidents?

He also said they would investigate Samad for reading a poem. Since when has reading a poem become an offence? Don't the police have more important things to do – like going after criminals instead?

It's time the police realised that people power is on the rise and adjusted to the new paradigm – or they will look stupid playing their outdated games. It does not do them well to take their cue from their boss at the Home Ministry, Hishammuddin Hussein, who in commending them for maintaining security at the Janji Demokrasi gathering said: "We see that the event, which was aimed at creating chaos, failed …"

His statement was outright unfair – and downright stupid. He also sounded like a sore loser. But then, if you have seen how gamblers behave when their chips are down, you will understand why he said it.

KEE THUAN CHYE is the author of the bestselling book 'No More Bullshit, Please, We're All Malaysians', available at major bookstores.

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net
 

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