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• Dr M: Why didn’t my deputy stop Projek IC if it was policy?
• The day Karpal sneaked in petrol to Parliament to burn evidence
• What Bumiputera discrimination? Shopping’s a money game – business experts
• Zaid to Zahid: You’re not a film censor
• Harris blames local reps for Sabah’s woes
• After 50 years, time to think as Malaysians first, says Nazri
• 70% Of English Teachers Not Fit To Teach
• Censorship board told to be prudent with The New Village film evaluaton
• NS trainees want out of camp

Dr M: Why didn’t my deputy stop Projek IC if it was policy? Posted: 11 Sep 2013 04:31 PM PDT (MM) - Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad asked today why his former "deputy" had not stopped "Projek IC" if it had been a government policy during his reign, appearing again to shrug off blame for the controversial citizenship-for votes initiative in Sabah. Without directly naming Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, the former prime minister said that the current "Pakatan leader" should have known about the purported Sabah initiative as he would have been familiar with government policy then. "If that is government policy, why didn't he stop it?" Dr Mahathir told reporters after the Japanese Chamber of Trade and Industry Malaysia (JACTIM) 30th anniversary celebration here today. "Is he going to lie to the commission that I told him to do all these things? He should know; he was my deputy," he added, referring to the Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) on illegal immigrants in Sabah. When asked if he was talking about Anwar, Dr Mahathir only said "Maybe". READ MORE HERE

The day Karpal sneaked in petrol to Parliament to burn evidence Posted: 11 Sep 2013 04:25 PM PDT V. Anbalagan, TMI The best kept secret about a pornographic videotape which lawyer Karpal Singh (pic) submitted to the Dewan Rakyat in 1992 is finally out. Worried that the videotape would not be accepted and that he could be charged with possession of pornographic material, Karpal prepared a contingency plan. He took into the House a small bottle of petrol inside a specially constructed metal container that fitted neatly into a large briefcase. The plan was to use the flameproof container to destroy the evidence inside the parliamentary debating chamber if the Speaker, or one of his deputies chairing a session, refused to allow the videotape to be tabled. "I had earlier conducted a dry run in my office to ensure the videotape can be destroyed quickly if it was returned to me," he told The Malaysian Insider. This little known story was revealed in the 325-page biography of Karpal, authored by New Zealand journalist Tim Donoghue. The book titled "Karpal: Tiger of Jelutong" was launched at a hotel in Kuala Lumpur last Saturday by DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang. The 73-year-old, who is wheelchair-bound following a road accident in 2005, said he knew police would be waiting for him outside Parliament to seize the tape and later charge him. "I had no defence. I would have been found guilty under the Film Censorship Act, which carries a fine of up to RM10,000," he said, adding that he would have lost his job as lawyer and been stripped of his position as a parliamentarian. On July 20, 1992, he took the opportunity to hand over the tape when the then-Deputy Speaker Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat was in the chair during the House debate on an amendment to the Companies Act. While speaking during the debate, he took out the videotape from the briefcase and walked towards Ong. Having said that the videotape was his gift to his fellow MPs, Karpal was relieved that the unsuspecting Ong readily accepted and marked it as part of parliamentary proceedings. He said the late Speaker Tun Mohamed Zahir Ismail had subsequently requested him to take the tape back but he refused. "A police officer even came to record my statement but I refused because the incident took place in the House," he said, citing parliamentary privilege. Karpal said the briefcase remained within the confines of Parliament until it was handed over to the police. READ MORE HERE

What Bumiputera discrimination? Shopping’s a money game – business experts Posted: 11 Sep 2013 04:18 PM PDT Trinna Leong and Mohd Farhan Darwis, TMI Several business experts have refuted an allegation this week by two Malay groups that shopping malls were discriminating against Bumiputera businesses. "In business, the main issue is never about race. It is about profit and loss and keeping the business alive," said Dr Yeah Kim Leng, the group chief economist at credit advisory firm RAM Holdings, told The Malaysian Insider. On Monday, the Malay Chamber of Commerce Malaysia and Malay rights group Perkasa accused major shopping malls of refusing prime space to Malay businesses and called for more lots to be reserved for Malay retailers. The chamber's secretary-general Hanafee Yusoff said high rentals at these malls made it difficult for Bumiputera traders to compete with international brands. This drew a response from the Malaysia Shopping Malls Association (MSMA), which said malls do not have a racial quota policy on the sale or leasing of lots. Yeah said while such a policy can be introduced, it may not encourage businesses to grow. "We can prepare the space and everything but if the business is not sustainable, losses would still be made. We have to take into account the commercial value of such a practice," said Yeah. When met by The Malaysian Insider, academics in business schools in Kuala Lumpur echoed the view. "At the end of the day, it's just business. If there is a demand, from the business point of view, they would sell it to the highest bidder," said associate professor Dr Che Ruhana Isa, dean of the Faculty of Business and Accountancy in Universiti Malaya. "Owners of malls would definitely look at those who can meet the requirements they want," she added. Dr Suhaimi Sarif, who heads the International Islamic University's business administration department, agreed. He said while the groups have a right to voice their grievances, they should understand that it is a free market out there. READ MORE HERE

Zaid to Zahid: You’re not a film censor Posted: 11 Sep 2013 04:05 PM PDT Former minister Zaid Ibrahim lambasted the home minister for his attempt to teach the Film Censorship Board on how to do its job. K Pragalath, FMT Former cabinet minister Zaid Ibrahim today told Home Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi not to take over the Film Censorship Board's (LPF) role as a film censor. "It looks like (Ahmad) Zahid Hamidi also wants to be a film censor. Please don't act smart and teach the Board. You don't need to pressure them. "In Malaysia, the ministers act as if they know everything," said Zaid on Facebook and Twitter in response to Ahmad Zahid's call for the LPF to be cautious and objective when reviewing the locally-produced Chinese-language movie, 'The New Village'. "The board has professionals who have been appointed to do the job because of their expertise. A minister should know his role which is in policy-making. He should not be interfering in LPF's work," he said. Ahmad Zahid was earlier reported by Bernama as saying that the LPF should be cautious in making decision on the movie as it was said to have concealed an intrinsic message in glorifying communist terrorists and putting them in better light than members of the security forces during insurgency. When Bernama asked Ahmad Zahid on LPF chairman Raja Azhar Raja Abdul Manaf's comment in FMT yesterday that there was nothing wrong with the movie and its screening was suspended due to objections from Umno and right wing groups, Ahmad Zahid said LPF should take responsibility for the public backlash, if any, with its release. READ MORE HERE

Harris blames local reps for Sabah’s woes Posted: 11 Sep 2013 02:55 PM PDT   According to Majid, prior to Tunku Abdul Rahman Al-haj's announcement of a proposal to form Malaysia on May 27, 1961 at the International Press Club in Singapore,  Stephens, Sarawakian and Bruneian leaders were already half-way theough negotiations on a Federation of Borneo Territories.  Luke Rintod, FMT   KOTA KINABALU : Former Sabah Chief Minister, Harris Salleh, said the "20 Points written on a full scape paper" in 1963 as safeguards for Sabah agreeing to commit to the formation of Malaysia is no longer relevant. This, he said, is because the safeguards were now already incorporated in the Federal Constitution. "To me the 20 Points is no more. It was just a 20 points written on a full scape paper, but of course later typed on a paper and proposed by various parties (to safeguard Sabah's special autonomy when forming Malaysia)," he said. Harris was presenting his views at the Formation of Malaysia – The  Untold Story – a forum organised by the Sabah Society here yesterday evening. Harris also told the 200-strong audience that he found it rather strange that then Sabah politicians put up the Point 7 which stated that Sabah should not have the right to secede from the Federation, when it should have been a federal clause and requirement. The former Berjaya strongman also opined that there is nothing wrong with the system of Malaysia, arguing that what is wrong is when Sabah representatives do not speak up in Parliament or Cabinet meetings. "If there is a problem, don't blame the Federal, blame our own people representatives. "Our representatives should speak in Parliament and Cabinet, and not talk about issues in coffee shops," he said adding that Parliament is supreme in Malaysia as it could amend all laws, and that leaders in Malaya would listen if Sabah leaders speak on sensible matters. He also recalled that former Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew and Malaysia's former Foreign Minister, Ghazali Shafie, were the two strongest proponents of Malaysia's formation 50 years ago. "Without Lee Kuan Yew and Ghazali, there would have been no Malaysia," said Harris who claimed he had already been 11 years serving under British civil service in then North Borneo when Malaysia was formed. Another Sabahan speaker at the forum, Majid Khan Kalakhan, also shared Harris view on the 20 Points issue saying all terms had been incorporated in the Federal Constitution either under the State List or Concurrent matters. "The 20 Points came from various political parties, and I think Donald Stephens, Mustapaha Harun, Khoo Siak Chiew, G S Sundang and Sedomon Gunsanad got the best deal with the Federal Constitution divided into three components – Federal List, State List and Concurrent List," he said. Federation of Borneo Territories Majid who was Stephen's assistant in 1963 but now is Malaysia's ambassador to Iraq, revealed that Lee was the one against giving right to secede to states. "I remember (Lee) Kuan Yew saying "this is not a Malay marriage, this is a Christian marriage, once you get married, you would be married together forever". "Smarter that he is, and intelligent he is, he forgot that the Federal Constitution had the provision to throw you (Singapore) out," Majid said referring to Singapore being expelled from Malaysia in 1965 through a Parliament vote. To this someone in the audience loudly said "that is a muslim marriage", to which Majid retorted "in Muslim marriage you cannot divorce but the husband can divorce you", to laughters from the floor. Majid also opined that it was Lee who managed to convince Stephens of the Malaysia idea, towards which he was skeptical initially. According to Majid, prior to Tunku Abdul Rahman Al-haj's announcement of a proposal to form Malaysia on May 27, 1961 at the International Press Club in Singapore,  Stephens, Sarawakian and Bruneian leaders were already half-way theough negotiations on a Federation of Borneo Territories. READ MORE HERE

After 50 years, time to think as Malaysians first, says Nazri Posted: 11 Sep 2013 11:34 AM PDT   (TMI) - "This is a democracy. You cannot say you cannot stand their presence and call them subversive or anti-Malaysian. They were also elected by the people. If I want them to respect me because I was elected by the people, I must also respect them."  Datuk Seri Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz believes that his contributions to Malaysia pale in comparison to that of Datuk Nicol David or Datuk Lee Chong Wei, both who wield racquets in the country's name. "I am nothing compared to Nicol's contributions. She has done so much for Malaysia on the world stage," the Umno veteran and Tourism and Culture Minister tells The Malaysian Insider. Yet the pride that he expresses towards the world squash champion and badminton ace is tempered with pain when he thinks of how some Malay-Muslims feel towards people like Nicol and Lim. "When they go overseas they fight for Malaysia. Not for China or India. Yet when they come back, there are people who say their community has got no place in this country.     "That is unacceptable," he stresses with a disgusted shake of the head. "For the first 50 years we can excuse ourselves for tolerating each other's racial and religious differences. But now we have to start accepting that we are all different and think of ourselves as Malaysians first." This is the primary reason newsrooms across Malaysia, particularly in the English media, like Nazri, who turns 59 this year. In a political party that is supposed to be the compass of the federal government but whose leaders often play and rely on the race card, Nazri is a symbol and a beacon. The English media relies on him to be a balm of rationality and tolerance whenever a fiery rash of extremism suddenly infect Umno members and the Malay supremacist fringe.  Due to his seniority in Umno and a provocative stint as a law and parliament minister, he is seen as a symbol that all is not lost with Umno — as far as ethnic and religious relations are concerned. He is in fact, one of the few senior Umno leaders to have declared that he is "Malaysian first". Yet as we sat down to interview him on what he thought about Malaysia turning 50, it became very apparent that this special quality of his does not bode well for Malaysia. A Hobson's choice Nazri credits his upbringing and his father, Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Yeop, for his broad-minded views of other communities. His father's last post was as Education Ministry permanent secretary in the then-British colonial administration. Nazri attended English-medium schools whose student population was multi-ethnic. Both father and son had many non-Malay friends. He also stresses that his beliefs are not because he's trying to appease his supporters at home. "People cannot say that I can afford to be liberal because my constituency is mixed. My constituency is in fact 76% Malay. And they are the rural, conservative Malays. But I am still liberal," says Nazri. It boils down to leadership he says, and a mountain of self-confidence (that he admits with a smile, have also gotten him into trouble).  "If you don't have this then you run into your cocoon once there's trouble. The Malays will run back to their Malay community, the Chinese and the Indians will run back to their communities."  Read more at http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/after-50-years-time-to-think-as-malaysians-first-says-nazri

70% Of English Teachers Not Fit To Teach Posted: 11 Sep 2013 11:19 AM PDT   (The Star) - Recently, it was revealed that about 70% out of the 60,000 English Language teachers, who sat for the English Language Cambridge Placement Test, performed poorly. About two-thirds of English Language teachers in the country have been classified as "incapable" or "unfit" to teach the subject in schools. Education Minister II Datuk Seri Idris Jusoh said such teachers had been sent for courses to improve their proficiency in the language. "The ministry will also consider sending them overseas for exchange programmes to take up TESL (Teaching of English as a Second Language) courses," he said during a dialogue session on the National Education Blueprint 2013-2025 held at the Karangkraf headquarters here yesterday. Idris, who did not state the number of such teachers, assured that a good portion of them had enrolled in English courses locally. Recently, it was revealed that about 70% out of the 60,000 English Language teachers, who sat for the English Language Cambridge Placement Test, performed poorly. On allegations that the Government was sidelining vernacular schools through the blueprint, Idris denied this, saying "all schools were treated equally". "We do not sideline any party. In fact, the ministry encourages everyone to learn more languages. Be it Chinese, Tamil, French or Spanish, the government will be proud if a Malaysian can master these languages," he stressed. The United Chinese School Committees' Association of Malaysia (Dong Zong) protested against the blueprint, saying that increasing teaching time for Bahasa Malaysia from 270 minutes to 300 minutes for lower primary and 180 minutes to 270 minutes for upper primary pupils was a move by the Government to eradicate mother tongue education.

Censorship board told to be prudent with The New Village film evaluaton Posted: 11 Sep 2013 11:18 AM PDT   (Bernama) - He said LPF should be cautious in making whatever decision as the film was said to have concealed an intrinsic message in glorifying communist terrorists and putting them in better light than members of the security forces during insurgency. The Film Censorship Board (LPF) should be prudent in evaluating the 'The New Village' film as it has the final say on its screening, said Home Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi. He said LPF should be cautious in making whatever decision as the film was said to have concealed an intrinsic message in glorifying communist terrorists and putting them in better light than members of the security forces during insurgency. Although the film depicted a love story, the characters featured and the message hidden should be evaluated carefully, he said.    "I am not supporting any security forces in the film, but the British army is portrayed as being arrogant, but was the communist better than the security forces?" he said after launching the Royal Malaysian Police's Governance Structure and Organisational Design workshop here. He said LPF should be prepared and responsible for public reaction towards the film if it were to approve its screening.  "But if the audience give a good rating to the film, then credit should be given to LPF," he said.

NS trainees want out of camp Posted: 11 Sep 2013 11:14 AM PDT Three dirty pillows on a bed in one of the rooms inside the NS White Resort camp in Balik Pulau, Penang.  (The Star) - A source told The Star that the camp used to be one of the best NS sites in the country when it was opened about five years ago. "It is now so badly maintained that it can be considered one of the worst in the country now" A group of National Service (NS) trainees from the White Resort camp here want to leave the programme over deplorable conditions such as insufficient food and broken toilet locks.   One of the trainees' brother, who declined to be named, said that he received a call from his sister on Tuesday night, asking him to pick her up from the camp. "But, I was denied access after travelling all the way from Perak," he said. "I waited at the office for almost two hours, only to be told that I could not see her. "She had told me that she could not stand the camp's unkempt condition. She even found worms in her food. It's a miracle no one came down with food poisoning," he said when met at the camp yesterday. He added that his sister had also complained that some of the toilet doors were broken and could not be locked. Reporters were not allowed to visit the camp's facilities and were instructed to wait at the office for more than two hours before being told to leave the site. A source told The Star that the camp used to be one of the best NS sites in the country when it was opened about five years ago. "It is now so badly maintained that it can be considered one of the worst in the country now," he said. "Clogged sinks and toilets are a daily occurrence here. Even the broken bed frames are not re­­placed." The source said that the amount of food for trainees had also decreased, adding that in the past, each trainee had received around 125gm of chicken meat for their meal but this had been reduced by a third. When approached, camp commander Mej Abdul Hamid Man refused to comment and said that the matter "will be dealt with internally". Meanwhile, Pulau Betong assemblyman Farid Saad urged the National Service Department to immediately take action against the camp. "I'm very disappointed with the condition of the facilities and equipment in the camp, which are broken and dirty," he said in a statement. "After seeing the condition of the resort myself, I understand why the trainees are dissatisfied."

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Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info

Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

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• Asian academia faces language block
• Indonesia’s woes are Asean’s problems
• Healthy competition to ease impact of price rises
• Malaysians expect a shadow cabinet
• The crime of marginalisation
• Putting God on Trial

Asian academia faces language block Posted: 11 Sep 2013 03:17 PM PDT Malaysia, as a country that was once partly Anglophone, and where English was once spoken well, has to make a choice sooner or later. While it remains the case that we cannot deny or neglect the importance of Bahasa Malaysia as a tool for nation-building, Malaysia's future -- like all other countries in this globalising world -- lies beyond our shores as well. Farish Noor, NST   GLOBAL LINGUA: Scholarly works that are not in English are not able to penetrate the international arena THE debate over the teaching of the English language continues, not only in Malaysia but also in many other countries across the world. While the form and content of the debate has been shaped by domestic political considerations and agendas, there are some pressing realities that we cannot escape from; and one of them is the simple fact that English remains the most commonly used language in global academic circles. In order to circumvent the somewhat heated temperature of the debate here, allow me to offer some observations based on my experience teaching in some other Asian countries. In countries like India and Pakistan, the teaching of English remains a serious concern for many students, parents and educational institutions that wish to give Indian and Pakistani students a fighting chance in the ever-changing global economy. For many of the new industries that have emerged, including information technology, the working knowledge remains English - despite the linguistic nationalism that is articulated and foregrounded by some politicians and activists there. One country that I have come to know rather well by now is Indonesia, where I routinely travel to do research as well as to teach. It has been my honour, and pleasure, to meet a wide range of Indonesian academics, who have become my colleagues and friends for more than a decade now. Equally rewarding has been the experience of supervising more than a dozen Indonesian post-graduate scholars, who have done their doctoral theses under my supervision. It is no exaggeration on my part, I feel, when I say that the Indonesian scholars and students I have met and known are among the best academics I have come across. Indonesia today produces some of the best work in the humanities and social sciences, and in all honesty, I have to state that the quality of work I have seen in Indonesia matches the work I have seen in countries like France, Holland and Germany, where I have also worked and taught in. However, there remains one stumbling block that hinders Indonesia's rise as a major centre for teaching, research and knowledge-production, and it is the fact that an overwhelming majority of the works produced by Indonesian scholars today is in Bahasa Indonesia. And, despite the fact that Indonesia's population numbers almost a quarter of a billion souls, Bahasa Indonesia is not widely known, spoken or read beyond the shores of Southeast Asia. It has always seemed grossly unfair to me that Indonesia's academic presence is not known or felt wider, but the sad fact is that English remains the dominant language of academia in both the social sciences and the hard sciences. Those of us who live and work in the academic field are even more acutely aware of the power of English as the language of knowledge and power today. In any academic discipline, be it in the humanities or the hard sciences, access to the latest theories and developments in the field are crucial. And, for this, books and journals are vital, for the latest theories are to be found in the journals that are circulated between universities or online. A simple cursory search on any online search engine will tell you that an overwhelming majority of such journals are now in English.  We, who live and toil in the postcolonial world, are thus caught in a dilemma of sorts, for we are torn between our own linguistic-nationalist needs and the equally compelling need to be realists and pragmatists. In the past -- at least up to the late 19th century -- German and French were also important languages in the academic field, but no longer. (Honestly, ask yourself: when was the last time you read a journal article in French or German? Or, if you did, was it not translated into English?) Read more at : http://www.nst.com.my/opinion/columnist/asian-academia-faces-language-block-1.351947

Indonesia’s woes are Asean’s problems Posted: 11 Sep 2013 03:02 PM PDT As investors see ASEAN as a whole, Indonesia's market jitters could affect its neighbours. Other ASEAN economies also rode the wave of loose United States monetary policy. With this wave ending, they might also suffer.  Efforts to solve the current problems could twin with the goals of Asean community and economic integration. Simon Tay, todayonline.com  Some fear that Indonesia is heading for a crisis. Growth in the second quarter dropped below 6 per cent. Deficits in both the current account and trade widened markedly. The rupiah fell some 10 per cent last month to its lowest level against the US dollar in four years. Investor confidence is shaken. The estimate is that a staggering US$4 billion (S$5 billion) in capital has recently flowed out of the country. If there is a crisis, the entire region should be concerned. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is building its Economic Community by 2015 and Indonesia is some 40 per cent of the region's economy. Investors see the region as an interconnected whole and the past crisis shows how quickly and quite indiscriminately contagion spreads. Indonesia's ASEAN neighbours should watch their economic woes carefully, as they, too, rode the same wave of growth in recent years.   CRISIS AVERTED BUT BOOM ENDED The good news, though, is that fears about the crisis in Indonesia are overstated. Corporate balance sheets seem healthy. Flexible exchange rates can absorb shocks. Even as the rupiah drifts downward, there is no need to panic. Indonesia should not try to prop up the currency and, given its relatively low levels of foreign reserves, it has no real capacity to try. If there is extreme financial and currency volatility, the macro-economic conditions are more supportive than before. The Chiang Mai Initiative's Multilateralization (CMIM) mechanism provides for currency swops and others — especially Japan and China — would extend assistance to deal with the fluctuations. A crisis can be avoided. There are, however, no easy and quick solutions to bring back the boom. Normally, a weaker currency would help push up exports — but not in this case. Indonesia's main exports, like coal and palm oil, face weak demand and generally low prices as China's growth has slowed and the resource boom has ended. For manufactured goods, its still-developing industrial sector cannot generate big foreign-exchange receipts. Even as steps are being taken to staunch the financial problems, expect higher inflation, interest rate hikes and slower growth. Looking ahead, it will be tricky to find the right balance in raising interest rates to control inflation while avoiding further slowdowns in growth.   POLITICAL WILL AND REFORM NEEDED However, recent appointments of top policymakers offer hope. Finance Minister Chatib Basri and Bank of Indonesia Governor Agus Martowardjojo are both highly-rated and credible choices. Since their appointments in May, policy-making has noticeably improved. Jakarta has cut fuel subsidies and raised interest rates to tackle inflation. The government's 2014 budget also aimed to reduce the budget deficit. They offer hope that there is political will and sufficient expertise to do what is necessary, however painful and difficult. This has not always been the case. During the boom, policymakers and the legislature refused to take reform seriously. Instead, they made nationalistic and protectionist rules. Political in-fighting and corruption scandals, too, distracted from economic issues. Even today, some in Jakarta seem to be in denial, pointing to external factors as the sole cause of current problems. Others are distracted by preparations for next month's APEC Summit and, even more, next year's presidential elections. Yet reform is critical to boosting competitiveness and regaining investor confidence. Many issues are long recognised, such as infrastructure gaps and energy subsidies. Others are problems emerging from the boom, like the rapidly rising wages and expectations among workers.   ... AND ASEAN INTEGRATION  Read more at : http://www.todayonline.com/world/asia/indonesias-woes-are-aseans-problems

Healthy competition to ease impact of price rises Posted: 11 Sep 2013 02:50 PM PDT Fuel price hikes lead to transport charge hikes; transport charge hikes lead to consumer goods price hikes; and consumer goods price hikes lead to seething discontentment. These are the phenomena that we have to face. The problem is, the government must ensure that the price hikes are justified while making the greatest effort to stop unreasonable price rises. Soong Phui Jee, mysinchew.com Pan Malaysian Lorry Owners Association's (PMLOA) announced a 15% increase in transportation charges to alleviate the burden and cost pressure of lorry operators. Land Public Transport Commission (SPAD), however, reminded lorry operators that the collective decision to increase transport charges by 15% might have violated the Competition Act 2010. The Competition Act 2010 is meant to prohibit anti-competitive trading and activities, to ensure a healthy competition on price, improve the quality of goods and services, as well as provide more choices for consumers. The country's business community is still unfamiliar with the Competition Act 2010 and there are even many questions about it. Like the PMLOA, the common practice of many organisations is to announce a flat increasing rate after having internal negotiations. But such a move has now raised a question: Is a collective price rise a violation of the Competition Act? The answer is yes, unless if the operators have obtained immunity under the Act. Even so, the operators may still announce price rises respectively based on the needs of the free market. In such a way, they can then bypass the constraints of the Competition Act. Any price hike measures could bring butterfly effect and affect people's lives in varying degrees. Therefore, how great the impact of the recent fuel price and transport charge rises would be? Particularly when the value of ringgit is low, would it lead to another wave of inflation? The people are worried. The people are equally concerned about how the government would use the money saved from fuel subsidy cut to expand the social safety net and reduce the impacts of fuel price hikes on low-income earners. Meanwhile, members of the public should recognise the fact that there are great drawbacks in the existing fuel subsidy mechanism as everyone, regardless of rich or poor, can enjoy the same subsidy benefit. Consumers, particularly high-income earners, have then lost the reason to save. As a result, fuel consumption grows, as well as the government's financial burden. Today, the phasing out of fuel subsidy has been a decided policy and the people must face fuel price rises someday, if not today. In fact, if the fuel price rises were not halted because of the general election held in May this year, the government would have long adjusted the prices. READ MORE HERE

Malaysians expect a shadow cabinet Posted: 11 Sep 2013 02:39 PM PDT     A shadow cabinet makes it easier for the people as well as journalists and others to find appropriate spokespersons from the opposition coalition in a policy debate. For example, the shadow education minister should be responding at length to the new Education Blueprint right now, but because there is no shadow education minister, Pakatan leaves it to individual MPs to respond.  If no PR leader responds convincingly, there is no one to blame and they can trundle along until the next election… Kua Kia Soong, SUARAM advisor  Prior to the 2008 general election, Pakatan Rakyat could be forgiven for not presenting the country with a shadow cabinet because of the hastily cobbled coalition. After the 12th general election, there was no excuse for Pakatan not to have a shadow cabinet. Since then, Pakatan's response to the call for the coalition to form a shadow cabinet has never been coherent. The 13th general election has come and gone and still they do not present us with a shadow cabinet. Their response seems to be that it is their prerogative not to have to form a shadow cabinet. This is the negative "away from" rather than the "towards" response we would expect of a prospective ruling coalition that more than 50 per cent of the Malaysian electorate had voted for in the 13th general election. And we would have thought that any prospective prime minister would want to promote a shadow cabinet to showcase Pakatan's better quality leaders and policies compared to Barisan Nasional's and through its performance, to give Malaysians even greater faith in an alternative to the BN. One can guess at the reasons for Pakatan not wanting to commit to a shadow cabinet. The most likely reason is the fear of disgruntled leaders within the coalition creating fissures should they not be chosen or unhappy parties which expect more portfolios. Thus, they have faceless committees instead of a shadow minister who is accountable to the people. Another reason is that Pakatan is reluctant to commit to policies that, in their calculations, might cost votes, for example, the annulment of the New Economic Policy; cutting the arms budget; amending the Education Act; an alternative energy policy; a progressive fiscal policy, etc. So do we have to expect the same fuzzy logic at the 14th general election? How long can Pakatan go on in this fashion, expecting to come to power through the disaffection of Malaysian voters with BN and forever postponing the expectations of the rakyat for a credible shadow cabinet? Accountability and transparency The people expect accountability and transparency from the government and they also expect the same from the government-in-waiting. Democratic governments exist only to safeguard the rights of the people. Parliament is meant to ensure that the government fulfills the responsibilities entrusted on it by the people. A shadow cabinet has to systematically monitor the cabinet in office, to shadow each individual member of the government's cabinet. In a parliamentary democracy, members of a shadow cabinet are appointed to a cabinet position if and when the coalition wins the election and forms the government. A shadow minister is also expected to have close connections with stakeholders in the relevant fields. This enables him or her to know the sector really well and to apply pressure on the government to solve various problems. A shadow cabinet makes it easier for the people as well as journalists and others to find appropriate spokespersons from the opposition coalition in a policy debate. For example, the shadow education minister should be responding at length to the new Education Blueprint right now, but because there is no shadow education minister, Pakatan leaves it to individual MPs to respond. If no PR leader responds convincingly, there is no one to blame and they can trundle along until the next election… Thus, the existence of a shadow cabinet brings higher accountability in our parliamentary system of democracy by forcing the opposition coalition to focus on specific areas and present solutions to the people in a satisfactory manner. Most of the time, issues relating to corruption are raised by Pakatan leaders without their having to offer solutions or alternative courses of action. The most obvious case is in the defence portfolio. We will never fail to hear of corruption scandals being raised by Pakatan regarding defence procurements, but what are Pakatan's alternative proposals for the defence budget? When Pakatan forms the next federal government, will we have more arms fairs, more arms procurements minus "commissions"? Or will Pakatan divert more of the arms budget into social services? This is what we want to hear from the shadow minister for defence. Malaysians expect similar alternative policies for every ministry by the shadow cabinet. The most urgent alternative policy that Malaysians would like to see is a repeal of the New Economic Policy as well as a new Education Policy that promotes real integration, real fairness and is totally committed to excellence. Through constructive criticism and prudent debate, the opposition can not only win the hearts of the people but also contribute to the development of the country. An effective and well-informed opposition party is essential for the success of any parliamentary democracy. A fully functioning shadow cabinet can offer such benefits. It is time for Pakatan to face up to this challenge by naming their shadow cabinet because Malaysians expect one!

The crime of marginalisation Posted: 11 Sep 2013 11:55 AM PDT   Crime of violence with a penchant for brute force like racketeering, kidnapping, murder, extortion, drug/human trafficking, tend to be the workings of those whom have the least to lose, those on the lower rungs of society. Nicholas Chan, fz.com  A WEEK or so ago, it was like Christmas for the concerned citizens and crime enthusiasts of Malaysia.    The Home Ministry officially released a list of 49 groups alleged operating as criminal gangs and announced the banning of their existence under the Section 5(1) of Societies Act 1966.    Such a public disclosure of not just the name of the gangs, but their zone of activities, demographics and even the numbers of members they have is unprecedented for Malaysia.    Ops Cantas swiftly followed as a major clampdown exercise, and as of Sept 7, it has already nabbed 4,806 suspects for involvement in criminal activities.   Historically, the only similar approach of formally banning criminal organisations was in 1890, when the Straits government of British declared all Chinese secret societies to be illegal with the Societies Ordinance and give them six months to wind up their enterprise.    In hind sight, it is déjà vu, as it appeared that our police force only sprung to action after a spate of gang-related murders rocked the nation. The British too, only recognised the threat these secret societies posed after the massive Penang Riots in 1867 and their deep involvement in the Larut Wars.     However, such high-handed approach only resulted in a short period of outward calm and was said to have a more malignant effect of driving the society members underground, turning them from Chinese communal bodies into violent criminal gangs .   Unlike many, I do not look at this public shaming of criminal gangs with awe and wonder. Instead, the statistics is highly worrying and I sense another historical déjà vu.    Among the 40,313 individuals suspected of involvement in gang activities (as provided by the Home Ministry), 28,926, or 70% of them are of Indian origins. Gang 36, Gang 04 and Gang 08 were named as the most notorious of all the criminal gangs and they are majorly dominated by the Indians, although Gang 36 was said to be backed by Chinese funders.    It would appeared that gone were the days of Chinese domination of the underworld, when the most revered of gangs has a Chinese rhyme to their names, like the Sio Sam Ong of Penang and Long Fu Tong of Kuala Lumpur.   Outlanders in their own country?   To understand this déjà vu, one would have to go back to the origins of the secret societies in Malaysia, tapping into the sentiments of Chinese immigrants that arrived in Penang as labours, or coolies since the 1800s.    Secret societies arise because these people had no protection or anyone to represent their interests under the British rule which has hardly any officer that speaks Mandarin or any other Chinese dialects.    The secret societies, which unite the Chinese immigrants mostly by their provincial origins or dialects, came into existence to provide mutual aid and protection to their own kind in a foreign and potentially hostile land.    The secret societies or the kongsis (which means "company" in Mandarin) is a creation of necessity and circumstances rather than convenience for those that are politically and socio-economically disadvantaged and marginalised. They are more than just criminal organisations; they are the governing, economic and welfare entity for the fast-growing Chinese immigrant community.   In the present day, as the Chinese slowly gained solid social and economic footing and moved away from the life of crime, it would appear that the Indian community has taken up the mantle. And they do it in disproportionately large numbers despite being the smallest among the three major ethnic groups of Malaysia.    Stories have it they are succeeding the originally Chinese gangs as the Chinese could no longer get recruits for their ground level operations. These organisations are fast-growing and fearless (to the extent of spray painting their symbols on the wall of a police station as a declaration of war), not unlike the brazen Chinese secret societies during the British days.   If it is indeed déjà vu, then it would be a sad and worrying trend.    This implies that a substantial portion of the Indian community, like the Chinese immigrants in the 19th century, felt like they are staying in a foreign land, with little glimmer of hope for protection and success unless they stick to each other.  Read more at: http://www.fz.com/content/crime-marginalisation

Putting God on Trial Posted: 11 Sep 2013 11:18 AM PDT   How does BN expect national security to remain intact when it decided to put God on trial, literally, creating psychological unrest for Malaysians irrespective of their religious beliefs?   Jeswan Kaur, FMT  The Catholic Church hopes its prayers go answered next month when the Court of Appeal decides whether weekly publication Herald has legal 'blessings' to continue using the word 'Allah'. The Herald, a weekly publication of the Archdiocese of Kuala Lumpur, is published in four languages and has been using the word 'Allah' as a translation for God in its Bahasa Malaysia-language section, catering to East Malaysians in the peninsula, since September 1995, but the government argued that 'Allah' should be used exclusively by Muslims. The Herald filed a suit against the Malaysian government in December 2007 after the government threatened to revoke its printing permit if it continued to use the word 'Allah' in the Malay section of the newspaper. Although it was the Catholic Church that brought the suit against the government, other Christians and even the Sikh community came out in support saying that the word 'Allah' should not be exclusively for Muslims, pointing out its long usage in Malaysia and other countries. The then Home Minister Syed Hamid Albar signed an order prohibiting the Herald from using the word 'Allah' in its publication. But the High Court in 2009 allowed the Catholic Church to use the word 'Allah' in the Malay edition of the Herald, which prompted an appeal from the government. All out to end the Herald's use of the word 'Allah', the government is clinging to the defence that the Home Minister banned the use of the word Allah in the Catholic Church's weekly publication on the grounds of national security and public order. Putrajaya's lawyer Suzana Atan told the Court of Appeal two days ago that the prohibition was ordered as it touched on Islamic religious sensitivity. "In this country, Allah is a sensitive word," she said. How does uttering 'Allah' by the non-Muslims threatens national security unless flames of racial tension are already being stoked by certain quarters? Trying hard to reverse the 2009 High Court order that was in favour of the church, Suzana told the Court of Appeal that the ban was actually a pre-emptive measure by the minister as the word caused a lot of confusion among Muslims and Christians as it had a different meaning to both religious groups. "The Christians believe in the Holy Trinity while for Muslims, Allah is the only God," she said. Until then, it is wait and see whether justice prevails next month when the Court of Appeal comprising three Muslim judges deliver the verdict in this long-standing battle that sees the BN government all out to deny the Catholic church and other non-Muslims their right to use the word 'Allah'. BN hijacking national unity While the Court of Appeal heard submissions pertaining to the 'Allah' issue, the ultra-Malay wing Perkasa led by its founder Ibrahim Ali sang religious songs and waved banners with cries of 'Hormat Islam' (respect Islam) and 'Takbir Allah' (God is Great). Both Perkasa and Perkida supporters also wore T-shirts bearing the words 'Allah: Just for Muslims. Fight No Fear'. Perkasa vice-president Zulkifli Noordin also joined the fray, urging Muslims to defend their religion. How does BN expect national security to remain intact when it decided to put God on trial, literally, creating psychological unrest for Malaysians irrespective of their religious beliefs? Lawyer Suzana tried to convince the Court of Appeal as to why the government was right in its move to ban the use of the word 'Allah' by the Herald, saying it was to protect national security and prevent chaos. But then when groups like Perkasa utter damning words against non-Muslims and threaten them with bloodshed should the latter touch on issues pertaining to Islam, why does the BN government not see this form of harassment as a threat to the country's peace and harmony? Why does BN continue to afford politicians like Ibrahim one too many opportunities to denigrate the non-Muslims of this country? Is it therefore wrong to deduce that both BN or more precisely its dominant arm Umno and Perkasa harbour the same dream, that of turning Malaysia into a single-race nation? READ MORE HERE

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• Allah Yang Naikkan Harga Barang?
• Pondering Tamil schools in Malaysia
• How Meritocracy Entrenches Inequality

Allah Yang Naikkan Harga Barang? Posted: 11 Sep 2013 08:42 PM PDT Menariknya saya terbaca satu komen yang menyebut: 'Kalau begitu pegawai-pegawai penguatkuasa kawalan harga barang sedang menentang ketetapan Allah lah?!' Ringkas, tapi penuh makna. Akidah Sebelum kita pergi kepada hadis yang diguna pakai dalam penghujah isu ini, saya suka menyebut bahawa dalam sejarah umat Islam pernah muncul aliran Jabariah yang menganggap bahawa semua perkara adalah ketetapan Tuhan, manusia sama sekali tiada pilihan. Jabariah tidak termasuk dalam kalangan Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah, sebaliknya mereka termasuk dalam golongan Ahlul Hawa (pengikut hawa nafsu). Saya percaya penulis berkenaan tidak demikian. Nabi s.a.w mengajar kita tentang takdir dan usaha dalam masa yang sama. Apabila manusia berusaha, namun gagal disebabkan aturan perjalanan alam yang membabit pelbagai pihak; iklim, manusia, masa dan lain-lain, maka manusia hendaklah akur dengan kehendak Allah dalam hal itu. Segala yang berlaku dalam alam ini dengan izin Allah. Tiada apapun yang boleh berlaku tanpa izinNYA. Namun, apa yang DIA izinkan, bukan semestinya DIA redha. Demikian, apa yang DIA redha bukan semestinya DIA izinkan. DIA tidak redha kezaliman Firaun, tetapi DIA mengizinkan kewujudan Firaun atas sistem alam yang diciptaNYA. DIA redha hamba-hambaNYA bersedekah, tapi bukan semua mereka DIA izinkan memiliki harta yang banyak, atas sistem alam ciptaanNYA. Maka, di situlah adanya pahala bagi niat yang baik. Maka, DIA juga menetapkan Hari Pembalasan selepas kematian untuk membalas kebaikan dan keburukan. Usaha Kita disuruh berusaha kerana keizinan Allah itu sering berkaitan dengan usaha yang menuruti sunnah ataupun tabiat ciptaan alam. DIA boleh memenangkan para nabiNYA dalam sekelip mata, namun itu tidak berlaku. Semua para nabi terpaksa berjuang dan mencari sebab musabab untuk membolehkan mereka menang. Lihat Maryam ibu Nabi Isa, ketika dia dalam keadaan lemah hendak melahirkan Nabi Isa a.s., Allah menyuruh dia menggoncang pokok tamar. Rutab (tamar masak) pun jatuh berguguran. Firman Allah: (maksudnya) "(ketika Maryam hendak melahirkan Isa) maka sakit beranak itu memaksanya (pergi bersandar) ke pangkal sebatang pohon tamar; dia berkata alangkah baiknya kalau aku mati sebelum ini dan jadilah aku dilupakan orang dan tidak dikenang-kenang! lalu dia diseru dari sebelah bawahnya:" janganlah engkau berdukacita (wahai Maryam), sesungguhnya Tuhanmu telah menjadikan di bawahmu sebatang anak sungai. Dan goncanglah ke arahmu batang pohon tamar itu, supaya gugur ke atasmu buah tamar yang masak." (Surah Maryam 23-25). Lihat, padahal Allah Pemberi Rezeki, tidak bolehkah DIA gugurkan sahaja buah tanpa perlu Maryam bersusah payah menggoncangnya?! Jika pun dia goncang, sekuat mana sangat wanita yang sarat mengandung dapat menggoncang pohon tamar?! Tidakkah dia sedang mengandung dengan pilihan Allah terhadap dirinya. Ya, namun, Allah mahu hidup ini berjalan menurut tabiatnya, usaha tetap disuruh dan bantuan Allah akan mengiringnya. Takdir Sama halnya dengan sakit demam, walaupun segalanya ketentuan Tuhan, namun Nabi s.a.w menyebut: "Jika kamu mendengar taun di sesuatu tempat, jangan kamu pergi kepadanya. Jika berlaku di sesuatu tempat sedangkan kamu berada di situ, jangan kamu keluar daripadanya" (Riwayat al-Bukhari dan Muslim). Kita kena berusaha, kita tidak boleh cakap 'ini semua takdir' lalu membiarkan penyakit merebak. Allah itu al-Syafi (Penyembuh). Benar, tapi kita kena berusaha mengatasi penyakit. Sabda Nabi: "Bagi setiap penyakit ada ubatnya. Apabila betul ubatnya, maka sembuhlah dengan izin Allah." (Riwayat Muslim). Kata Al-Imam Nawawi (meninggal 676H ketika mensyarahkan hadis ini memetik kata-kata al-Qadi 'Iyadh yang menyebut: Hadis-hadis ini juga menolak golongan sufi yang melampau yang membantah berubat dan berkata: "Kesemuanya dengan qada dan qadar Allah, tidak memerlukan kita berubat". Hadis-hadis ini adalah hujah para ulama dalam menolak mereka." (Al-Nawawi, Syarh Sahih Muslim, 359/14, Beirut: Dar al-Khair). Jika seseorang jaga kesihatannya, namun penyakit datang juga maka bersabarlah. Anggaplah itu ketetapan Allah. Ada hikmahnya. Ada sebab musabah di luar dari kemampuan diri. Ada pahala atas kesabaran itu. Tapi jika sendiri membahayakan diri. Melakukan perkara yang merosakkan seperti mengambil dadah, ataupun rokok, ataupun apa-apa tindakan yang bahaya lalu terkena penyakit, maka sebelum dia menyerah kepada takdir, dia hendaklah menyalahkan sikapnya terlebih dahulu. Allah telah ingatkan (maksudnya) "Jangan kamu campakkan diri kamu ke dalam kebinasaan" (Surah al-Baqarah, ayat 195). Jika seseorang mati kerana sakit atau tanpa sebarang sakit maka kita terima sebagai takdir. Namun jika dia dibunuh, walaupun itupun takdir, pembunuh mesti dihukum. Ulama tidak boleh bagitau mahkamah 'jangan salahkan pembunuh kerana itu takdir, Allah itulah yang menghidup dan mematikan'. Demikian jika ada yang dirompak dan dirogol, tidak boleh kita beritahu bahawa dalam Islam penyelesaiannya 'terimalah sebagai takdir dan bersabar, jangan salah sesiapa, rezeki ketentuan Allah'. Dalam Islam ada undang-undang jenayah dan pesalah boleh dihukum. Ada sistem keadilan yang wajib ditegakkan. Jika anda masuk ke kedai, anda dapati pekedai menaikkan harga barang dan bila anda tanya kenapa lalu dia jawab "Allah menaikkan harga barang". Apakah anda akan berkata: 'masyaAllah, akidah awak terlalu teguh, awak sangat beriman'. Ataupun, 'awak menggunakan nama Tuhan untuk ketamakan awak!'. Dalam negara ini, ada berbillion projek yang dipersoalkan. Ada istana yang dibina dengan harga berbillion ringgit. Ada projek harta awam yang tersangkut atas pelbagai alasan berbillion harganya. Apakah jawapannya: 'semua itu takdir Allah?!'. Saya juga lebih tertarik dengan kerajaan sekarang, lebih dari pembangkang, tapi bukan itu cara berhujah yang betul untuk membela. READ MORE HERE

Pondering Tamil schools in Malaysia Posted: 11 Sep 2013 12:39 PM PDT About 2 months ago The Star reported that the Deputy Minister for Education, who is also an elected Member of Parliament and a leader of the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), announced that 13 Tamil schools will receive RM20 million in total under the Action Plan for the Future of Tamil Schools in Malaysia (PTST), to upgrade "classrooms, canteens, sports fields, fences and safety." I've not reviewed the PTST action plan. I decided that before I review it, I should assemble some thoughts and questions about Tamil schools in Malaysia. This is my first attempt to do so. Please indulge me. Before you read further, name 5 Indians in Malaysia. They don't have to be alive, it doesn't matter if they're long dead. Just name them. Now ask: which of them was most likely educated in a Tamil school in Malaya/Malaysia? My experience of Tamil schools My brother was 2 years older than me. When my parents sent him to Standard One in the local, national school, I wailed daily. I too wanted to go to school. But I was too young. I was so miserable I became sick. What were my parents to do? Kindergarten was not an option. At that stage in its history, our little town in Johor had no kindergartens. As usual, it was my mother who came up with a solution. She reminded my father that he was the chairman of the board of the local Tamil school. She implored him – and if you knew my mother you'd know that's not too strong a term – to send me to Standard One in the Tamil school. I was an "auditor," i.e. one who attends without being on the register and gets no credit. The Tamil school was in town. It met on the top floor of a dilapidated wooden shop which certainly would have failed a fire and safety inspection. Below it was an Indian barber shop. The schoolroom was actually the meeting place of the Indian Association – of which my father was also the elected chairman. I can only recall one teacher and one classroom, so the school must have been in its infancy. I think my father's decision to send me to the Tamil school was an abuse of his authority. In any case, my health and my self-esteem were soon restored. Self-esteem? Well, I showed them! As the youngest in the family of four, I made it clear once again that I could get what I wanted! As it turns out, I was the top student in my class. Though only 5, I could read and write in Tamil before I was 'enrolled.' This was because my mother included me when she taught my brother at home while my father was at work. In the evenings, when my father was home, he would teach my brother English, and I would join in as well. After one year at the Tamil school I was moved to the national school. I suppose tongues wagged in the community because the chairman of the board didn't send his own children to the Tamil school. (We continued to study Tamil at home.) I don't know how the Tamil school eventually moved into more appropriate buildings, how a headmaster was appointed, teachers were selected and hired, etc. I just know that about 20 years later the Tamil school headmaster became chairman of the local branch of the MIC. He also wrote and sold short stories to the  Tamil Nesan newspaper, to supplement his meagre income. I don't recall any other Tamil school teachers. Tamil/Indian teachers and teacher training There were many Tamil teachers in the national schools which I attended. The national schools also had Anglo-Indian, Ceylonese, Malayalee and Telugu teachers. In 1976, after sitting for the Form 5 MCE examination the previous year, I applied to Teacher Training Colleges (TTC) in Malaysia, although I was sure I would be offered a place in Form 6. I learned later that I was not accepted for teacher training because my results were "too good for TTC" and wise administrators had decided I should go to Form 6 instead. I suppose they thought I was likely to eventually qualify for University admission. If you've read any history of schools in Malaysia, you'll have heard of Kirkby. Read more at: http://write2rest.blogspot.com/2013/09/pondering-tamil-schools-in-malaysia.html

How Meritocracy Entrenches Inequality Posted: 11 Sep 2013 12:24 PM PDT In a move that took many industry players by surprise, American regulators recently opened a probe on the hiring practice of JPMorgan Chase in China. Ongoing investigation seeks to establish if the investment bank's recruitment of the offspring of high-ranking and influential Chinese officials aka "princelings" – one of whom is the son of a former banking regulator, the other the daughter of a now-disgraced railway official – was a quid pro quo for coveted business deals, prohibited under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). What's the fuss about, you may wonder. Isn't the hiring of relatives of powerful politicians and well-connected persons of that ilk a time-tested and pervasive practice that extends far beyond China? Going a step further, you may even, like New York Times columnist Andrew Ross Sorkin, defend such hiring decisions in a matter-of-factly manner: … given that many of the children of the elite have some of the best educations and thriving networks of contacts, it is hard to see how businesses are supposed to not seek them out, let alone turn them away. As hard to defend as the phrase may be, it is a reality of life, "It's not what you know, but whom you know." Being well-connected, of course, doesn't mean a new hire is "unqualified." The children of political elite who are educated in top universities are the norm and not the exception. However, by arguing that the princelings are being hired on their own merits and by dressing up their inherited advantages as a "reality of life," Sorkin has conveniently glossed over the modus operandi of meritocracy. Meritocracy Unraveled The fallacies of Sorkin's argument may be illuminated by our local debate over meritocracy. First of all, the need to revamp the concept by adding adjectives to it is, in itself, telling of the pitfalls of meritocracy. For instance, "fair" meritocracy connotes that meritocracy can be unfair; "compassionate" meritocracy underscores how meritocracy may breed a sense of self-entitlement or elitism; "unfettered" meritocracy implies that meritocracy itself has to be restrained. How is meritocracy unfair? Kenneth Paul Tan explains in "Meritocracy and Elitism in a Global City," Meritocracy, in trying to "isolate" merit by treating people with fundamentally unequal backgrounds as superficially the same, can be a practice that ignores and even conceals the real advantages and disadvantages that are unevenly distributed to different segments of an inherently unequal society, a practice that in fact perpetuates this fundamental inequality. In this way, those who are picked by meritocracy as having merit may already have enjoyed unfair advantages from the very beginning, ignored according to the principle of nondiscrimination. Meritocracy, defined as a system that rewards according to ability or achievement and not birth or privilege, may be unfair precisely because it is blind to differences of class, wealth and social status. Under Singapore's education system, for instance, the concentration of good schools in well-to-do neighborhoods and the greater means affluent families have for tuition programs clearly afford the rich an edge over the less so (Donald Low, "Good Meritocracy, Bad Meritocracy"). This is to say that between two equally intelligent children, one from a poor family and another from a rich background, the former has a lower chance of gaining entry into good schools. Such a passive blindness to differences in the name of meritocracy already aggravates inequality. What is worse, however, is a policy that actively reinforces inherited advantages. A fine example of this is the preferential access to schools given to children of alumni. No wonder experts have found that Singapore's education system has the proclivity to stifle intergenerational mobility. Meritocracy, therefore, may be unfair and perpetuate inequality in two ways: (1) by simply disregarding class, wealth or status differences on the principle of non-discrimination, and (2) by deepening differences through discrimination against the less privileged. If life is one big competition for resources, (1) is akin to inadvertently giving the rich and privileged a head start in the race, whereas (2) is like deliberately installing obstacles in the way of the disadvantaged. How does meritocracy that purportedly reward in accordance with one's ability degenerate into a system that recompenses based on one's birth and wealth? This has to do with how meritocracy is defined in a society and who defines it. From Meritocracy to Nepotism and Elitism The hiring practice of investment banks currently under scrutiny again proves illustrative. New York Times reported that JPMorgan initiated a program called "Sons and Daughters" in 2006 to impose proper standards when hiring relatives of China's ruling elite on a separate track. However, the program subsequently went awry: … in the months and years that followed, the two-tiered process that could have prevented questionable hiring practices instead fostered them, according to the interviews as well as the confidential government document. Applicants from prominent Chinese families, interviews show, often faced few job interviews and relaxed standards. While many candidates met or exceeded the bank's requirements, some had subpar academic records and lacked relevant expertise. In this instance we see clearly how the definition of "merit" has been reduced from stellar paper qualifications, relevant expertise plus apparent familial connections to familial connections above everything else. The best person for the job need not be the brightest. His or her merit lies in "opening doors," or more explicitly, bringing in business deals, and is rewarded thus. Now expand this scenario to a society. Read more at: http://singaporearmchaircritic.wordpress.com/2013/09/09/how-meritocracy-entrenches-inequality/

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