| Cometh the ‘third force’ Posted: 09 Nov 2011 04:48 PM PST 
The third force in Malaysian politics is getting more crowded as they vie to be the kingmaker in the event of a hung Parliament but some, like Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, may be eyeing the Prime Minister's post. The third force groups range from small political parties like Parti Cinta Malaysia and KITA, headed by millionaire lawyer Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, to civil society groups like the Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement (MCLM) headed by Haris Ibrahim. Even Perkasa is a third force group in its own right. ANALYSIS By JOCELINE TAN, The Star TENGKU Razaleigh Hamzah was all dressed up for what seemed like a normal press conference. For someone who once admitted that he is colour blind, he was a picture of immaculate grooming. Actually, he could have been mistaken for a prosperous banker or, dare we say, a Prime Minister-in-waiting? The Kelantan royal politician had called the press conference to announce that Angkatan Amanah Merdeka, the NGO headed by him, was now open for business as it has been officially registered. Amanah has joined a crowded field of what has become known as the "third force" in Malaysian politics, except that Tengku Razaleigh has still got one foot in Umno. The third force groups range from small political parties like Parti Cinta Malaysia and KITA, headed by millionaire lawyer Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, to civil society groups like the Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement (MCLM) headed by Haris Ibrahim. Even Perkasa is a third force group in its own right. At one level, these groups are signalling there is a niche out there for those who have rejected the old politics of Barisan Nasional but have not completely bought into the so-called new politics of Pakatan Rakyat. At another level, they are essentially politicians aspiring to be the "king-maker" in the event of a hung Parliament in the next general election. "Each group comes to the table with a slightly different political message to sell," said political analyst and UCSI academic Dr Ong Kian Ming. MCLM, said Dr Ong, comprises pro-Pakatan activists and intellectuals who aim to address the issue of poor quality of candidates in Pakatan, especially from PKR. KITA, on its part, has emerged as the only Malay-led party that has stood up for equal rights among all Malaysians and is not afraid to say it openly. It has even spoken up for religious conversions. As Dr Ong noted, some of these groups are looking for a platform and voice, some comprise individuals who are looking for political survival while a few are hoping to cash out at the right time. "On their own, they cannot knock out the established parties but they can cause a stomachache or headache," said publisher Datuk A. Kadir Jasin. Some of the third force groups are having headaches of their own. For instance, KITA, which was launched with a big bang earlier this year is embroiled in an internal feud even before it can really take off. MCLM caused a stir when it was launched from London with the support of blogger-in-exile Raja Petra Kamarudin. It has since nominated the well-known human rights lawyer Malik Imtiaz Sarwar and the less-known dentist Dr Nedunchelian Vengu to run in the general election. The next general election is going to be fierce and there will be a wild scramble to be candidates. Pakatan is going to have as big and as ugly a headache as the Barisan in managing people fighting to be candidates. Amanah, insisted its vice-president Wan Saiful Wan Jan, is strictly a civil society body. "It is not like MCLM or KITA nor is it about election candidates or where they should run. It's about a group of people who want to make a difference," he said. Nevertheless, Tengku Razaleigh's claim that he needs a new platform to speak because Umno restricts him does not really add up. It is indeed a selective process to be picked to speak at the Umno general assembly but over and above that annual event, no one has been able to stop Tengku Razaleigh from speaking his mind and he has caused ripples with many of his comments. He has a blog and journalists rush to his Langgak Golf "White House" each time he schedules a press conference. In fact, he makes news because he is such a famous Umno face, he says things other Umno leaders would not say. Speaking as the head of yet another NGO would not have the same impact. In the meantime, the perception that he is positioning himself for the Prime Minister post will persist. Actually, he is more experienced and accomplished than the other aspiring candidates, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Datuk Seri Hadi Awang put together. According to a Pakatan Rakyat insider, he could have been the catalyst had he come on board Anwar's Sept 16 scheme in 2008. He and Anwar met several times in the days leading up to Sept 16 but nothing happened because they simply did not have the numbers and even if they did, they would have ended up fighting each other for the top post. Tengku Razaleigh has missed the boat one time too many and he is now banking on his final boat. |
| MAIS now has free hand over zakat’s millions Posted: 09 Nov 2011 04:13 PM PST 
The July amendments to a state law has allegedly removed Selangor's Islamic Religious Council (MAIS) accountability to the state government. Selangor zakat money, he said, came up to about a third of the state government's annual revenue which was roughly RM1.4 billion. With this in tow, MAIS, according to an anonymous Pakatan Rakyat leader, could do whatever it wished with its companies without worrying about the state assembly looking over its shoulder. Patrick Lee, Free Malaysia Today It's a bitter pill to swallow for many Selangor assemblymen now that the government may have lost control over the state's Islamic administrative matters and the estimated tens of millions of ringgit in annual zakat collections. The amendments made in July seemingly allowed the state's Islamic Religious Council (MAIS) to be accountable only to the Sultan of Selangor, Sultan Sharafudin Idris Shah, bypassing the state government in the process. The amendments affected the Administration of the Religion of Islam (State of Selangor) Enactment 2003. Previously, Section 16 of the Enactment – which was passed at the July State Legislative Assembly sitting – enabled the director of Selangor's Islamic Religious Department (JAIS) to be appointed as MAIS's secretary. The secretary would also act as the council's chief executive officer and administrator, and was responsible for carrying out MAIS's policies and resolutions. However, the July amendments took that detail out, and allowed the Ruler "on advice of the Majlis" (MAIS) to appoint the council's secretary. Speaking under condition of anonymity, a state assemblyman said that the change allowed MAIS to snub summonses from the State Legislative Assembly's committee. "In one occasion, MAIS was summoned by a House committee overseeing statutory bodies and subsidiaries. They refused to appear on the grounds that they were not subject to the committee," he told FMT. Zakat money The assemblyman added that MAIS was a statutory body created by the Enactment, and had financial autonomy in its affairs. "They still have to table their audited accounts before the House… They can appoint their own auditors… But they are not duty-bound to come before the committee." "The effect of this, politically, is a government within a government, and Islamic affairs are taken out of the control of the state government," he said. This was of special concern, the assemblyman added, given that the amendments also gave MAIS the power to collect and distribute zakat as well as fitrah. Selangor zakat money, he said, came up to about a third of the state government's annual revenue which was roughly RM1.4 billion. With this in tow, MAIS, according to an anonymous Pakatan Rakyat leader, could do whatever it wished with its companies without worrying about the state assembly looking over its shoulder. "At the policy and state level, MAIS has six or seven government-linked companies under it… They said that the (state) government has no shared interest in MAIS' corporations. "So they tried to twist this (to their advantage), by saying that the administration (of MAIS) is under the Sultan… If we raised our voice (against it), they will raise the issue of derhaka (betrayal)," the leader said. READ MORE HERE |
| A wretched lot in Najib’s Pekan Posted: 08 Nov 2011 05:27 PM PST 
Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak is Pekan MP yet little has come by way of help for impoverished families and malnourished children in its Orang Asli settlements. For the record, healthcare for many of the Orang Asli villagers, who live off-the-beaten track, means the ubiquitous panadol, the tiny black pills known as "pil chi kit" for tummy aches, medicated plasters and only if they really need it – cough mixture. Aneesa Alphonsus, Free Malaysia Today Muffled strains of a pop song from a beat-up transistor radio with a missing aerial sets the Orang Asli children bobbing their head to the rhythm. Someone sings a native tune and switches stations to accommodate a more traditional repertoire. And just as quickly the children switch to playing catch with each other, fighting good-naturedly over balloons, their cheerful laughter carried along by the cool breeze. A bucolic setting indeed for any poet or artist. But this is not the truth of what life really is like in this Orang Asli settlement. The reality pales in comparison to the poetic setting. To say that the Orang Asli community in Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak's Pekan constituency is impoverished, would be putting it mildly. The typical scene that greets a visitor to the Orang Asli settlement in Pekan or for that matter any one of the numerous aboriginal settlements that litter Pahang will reveal dilapidated houses with flimsy floors and spartan interiors. In these villagers, hungry and malnourished children are a norm and their audibly growling bellies often bite into the stillness of the long afternoons. The Orang Asli village in Pekan, Pahang, is one of the many forgotten settlements around the country. So don't expect an eco-tour should a visit be organised as there is nothing pretty about what awaits. Undernourished children 
In one village, there stood three rickety shacks on stilts shaded by a few rubber trees. The lalang here was taller than most of the children whose growth is stunted due to lack of nourishment and proper healthcare. One five-year-old child who looked like she was only 24 months had such a bad case of worms that they were crawling out of her nose. She was administered with medication by some volunteers but because the infection was so severe, recovery is expected to take a while. Her brother too suffers the same fate. This has resulted in both of them experiencing laboured breathing. They are unable to run as freely as other children. For now, they sit on the sandy ground clutching at donated toys and balloons and watch other children jump, sprint and leap over fallen branches in a game of catch. For the record, healthcare for many of the Orang Asli villagers, who live off-the-beaten track, means the ubiquitous panadol, the tiny black pills known as "pil chi kit" for tummy aches, medicated plasters and only if they really need it – cough mixture. If they run out of these "medications", or basic necessities, they will have to walk five kilometres from their shacks to the mainroad. From there, they either take the bus or hitch a ride to get to the nearest town. No rights over land 
Logging, legal or otherwise, and forest clearing for oil palm plantation and development has forced the Orang Asli community to keep moving deeper into the jungle. The deeper they go into the jungle, the more difficult it gets for them to secure food, medications and other basic items. A report found online states: "Under British colonial rule, Malay reservations were given to the Malays, while the Orang Asli were confined to Sakai reservations. "By 1913 Malays were given the right to own and lease property within their reservations, but the Orang Asli were not granted the same privilege. As of 2006, there are an estimated 1,49,723 Orang Asli indigenous people in West Malaysia. They collectively occupy and toil on about 1,38,862.2 hectares of land." But unfortunately for the Orang Asli, the government does not recognise them as lawful owners of the lands. The government maintains the position that the Orang Asli have no rights to the land which they occupy. Biased law 
One other report on the condition of the Orang Asli mentioned: "The government sees them only as tenants on the lands which the authorities may at any time seize or take under its control by providing compensation for the loss of whatever is grown on the land under Section 12 of the Aboriginal People's Act of 1954." Look closely at Section 12 of the Act which provides that "if any land is excised from any aboriginal area or aboriginal reserve or if any land in any aboriginal area is alienated, granted, leased for any purpose or otherwise disposed of, or if any right or privilege in any aboriginal area or aboriginal reserve granted to any aborigine or aboriginal community is revoked wholly or in part, the State Authority may grant compensation therefore and may pay such compensation to the persons entitled in his opinion thereto or may, if he thinks fit, pay the same to the Director-General to be held by him as a common fund for such persons or for such aboriginal community as shall be directed, and to be administered in such manner as may be prescribed by the Minister." According to an Orang Asli from the Pekan settlement, the Act has led to the "systematic discrimination" of the Orang Asli communities in the peninsula. "We are so tired of this and just want to be treated fairly to cook with clean water and to make sure that our children will be able to enjoy a less normadic upbringing." "Under this Act, indigenous Orang Asli have been victims of systematic discrimination and forcible evictions by the state and private companies," he said. This is perhaps long-forgotten or maybe not even known but in 1995, the Selangor government forcibly acquired 38 acres of land belonging to 23 families from the indigenous Temuan tribe for the construction of the Nilai-Banting highway linking with the Kuala Lumpur International Airport. It has been reported that their dwelling houses and plantations of oil palm, rubber and fruit trees were indiscriminately destroyed. READ MORE HERE |
| Many still clueless over Tengku Razaleigh's Amanah Posted: 08 Nov 2011 04:36 PM PST 
What is his agenda, especially when he is still regarded as a veteran Umno leader and member of parliament (MP) for the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN)? For example, they said that this was especially against the backdrop of the possibility of Anwar Ibrahim, the de facto Opposition chief, being convicted of a sodomy charge and thrown into jail. Anwar's wife and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) president Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail is not eligible to contest for a period of five years after she had resigned as Permatang Pauh MP to pave the way for Anwar to win the seat in a by-election. BERNAMA Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah's decision to become president of a civil society non-governmental organisation (NGO), Angkatan Amanah Merdeka or Amanah, has left many politicians, as well as political analysts, guessing. Why would he join an NGO? What is his agenda, especially when he is still regarded as a veteran Umno leader and member of parliament (MP) for the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN)? "What is the purpose of such an NGO? What is their next move? No MP wants to form an NGO without an agenda. He has something up his sleeve," noted MCA veteran politican Yap Pian Hon, who is also Selangor BN publicity chief. Dr Sivamurugan Pandian of Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM) believed that the politicians behind Amanah, who described themselves as a minority group, might aspire to be the catalyst for the so-called 'third force' within BN. Maybe, he said, they needed a platform to comment on current issues as most of their leaders had been in the government previously.
Tengku Razaleigh, or Ku Li as he is affectionately known, had served as finance minister while Amanah's deputy presidents are Ong Tee Keat (former MCA president and former transport minister), Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir (former tourism/former information minister) and S. Subramaniam, a former deputy minister. The academician said it remained to be seen whether Amanah could influence voting patterns in the next general election. Personally, he did not think that they could but if they could get their act right, they might become a force to be reckoned with. Some political pundits believe that Ku Li might be posturing himself for a bargaining position: by being at Amanah, he could have the best position to get the best deal from both political divides. For example, they said that this was especially against the backdrop of the possibility of Anwar Ibrahim, the de facto Opposition chief, being convicted of a sodomy charge and thrown into jail. Anwar's wife and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) president Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail is not eligible to contest for a period of five years after she had resigned as Permatang Pauh MP to pave the way for Anwar to win the seat in a by-election. Some analysts feel that Tengku Razaleigh could emerge as the likely candidate to lead the Opposition if Anwar was left out in the cold. But DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng had openly said that Anwar remained the Opposition troika's choice candidate for prime minister even if he ended up in prison. "There is no talk at all (for Tengku Razaleigh to be the Opposition's choice for prime minister). We don't know the political stand of Ku Li," said DAP CEC member Jeff Ooi. "He can't take a (quick) helicopter ride (to the top). We (the opposition pact of PKR-DAP-PAS) have gone all out to create an alternative front. If he wants to join us, we will not reject him outright but the fact is that for us, he is merely of a princely stature." Ooi does not think that Amanah's leaders could pose any direct challenge to the Opposition as he believes that most of them are from a "bygone era" and currently lack pulling power. "Take Tengku Razaleigh, for example. He is an outsider to Umno and outsider to PR (Pakatan Rakyat). He is only in his own league. There is no collateral damage to us," he said, adding that the Kelantan prince's move to head Amanah had only drawn some attention. So, what is Amanah's gameplan? Tengku Razaleigh is still non-commital and fuzzy about plans. At a press conference on Tuesday, to announce that the Registrar of Societies had approved Amanah's establishment, he said, although Amanah would remain an NGO in the near future, he did not rule out the possibility of it becoming politically active. "It is up to the members...I'm not saying 'yes' or 'no' because it depends on the members. You cannot write off anything because the possibilities are there," he said. When asked on his role in the next election, Tengku Razaleigh kept everyone guessing by saying that it would be very difficult to say what he was going to do next. |
| Selangor upset over ‘royal’ intervention Posted: 08 Nov 2011 04:25 PM PST 
In July, the Sultan of Selangor ordered assemblymen to pass amendments giving him more power over Islamic affairs. "The Sultan is supposed to act on the advice of the state government, not the other way around. Even in the matters of Islam and Malay culture, the Sultan has to act on the advice of the state administration. We didn't want to fight the palace, we had respect for the palace. We let it pass." Patrick Lee, Free Malaysia Today Selangor state assemblymen are seeing red with what appears to be royal intervention in the running of the State Legislative Assembly. In July, every state assemblyman allegedy received a letter from Sultan Sharafudin Idris Shah, commanding them to agree to amendments that would supposedly give the Ruler more power over Islamic affairs. Pakatan Rakyat state assemblymen suspect that the hand of Umno was behind the move, which they say could have led to a constitutional crisis. One, who spoke under condition of anonymity, said they saw the letter on their desks at about 9:30am when they attended the July 11 state assembly sitting. The letter was accompanied by a Selangor government gazette with proposed amendments to the Administration of the Religion of Islam (State of Selangor) Enactment 2003. "We did not know what to do," the assemblyman told FMT. "We were totally shocked. It was a very delicate situation. If we went against it, it would have caused a constitutional crisis. "The Sultan is supposed to act on the advice of the state government, not the other way around. Even in the matters of Islam and Malay culture, the Sultan has to act on the advice of the state administration." "We didn't want to fight the palace, we had respect for the palace. We let it pass." He added that if the assembly had snubbed the letter and voted against the proposed amendments, it would have been played to the hilt by both the mainstream media and the Umno-led state opposition. Sultan's letter A copy of the letter was given to FMT by an anonymous sender. It was issued from the Alam Shah palace in Klang on July 11 and has the Sultan's signature on it. "As the head of Islam in the state, I am responsible for ensuring that the administration of Islam in the state operates smoothly and effectively," the letter reads (see below). "Therefore, I command all Yang Berhormat Members (of the Selangor State Assembly) to agree with the proposed amendments presented and approve the Bill so that these proposed amendments can be implemented immediately." A letter from the Sultan's private secretary, Mohamed Munir Bani, to state assembly secretary Mohamad Yasin Bidin was also provided to FMT. It reads: "I respectfully present the decree of His Majesty the Sultan of Selangor… to be distributed to all Selangor State Assemblymen immediately." The proposed amendments would: - Make the administration of all mosques and suraus fall under the purview of the Selangor Islamic Religious Council (MAIS).
- This responsibility was previously held by the director of Selangor Islamic Religious Department (JAIS).
- Give the Sultan the right to directly appoint anyone to the post of MAIS secretary.
- Remove the need to record in verbatim every resolution and policy made during MAIS meetings.
- Require all practising Syariah lawyers in the state to be Muslim.
- Require cheques issued by MAIS to be drawn according to its own financial procedures.
- Remove the need for MAIS and any corporation established under the Enactment to adhere to provisions in the Statutory Bodies (Accounts and Annual Reports) Act 1980.
- Give MAIS the power not only to collect zakat and tithes, but also to distribute it.
- Give MAIS the power to appoint anyone as mosque officials.
- Give MAIS the right to control and direct the duties of mosque committees.
There were 22 clauses stated in the provided gazette, with amendments to 21 sections within the Enactment. Phone call from palace Another assemblyman, who also spoke to FMT anonymously, said that the proposed amendments were initially made available at a state pre-council meeting, a "few days" before July 11. According to him, many state assemblymen present at the meeting were unhappy with the bill and hotly debated the details. "They voiced their displeasure at the bill," he said. "They felt they should have been consulted first because of its importance." Menteri Besar Khalid Ibrahim, according to the assemblyman, said he was troubled by the introduction of the amendments. READ MORE HERE |
| GE13: Pakatan Stands to Win Seven Extra Parliamentary Seats Posted: 07 Nov 2011 10:19 PM PST I have this general impression that Umno MPs have a better knack at carrying out their duties, especially in taking care of the people in their constituencies. The same can't be said about the newbie PKR MPs. Reliable sources have said that there are quite a number of people, namely in constituencies in Penang, Selangor and Kuala Lumpur, who are not happy with the MPs they had elected. These MPs would have to rectify the situation or else the vote count will not be in their favor come election time. by Django Setemolya, Malaysian Digest Many of us – the public, politicians and pundits alike – are speculating that the General Election will be held within the first quarter of 2012. Some say in March, others say April. Meanwhile, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad had advised Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak to hold it off as long as possible (deadline is 2013), a signal that BN still has a lot to do in their effort to revive the party's dwindling popularity. The general perception is Pakatan would put a smackdown on BN if iNajib is to call for election any time soon. Even Mahathir has inferred this strong possibility. But whatever it is, Najib is the one who's calling the shots. However, there's weight to Mahathir's prediction. We're talking about a former premier and Umno president who never makes a habit of underestimating his political rivals, and he was bang on when he said, in 1990, that Umno would not be able to reclaim Kelantan in 20 years. Kita President Datuk Zaid Ibrahim also recognizes that there's merit to Mahathir's premonition. "Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak will get his majority in Parliament if he dissolves it at the end of the present term and if he takes the time to consolidate his position. He will win only if he cares to question those of his advisers who are gung-ho about a BN victory. The people around him will probably continue to give him a false sense of confidence but if he is more realistic and takes his time, victory will be his – even if it is a close call," said Zaid in his blog. These conclusions highlighted by Mahathir and Zaid are deductions. To get a clearer picture, the numbers in the last elections would help in putting into perspective where Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat stand in the 13th General Election. The way things turned out, there are seven parliamentary seats won by BN and an Independent (who is formerly from PKR) that can be identified as shaky, seeing as these wins were by less than 500 vote majority. These figures already show that the Opposition has a very good chance in winning the GE13. READ MORE HERE |
| Empowering the sons of toil Posted: 07 Nov 2011 03:40 PM PST The Orang Asli have been left out and are forced to grapple with poverty. Now, a group aims to empower them through education. "We are imprisoned in our own country by this act. We are given no chance to speak up, we are not given a chance to express ideas or make decisions on whether we agree or not on certain matters – everything told must be followed by us." Aneesa Alphonsus, Free Malaysia Today Sons of the Soil, The Original People, and The First Ones. There are such noble sounding monikers for a community which has become more like sons of toil, the forgotten people and last on the list. The Orang Asli of Malaysia constitute only 0.5% of the population and are diverse in culture, language and beliefs, a legacy borne of 18 different ethnic groups. However, their shared experience of exclusion from the policy arena and a resulting lack of opportunity to voice their concerns became the impetus for the formation of a group named Sinui Pai Nanek Sengik (New Life, One Heart). Recognising that communities were having their livelihoods destroyed by government policies that took away their traditional rights to land and other resources, the Sinui Pai Nanek Sengik (SPNS) began an educational programme to mobilise communities for political and social action. The small number of Orang Asli is one of the many factors contributing to their current problems. Orang Asli have now become like refugees and illegal immigrants in their own country. 
Among the core problems are land ownership, culture, identity, and the lost of rights as the Orang Asli have been left out in the field of education and development. Most of the non-Orang Asli in Malaysia refer to the Orang Asli as a barbaric and backward community. Hence there are many who say that the Orang Asli is a community that is too lazy to work hard to develop themselves and their race. They also accuse the Orang Asli of preferring to ask other parties to change their fate. Plus, there is no space for the Orang Asli to speak out about their dissatisfaction on certain aspects of the government policies towards them. The strict control and the neck-logging by the government resulted in the Orang Asli community being unaware that they actually have rights to claim and can speak out about the biased treatment they have received in every government development plan. Badly hit by logging 
Alison Ghani, who is an independent volunteer for Orang Asli issues, says that many villages have been badly hit by logging. She shared the story of a man she fondly refers to as Pakcik Musang of the Jakun tribe who with his family, was harassed away from the land he was residing on. Today, Pakcik Musang lives in a flimsy shack with no guarantees that he will not be chased away once again. "Never enough can be written about Orang Asli issues. It's incredibly disturbing that they are being denied convenient access to medical treatment and medicines. Take Pos Gob in Kelantan for example. The nearest town from them is Kuala Betis which at 80km away translates to a five hour journey on foot. "Distance is always a problem. Orang Asli children of Pos Gob attend school at Pos Tohoi which is 60km away from their village, a four-hour journey on foot. Because their parents cannot afford the petrol money to bring them home every week, children as young as seven who are very attached to the families and the community only return home during the school breaks. Many of them refuse to return to school after the break is over," she said. READ MORE HERE |
| Malaysia’s Ahmadis living dangerously Posted: 07 Nov 2011 03:30 PM PST Targeted by both society and the state, Ahmadis in Malaysia plead for a fair voice, fearing the worst if they're denied this. Later in 1975, the Selangor Fatwa Council decreed that the Ahmadis were not Muslims, and recommended as a result, that their special Malay privileges be removed. Deceased Malaysian Ahmadis were not allowed to be buried in Muslim cemeteries, Ainul said, adding that their bodies had to be taken to a special gravesite in Cheras. Patrick Lee, Free Malaysia Today In the middle of Kampung Nakhoda, there is an unassuming three-storey building. Nothing about its humble stature makes it stand out from nearby houses, except for a council-erected signboard that clearly reads: "Qadiani Bukan Islam" (Qadianis are not Muslims). Youths mingle inside the building's compound, warily observing passers-by beyond the front gate. At FMT's approach, they smiled and opened the gate, only to quickly close it, and the front doors leading to the building's living room. Inside, the youths set up video cameras and other recording equipment. They are friendly, but slightly skittish with the visiting journalist. They relax a little when their religious leader, Maulana Ainul Yaqeen Sahib, enters. It is easy to see why. Ainul belongs to the Ahmadiyya movement, an Islamic sect coldly received by Malaysia's Sunni Islamic authorities. Selangor Islamic Religious Department (JAIS) officers in the past, he said, have raided the building – named Baitussalam – which serves as the local Ahmadiyya community's gathering place and mosque. "They (JAIS) pushed themselves through a hole in the front gate when we didn't let them come in. They didn't have a warrant," he told FMT, relating the 2009 incident. The JAIS officers barged their way into the building, and started inspecting its prayer room and taking photographs. Ainul also said that a few of these officers would later pose as curious university students. One of them, he claimed, "borrowed" a copy of the Quran, and never gave back. Given the cold shoulder 
According to Ainul, Ahmadis are no different from other Muslims in terms of practice and the faith. "We follow the Quran, the five pillars of Islam and the tradition of the Holy Prophet. Even our Kalimah (Islamic creed) is the same," he said. But what sets them apart from other Muslims, is the belief that their sect's founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, was Islam's Promised Messiah and the redeemer, the Imam Mahdi. (The Ahmadiyya movement began in Qadian, India, during the late 19th century, and was later called Qadianis.) It is a belief that has not only incurred the wrath of hardline Islamic authorities, but also their supporters. In May 2010, Pakistani terrorists attacked two Ahmadiyya mosques in Lahore with grenades and automatic rifles, killing 86 and injuring more than 120. Earlier in February this year, an Indonesian mob attacked an Ahmadiyya community in Cikeusik, Java. Videos released on the Internet showed the mob chanting "Allahuakbar" (God is great) as they beat and killed three Ahmadis, raining blows on them with sticks and stones even as they lay dead on the ground. While outright violence against Malaysia's 2,000-odd Ahmadis is unknown, the sect's believers nevertheless are given the cold shoulder by both the authorities and locals. According to the Ahmadis, opposition against the movement started shortly after the movement was introduced to Malaya by an Indian missionary in the 1930s. READ MORE HERE |
| ‘Graduates not competitive due to poor English’ Posted: 06 Nov 2011 05:21 AM PST "This generation will have to face international standard and competition in terms of job market, as part of globalisation," said Tourres. She cited Pakistan as an example, where she gives lectures. "In Pakistan, although the people speak different dialects, next to the Urdu language, their English is better than our graduates," she pointed out. BERNAMA The quality of Malaysian undergraduates in having a good command of English still remains an issue says a Universiti Malaya academic. Marie Aimee Tourres, a senior research fellow at the Department of Development Studies, Universiti Malaya, said it was crucial for graduates to have a good command of English to ensure they would be able to compete effectively, in the global job market. Nevertheless, "in terms of education spending, Malaysia is comparable to some countries in the region based on the percentage spent over its gross domestic product (GDP) growth," she told Bernama in an interview, Kuala Lumpur. She said Malaysia was actually spending more vis-a-vis other countries. In Budget 2012, RM13.6 billion was allocated to the social sector, including education and training, health, welfare, housing and community development. Tourres said there was also a lot of focus given for training and re-training for graduates, which was important to continuously upgrade skilled and knowledge workers in the country. However, the quality of undergraduates remains an issue in Malaysia, since the students find it difficult to grasp the English language. "Language is definitely an issue," she said, citing a recent publication by the World Bank entitled , 'The Road to Academic Excellence', which was a study on what contributes to a world-class research university. The study compared University Malaya (UM) and National University of Singapore (NUS) in a chapter entitled 'The National University of Singapore and the University of Malaya: Common Roots and Different Paths'. In the report, it was stated that as NUS kept pace with the demands of a growing economy that sought to become competitive internationally, with English continuing as the language of instruction and research, UM began to focus inward as proficiency in English declined in favour of the national language. The publication, which is based on a study conducted by two scholars, Philip Altbach and Jamil Salmi, also stated that because UM taught courses predominantly in the national language, it had much more limited internationalisation of programme, academic staff and student body. Can grads compete internationally? "This generation will have to face international standard and competition in terms of job market, as part of globalisation," said Tourres. She cited Pakistan as an example, where she gives lectures. "In Pakistan, although the people speak different dialects, next to the Urdu language, their English is better than our graduates," she pointed out. It made them more marketable in the competitive global environment, she noted. "The immediate result of their English capacity is that you can find many Pakistanis who work for international organisations such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund," noted Tourres. She believed that even if Malaysia gave more focus in English, the national language and culture could still prosper, provided that teaching was made interesting. "More English in school will not deter Malay, Indian and Chinese culture per se. We should not mix the issue of a command of good language and the preservation of national heritage," she said. As for the distribution of the book voucher worth RM200 to all Malaysian students in public and private local institutions of higher learning, matriculation as well as Form 6 students nationwide, she believed that it should be monitored to ensure that it served the purpose. This assistance is expected to benefit 1.3 million students with an allocation of RM260 million. "That is a lot of money. Probably, it could have been done based on meritocracy to ensure that it is properly utilised," said Tourres, pointing out that there were risks of students re-selling the voucher, especially when the new targeted generation lacked the reading habit and preferred to go online to search for their study materials. |
| Recognising Malaysia's stateless Indians Posted: 04 Nov 2011 08:21 PM PDT Indians arrived in Malaysia a century ago but many of their descendants still lack formal status. (Al Jazeera) - Ethnic Indians comprise nearly eight per cent of the Malaysian population, yet an inability to obtain their proper documents has rendered generations stateless. Official government estimates say 40,000 ethnic Indians, the descendants of Indians who arrived in Malaysia to work on plantations a century ago, do not have birth certificates or identity cards. Activists say that number is much higher. Lacking basic documentation, many ethnic Indians do not have formal education and are unable to seek legal employment or cast a ballot. The government recently launched a drive to register ethnic Indians, but for many, even proving the nation as their birthplace presents a difficult hurdle. Al Jazeera's Florence Looi reports from Kuala Lumpur. SEE VIDEO HERE |
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