Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Deregistration ‘threat’ that wasn’t
- Taliban a la Malaysia
- A strong team to help Najib win big
- A national conversation ― or mere ‘electioneering’? ― Clive Kessler
- Can PM Najib stem the tide?
- ‘Competent, dynamic and progressive’ line-up with 5 candidates having degrees from bogus ...
- BN must change to win big
- Steady as she goes in Penang
- Pakatan should not get carried away
- Is 24-hour limit to merajuk a tall order?
- Who is the Leader, Who the Follower?
| Deregistration ‘threat’ that wasn’t Posted: 18 Apr 2013 01:34 PM PDT
Had the DAP immediately called an EGM to seek ratification of the results by the delegates or called for a new vote, the matter would have probably ended there. Gobind Rudra, FMT The Registrar of Societies couldn't have timed it better if he had deliberately sought to create public sympathy for the DAP and provide the party with an emotional stick with which to beat up the Barisan Nasional. Sure enough, his letter to the DAP withholding recognition of the party's central executive committee provided the impetus for high drama, a crisis, and grandstanding by the DAP and Pakatan Rakyat, with accompanying news headlines heightening the siege mentality (well-founded in the past) by which the party has thrived for all these years. Cast aside the emotion, and start at the beginning: the DAP dug a hole for itself when it announced a "spreadsheet error" in tabulating the Dec 15 party election results. The central committee changed the order of votes, and announced a slightly different line-up from that reported at the party convention, allowing Zairil Khir Johari into the CEC, three weeks after the convention. Had the DAP immediately called an extraordinary general meeting to seek ratification of the results by the delegates or called for a new vote, the matter would have probably ended there and not landed on the Registrar's desk. Instead, the central leadership dealt with the problem internally, no doubt in a businesslike manner through audits, before submitting the amended results to the Registrar. By doing so, they provided him a reason to question the results. If there is any doubt about the CEC election results, it follows that the same doubt applies to the status of the central committee, which came into existence as a result of that election. The Registrar's letter to the party on Wednesday records that logic. When he said that he could not give recognition to the central committee, did the Registrar have any other option? A doubtful election means the CEC itself is also doubtful. The Registrar has given the DAP 30 days to answer his queries about the election results and another matter of 700 or so members not being given proper notice of the party convention. That keeps the DAP still in business: the Registrar has not declared the elections null and void, or the central committee null and void. Any decision about the legality of the elections would only come after the party has replied. Stand by for some extra election eve drama, then. The latest date for the DAP to reply is May 17. Read more at: http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2013/04/19/deregistration-%E2%80%98threat%E2%80%99-that-wasn%E2%80%99t/
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| Posted: 17 Apr 2013 07:42 PM PDT
A certain group of people in our Chinese community, while not embracing the same religion as the Taliban, carry out their operations in an unmistakable Taliban fashion. Tay Tian Yan, Sin Chew Now Michelle Yeoh and Eric Moo get the blasts. All because they are going to attend the Dinner With PM in Selangor and a 1Malaysia event in Penang, earning them the names of "stooges," "traitors" and 'spies'" Michelle Yeoh is the pride of Malaysia. No other Malaysians, Chinese Malaysians in particular, have shone this brightly on the international arena, while Eric Moo has been internationally acclaimed for his talents in musical creations and stage performances. If any foreigner has come to the knowledge that some of the people of a country would abhor and trample with such intensity their compatriots just because of their self-centred political stand, I am afraid they will try to steer clear of this country for the sake of their own safety. This is extremism the Taliban style, or cruelty characterising the most primitive of African tribes. But unimaginably such oddities take place right here in Malaysia, a country that has worked so hard to position itself as a mild, moderate, liberal and civilised state. If this is what we call democracy, I cannot help but to feel sorry for this kind of democracy. If this is what we call freedom, then I'm afraid we will need to mourn the passing of real freedom. Conducting senseless persecutions and threatening others holding dissident beliefs in the name of democracy and liberty are very much acts of dictatorial populism. I have always been thinking that we should assess artistes based merely on their artistic talents, not ideological affinity. In the past, we disapproved of PAS' moves to mobilise its followers to boycott the shows of Elton John and Beyoncé Knowles because of their own religious values. In a similar manner, when the government blocked the concerts of Aril Lavigne and Erykah Badu, many stood up and protested: "You don't want to see, but that doesn't mean you should stop others from seeing." This is the fundamental respect for democracy and liberty. While you have every right to defend your religion, you cannot stop other people from embracing theirs. You can support a political party of your choice, but you cannot assail others for their political affiliations. You can stay away from the Dinner With PM, but you cannot stop others from attending it, or humiliate Michelle and Eric. You choose to stay away, but that does not mean you are right or more righteous and noble. The only reason you don't attend is because you hold different political stand from other event participants. Taliban denies education for women, so they wanted to gun down female education activist Malala Yousafzai. And because Taliban endures no other religions, they blasted the Buddha statues in Bamiyan. And also because Taliban wants to erect the most puritanistic religious society, they would exterminate anyone disagreeing with them. A certain group of people in our Chinese community, while not embracing the same religion as the Taliban, carry out their operations in an unmistakable Taliban fashion.
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| A strong team to help Najib win big Posted: 17 Apr 2013 12:34 PM PDT
PERCEPTIBLE PATTERNS: We now have an idea on the key strategies and missteps Rashid Yusof, NST POLLING is 17 days away. The keener observers would probably be thinking of a quick visit to Gelang Patah to witness this series' biggest fight -- Datuk Abdul Ghani Othman versus Lim Kit Siang. Over the last few days, the DAP's chess-move has morphed beyond a fleeting shimmy as previously suggested. Relocating the "king", Lim Kit Siang, as in chess of course, to Gelang Patah was soon followed by moving another piece, Teo Nie Ching, out of Serdang. This manoeuvre saw her hurtling down the North-South Expressway to Kulai. Does this mean more inter-state movements to follow? As it turned out, DAP's Johor assault must have rattled its allies, Parti Keadilan Rakyat and Pas which had been exaggerating, under the circumstances, its chances in Johor. Unwittingly for DAP, the Ghani-Kit Siang contest will accentuate the battle lines of a doggedly oppositionist culture against a tradition of producing credible policies and accumulating goodwill and a track record. Ghani helped to conceive the South Johor Development Region, the precursor to Iskandar Malaysia, the brightest regional-growth showcase. While it is folly to rush to making mega judgments, it is true that Ghani's task is to defeat Kit Siang. He was making this point yesterday, maintaining that he was no longer the candidate for menteri besar, a post he held since 1995, freeing him to focus on his task. This compares with Kit Siang who will be holed up in Gelang Patah with almost no free time to campaign in Penang, where BN has a distinct strategy. As one tactical detail leads to another, BN is digging in for a protracted battle to regain Penang, which means it is not going to agonise over a narrow miss this time around. Nationwide, the return of Datuk Yap Pian Hon sums up the magnitude of surprises. He is set to campaign feverishly in Serdang, a constituency "vacated" by DAP's Teo. Yap is known for being unaffiliated to any of the teams or factions in MCA, removing the spectre of green-eyed spoilers and screechers derailing his candidacy. Datuk Seri Idris Jusoh, the former menteri besar of Terengganu, heads back to a parliamentary constituency. Umno had, in the post-November 1999 elections, turned to Idris to realign its focus after a shock defeat to Pas in Terengganu. Idris had been a deputy minister serving in the same ministry as Datuk Seri Mustapa Mohamed (Entrepreneurial Development). They are somewhat similar, the two. A think-tanker in mode, Idris went big -- but almost always with minimal fuss -- on education and housing when BN-Umno rode back into power in Terengganu in 2004. In composing the list of candidates, Najib must have taken a multi dimensional outlook. ONE, he knows he must secure a comfortable majority. To help him deliver a big win, Najib who had risen through the ranks since his days as deputy chief of Umno Youth, has redrafted experienced hands. They range from Datuk Osman Abdul (who was a giant killer in 1990, defeating the late Datuk Fadzil Noor in Pendang), Datuk Ishak Ismail (Lenggeng) to Datuk Zubir Embong (Kuala Terengganu). Durable winners like Tan Sri Mohd Isa Abdul Samad and Tan Sri Shahidan Kassim were assigned new roles. Isa goes to a new parliamentary seat, Jempol, while Shahidan returns to Arau, the parliamentary constituency he first won in 1986. TWO, Najib has at the same time entered into a regeneration exercise, which is why there are 80 per cent of new faces in the key battlegrounds of Selangor and 62 per cent in Penang. Understandably, it has been most adventurous in states under Pakatan rule. A glance at the Kedah selection reveals ambition unfettered by the hold of incumbency. The line-up includes ex-Sultanah Bahiyah Hospital surgeon Dr Zaki Zamani Abdul Rashid, who is fielded in Kuala Kedah, private medical practitioner Dr Mansor Abdul Rahman (Sik) and former Universiti Malaya Perlis (Unimap) deputy vice-chancellor Prof Ismail Daud (Merbok). THREE, this is also about fashioning the likely composition of the cabinet, hence, perhaps the return of personalities such as Idris. At the other corner, Pakatan Rakyat has long promised to parade a cast far more impressive than those fielded in the 2008 general election when some greenhorns and dubious characters had won unexpectedly. The full line-up has not been named. There is indeed space still, and time, for the three parties to produce a blockbuster cast. To plan ahead and bring in fresh young talent, one must be able to persuade those who had been around like forever to make way. Alas, the blustery about capturing Putrajaya has had its impact on the usual suspects within Pakatan, everyone of whom has dug in, in hopes of reaching Putrajaya. With hogging and overstaying a norm, no one dares to think of regeneration or preparing a strong pool of potential cabinet ministers. Granted Tony Pua has his admirers only to be overwhelmed by the size of reservoir of talent BN has accumulated. |
| A national conversation ― or mere ‘electioneering’? ― Clive Kessler Posted: 16 Apr 2013 03:59 PM PDT
So neither party, it seems, is ready for, or capable of engaging in, a national conversation of the kind that is needed. Even if they cannot now, they should a least be readying themselves at this time to become engaged in such a national conversation in the not too distant future. That is about the best that, in this connection, one can say about the parties. The Malaysian Insider In a recent commentary ("A Very 'American' Election", The Malaysian Insider April 15) I suggested that what this country now desperately needs, perhaps above all else, is a serious 'national conversation' about itself. About what it is and who its people are, about where they are together headed, and how — following what roadmap. What is the journey? What is the itinerary? What is its logic? Who is to mark out and lead the way? Elections and the 'national conversation' Such a conversation needs, of course, to be sustained, thoughtful and civil. It needs, in any country, be to about 'us', meaning 'all of us together'. About 'all of us here', as one national community of shared fate and common destiny. That is, borrowing a Malay-language distinction, the conversation always needs to be about the 'kita' of the situation — here the Malaysian situation and Malaysian identity — not the 'kami' aspect, the exclusionary and oppositional mind-set, which always poses and pits 'us here' against 'you there', often in face-to-face stand-off. Conversations of this kind generally need to be continuing, a permanent component of national life. What is needed is an unceasing, unfolding and ideally an advancing engagement with a nation's key ideas, a review of its key experiences, an evaluation and reconsideration of its sustaining historical 'narratives' and 'myths'. This engagement takes a number of forms. It is to be found in conversation among citizens, both direct and via their 'new media' gadgetry extensions. In an enlightened and openly accommodating press. In quality television documentaries and debates as well as routine current affairs programming. And in the pages (hard copy or virtual) of high quality weekly and monthly magazines of diverse opinion, political analysis and cultural commentary. In serious scholarly treatises, too, and how they are reviewed, and their implications explained, in the popular press. Conversations of this kind, when they proceed and succeed (as they do in many countries), flow ceaselessly. But they often find focus and gain prominence at certain times, in certain contexts and situations — most notably at the time of national elections. When is there ever a better time? When better than during the 'high political season', as election day approaches and the nation is asked and required to consider its direction and fate seriously? It is then, more than at any other time, that the nation must refresh and renew and also project forward, beyond previously accepted and conventionally received understandings, its own unfolding sense of who it is. That, most fundamentally, is what a nation's citizens are asked to do as they prepare themselves to head to the polling centres to collect and then mark their ballot papers. So when better than at election time to address these questions: to ask 'who are we here?' — and what that 'we' is, on what is it based and how it is to be sustained. How is that key idea, and by whom are we, to be carried forward over the long haul, and over the next political 'term of office', which is the immediate political future? This is what people must consider at election time. Elections serve as the bridge linking present and the immediate future to that longer-term agenda and destiny. Theory and practice. Well, that is the theory anyway. And in practice what happens? In some cases, in the more assured democratic polities and open political cultures, something like this occurs. Reality in those countries approaches and at times even approximates this ideal, even the ideal is never perfectly attained. Here my purpose is not to discuss those political systems or to provide any comparative ranking of which nations arguably comply, and to what degree, with this ideal. My concern is with Malaysia, here, now. With Malaysia today, just ahead of nomination day for GE13 and a little more than two weeks away from the great national festivity that long ago — on seeing how people flocked to the polls in Kelantan in May 1969, and with what enthusiasm and determination and evident pride they did so — I dubbed the third great 'hari raya', Hari Raya Mengundi. Malaysia, I believe, is now really in need that kind of national conversation. That is precisely what these final two weeks of 'full-on' campaigning before election day ought to be. But I do not think that it is going to happen. Why not? Because I fear that the two major parties, or contending power 'blocs' — each in its own way — are unready and unprepared for, or simply incapable of engaging in, any such dialogue or national conversation. I shall be delighted to be proven wrong here. That is a challenge that may be put to both sides, and needs to be. In Malaysia today It seems clear that that challenge is being avoided, by both sides. i. Umno/BN On the side of the long-serving and now outgoing government that is seeking re-election, the entire BR1M strategy, and all that goes with it, serves an important further purpose, I suggested in my previous commentary, beyond its own specific and substantive content. The 'BR1M strategy' is a very convenient way of avoiding these key questions that an open and inclusive national conversation about Malaysian identity and purpose should address. Just consider, if Umno/BN, and especially its guiding elements within Umno, had to provide a straight and direct answer to the question: 'can you affirm now your commitment to the idea of Malaysia as a nation belonging equally to all its citizens?' Challenged in this way to declare how they see and understand the nation, its leaders would find themselves in a difficult position deciding what to say. In a position that they would rather not be in, in short. Here some rescue is now in sight. The 'BR1M barrage' provides, if not a smokescreen or facade then a very useful diversion or distraction, not unlike the magician's trick of 'misdirecting' the audience's attention away from the hand that is doing the work to another hand that is demanding attention. In that way the preferred appearance or illusion is achieved. What is awkward or inconvenient may be shunted aside, hidden from attention in full public view. But if asked or challenged — perhaps by the opposition, or else by some body of serious scholars concerned with national questions — whether or not Umno/BN, and especially Umno itself, stands by the idea of Malaysia as a nation that is equally the possession and birthright, unconditionally, of all its citizens, how would they answer? They would have to answer, if they were being honest, 'no, we do not, that is not our position.' But if they wished to avoid unpleasantness, they might simply affirm their commitment to that idea, saying 'yes, we do — perhaps not now, not yet, but in the long run. But, give us credit where credit is due, we have been trying, we have been working in that direction for 58 years and more.' In which case its challengers might come back and say, "Well, for more than half a century's work, you haven't got very far, have you! 'If that is the best you can do, and why would you not have been doing your best all these many years, why have you not done better?' To which the Umno spokesmen might respond, 'Well, it may not be as far as many of us might have liked to have reached on this journey, but it is a tough road. And what you now see, we can assure you from our own experience, is the best you are ever going to get. It is the best that is realistically attainable. That we know.' They might even want to add, 'It's the best that we are ever likely to get, starting from what we have been given by history. So you, and we all, had better learn to like it. Don't pine for anything more. There can be nothing better. This is Malaysia, like it or leave it!' It is not a very convincing or effective, nor for those who would make it a comfortable, line of argument. So, instead, the Umno leaders might exercise the option of direct truthfulness, or blunt honesty. They might respond by saying, 'A nation equally of all of its citizens? Not really. Umno, to be realistic, is a party that is still, within this socially and culturally complex nation of ours, trying to achieve, even belatedly, as much of the pre-independence agenda of an earlier exclusivist Malay nationalism as can — over time, with patience and with as much political skill as we can muster — be accomplished. 'So what we now stand for is, if not "full-on" and provocative "Ketuanan Melayu", then at least some sort of "Perkasa-lite"'. But this is clearly not what Umno leaders would want to say, not now on the eve of an election where non-Malay sentiments must not be brusquely offended and gratuitously alienated. That is not what Umno leaders want to say out loud. Not yet, anyway. So it would be rather difficult for them to involve themselves in a pre-election 'national conversation' on this subject. To do so even on the basis of an affirmed commitment to the idea of this country as 'Tanah Melayu' — a land inescapably and primarily identified in perpetuity with just one component, the historically longest settled component, of the national population — would not be easy politically. Not at all. Yet that seems to be the basic, minimal position of those Umno supporters who do not embrace the entire Perkasa agenda and outlook. ii. Pakatan Rakyat And what, for their part, about the Pakatan Rayat opposition? How might they proceed? They might well try to say 'Yes, we do affirm and uphold the idea of Malaysia as a nation that is equally the possession and birthright, unconditionally, of all its citizens. We think that all three of our major constituent parties can agree to that. They were ready to do so the last time we checked.' To which the Umno leaders might respond, 'Well, you haven't got very far with it, have you? You haven't been able, for example, to bring yourselves to say so yet unequivocally. To give it prominence by making it the central platform of your manifesto and campaign.' To which the PKR spokesmen might respond, "Well, we are working on it. Not like you for 55 years and more. We are a much younger party. But we are working on it. 'We have no easy answers. We are exploring the question — painstakingly and at times even painfully — not out there in public where everybody can see, but amongst ourselves in our party's leadership councils. We are still working on resolving these questions, finding some workable answers, in the first instance as part of our own internal organizational understandings and basic coalition formula. 'But, unlike you, at least we are committed to the idea in principle,' they might aver. But that, too, is hardly a convincing answer, not one that will persuade the electorate and generate a wave of popular support over the next two weeks.
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| Posted: 16 Apr 2013 12:04 PM PDT
In taking the risk of upsetting entrenched interests within BN parties only as D-Day approaches on May 5, Prime Minister Najib exposes how difficult and precarious his situation had always been. MOST analysts think the Malaysian general elections will be close. Although Prime Minister Najib Razak is expected to retain a slight edge over his nemesis, opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, the social tide, even if significantly weaker, is still with the latter. How then to find the decisive drop of water that will stem the tide for good? Ever since he replaced Mr Abdullah Badawi as prime minister in April 2009, Mr Najib has seen it as his job to win back the rivers of voters who had turned against his Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition. But despite the long series of measures he undertook to transform the country's slacking economic structure and low quality of governance, what seemed to happen was that only his personal popularity grew while the reputation of his party and his coalition slid further. When institutional changes failed to give the dramatic upswing in support he sought, and legislative reforms were brushed aside as window dressing, he tried to win popularity for his administration by handing out money through an impressive array of channels. To be sure, no one really knows how all these may influence voter affections, but the fact that the effect has not been obvious is reason enough for him to worry. Prime Minister Najib delayed dissolving parliament for as long as he could, hoping for an inspired moment to strike. But in waiting too long, he lost the advantage he had of choosing a date that suited him best and that would catch the opposition napping. However, by keeping the opposition guessing, he encouraged cracks to show in its ranks. This was an unexpected gain. But now the die is cast. Parliament is dissolved, the election date has been set, and Nomination Day is approaching. And ahead of that day, Prime Minister Najib decided to announce his lists of candidates for both the state elections and for parliamentary seats. Here is the most promising place where Prime Minister Najib can find the final drop he needs to be sure that he will win, and win enough to avert any challenge from within his own party after the national elections. Rumours had been brewing for months that he would favour new young faces over tried and tired ones. These rumours turned out to be true. Many of those in the old days who would have been undisputed choices were dropped. In their place, new names appear. But therein lies a big problem that is quite beyond the prime minister's ability to solve. |
| ‘Competent, dynamic and progressive’ line-up with 5 candidates having degrees from bogus ... Posted: 16 Apr 2013 11:47 AM PDT
Candidates who feel as if they had to 'buy' a degree, either at the undergraduate, masters or postgraduate levels, inevitably call their own integrity into question. If these candidates are willing to dupe voters about their academic qualifications, which is an important part of any person's life, what other areas of life would these candidates be willing to lie about? Dr. Ong Kian Ming The BN candidates for Selangor were revealed yesterday with great fanfare. The lineup is crucial for the most economically developed state in Malaysia and also the state which Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, as state chairman and elections director, is under great pressure to wrest back from Pakatan Rakyat. Najib was quoted as saying that "This is the lineup that will not only see us win the state, but also to form a strong government."[1] Mohd Zin Mohamed, BN Selangor coordinator was quoted as saying that "Our candidates are highly competent, dynamic and progressive. They are qualified individuals from various backgrounds who can take the state to greater heights in tandem with the Economic Transformation Program (ETP)."[2] Given these superlatives which were being used to describe the BN Selangor lineup, it is highly disappointing that 5 of the BN candidates, two at the parliamentary level and three at the state level, listed academic qualifications from institutions that can be best described as being 'degree mills' – in other words, fake universities and colleges which issue bogus academic degrees for a payment.[3] The most shocking revelation is the listed qualification of the BN candidate for P103 Puchong – A. Kohilan Pillay A/L G Appu – who received an M.SC in Commercial and Industrial Economy (sic) from the Pacific Western University in the United States. This 'university' was found to be a degree mill, lawsuits were taken up against it and it was subsequently shut down.[4] What is even more shocking is that the candidate is Malaysia's (caretaker) Deputy Foreign Minister! It is a disgrace to the country if indeed our Deputy Foreign Minister is a leader who has 'bought' a degree from a degree mill in order to bolster his own credentials. P103 PUCHONG A. KOHILAN PILLAY A/L G APPU46 TAHUN (670724106491)M.SC COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL ECONOMY, PACIFIC WESTERN UNIVERSITY, AS.PENGERUSI PARTI GERAKAN RAKYAT MALAYSIA SELANGORTIMBALAN MENTERI LUAR NEGARA
+0193503806 The second most shocking revelation is the listed qualification of the BN candidate for P110 Klang, Teh Kim Poo, who is also the current chairman of the Port Klang Authority (PKA). Teh is listed as having obtained a PhD in Business Administration from the New Port University in the United States. This is the same university which the caretaker Menteri Besar of Perlis, Md Isa Sabu, obtained his PhD from.[5] My colleague in the DAP, National Publicity Secretary, Tony Pua had blogged about New Port University being a dubious university way back in 2006.[6] Even The Star newspaper reported this university, back in 2009, as a degree mill.[7] What is disconcerting is the fact that Teh's role as PKA Chairman requires him to exercise transparency especially in dealing with the aftermath of the PKFZ scandal, which the PKA and the government of Malaysia is still paying for. P110 KLANG TEH KIM POO62 TAHUN (510826106099)PHD BUSINESS ADMIN, UNIVERSITY NEW PORT, ASPENYELARAS PARLIMEN KLANGAHLI PERNIAGAAN+60122926352 Three other state candidates have listed qualifications from well-known degree mills. BN candidate for N33 Taman Medan, Ab Wahab Bin Ibrahim, is listed as having a PhD in Public Service from the infamous Irish International University. The BBC reported this university as a bogus university as a result of a sting operation in 2008.[8] N33 TAMAN MEDAN AB WAHAB BIN IBRAHIM61 TAHUN (511017015669)PHD. PERKHIDMATAN AWAM, IRISH INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITYPENGERUSI BIRO AGAMA UMNO BAHAGIANLEMBAGA PENGARAH DAN PENGERUSI JAWATANKUASA AUDIT TANJUNG OFF SHORE+60193877508 BN candidate for N47 Pandamaran, Ching Eu Boon, is listed as having a PhD in Network Marketing from the St George University International which has also been reported to be a degree mill.[9] N47 PANDAMARAN CHING EU BOON46 TAHUN (670716105135)PHD NETWORK MARKETING, ST GEORGE UNIVERSITY INTERNATIONAL, UKKETUA PPMCA BAHAGIAN KLANGAHLI PERNIAGAAN+60193109897 BN candidate for N25 Kajang, Lee Ban Seng, is listed as having received a degree from the Rutherford University (also known as the Senior University International and Stratford International University) which also has been reported as a degree mill.[10] N25 KAJANG LEE BAN SENG43 TAHUN (700228105595)IJAZAH PENGURUSAN PERNIAGAAN, UNIVERSITI RUTHERFORD, ASPENGERUSI MCA BHG. HULU LANGATPENGARAH URUSAN JLF HOLDING SDN. BHD.+60193310439 There is nothing in our election laws and regulations which state that a candidate must have a degree as a requirement for running for public office. Truthfully speaking, having academic qualifications, even at the postgraduate level, from prestigious universities all over the world do not automatically make one person a better candidate than someone without a degree. However, candidates who feel as if they had to 'buy' a degree, either at the undergraduate, masters or postgraduate levels, inevitably call their own integrity into question. If these candidates are willing to dupe voters about their academic qualifications, which is an important part of any person's life, what other areas of life would these candidates be willing to lie about including in areas of public interest such as the management of public funds and the proper and responsible use of public resources? I call upon these 5 BN Selangor candidates to explain and to refute the fact that all of them have listed qualifications from reported degree mills. If they cannot properly explain to the voters, I urge them to withdraw themselves from contesting in the 13th General Election. Dr. Ong Kian Ming
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| Posted: 16 Apr 2013 11:43 AM PDT
(FMT) - BN should have gone through with a fine toothcomb its list of candidates announced yesterday to ensure that only winnable candidates were chosen. Only by bringing about radical and real changes can BN stand a good chance of retaining power. While there are several reasons why Pakatan Rakyat was able to make gains in the 12th general election, it is now vital for Barisan Nasional to take drastic steps if it harbours any hope of wanting to win the 13th general election (GE13) by a big margin. BN should not in any way underestimate the threat that Pakatan poses in the latter's quest to capture Putrajaya. In the last general election, the BN machinery was not up to the mark and lost ground to Pakatan in a political tsunami that dented BN's invincibility. BN needs to take a good hard look at what happened in the last general election. It needs to study carefully what went wrong and it needs to be brave and bold to make changes if it wants to win the GE13. The probability of Pakatan winning the GE13 is still considered real and BN must pull up its socks to make vital changes. Making these changes quickly will probably help it to garner more votes. But the changes will come at a cost. It is up to the BN leadership to decide whether it wants to make these changes. If BN thinks it need not change because it has been governing the country for the last 55 years without much trouble, then it might be courting danger. The landslide general election victories in the past had lulled BN into a state of complacency. By letting down its guard, Pakatan was able to make political gains when the 12th general election arrived. Social injustices The tactic that Pakatan used and is still using in its war against BN is to portray the ruling coalition as a party of the elite, serving the cause of Umno while the majority of Malaysians are left out of progress and development. This perception that people have of BN has been exploited by Pakatan to great effect. The opposition was able to harp on the social injustices allegedly perpetrated by BN and in the process, whipped up massive public support. BN and all its component parties must now start to reach out to the ordinary Malaysians by promising to spread out the wealth of the nation as equitably as possible. Umno must not be seen as the only beneficiary of economic growth, progress and development. By reaching out to the common folk, by accommodating Malaysians of all walks of life, BN will undoubtedly win greater favour and support from the electorate. While Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak has been working hard to change the perception people have of BN, it must not been seen as a mere election gimmick. BN must make it a long-term policy to ensure as many Malaysians as possible enjoy the fruit of development. For this reason, BN's current drive to bolster its image among the people must not be seen by the rakyat as a ruse to secure votes, but as a long-term commitment to ensure equitable distribution of wealth. A root cause of BN's poor showing in the last general election was that it had many candidates who were a political liability to the coalition. Candidates for political office from BN must inspire confidence and trust in order to govern the country. Read more at: http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2013/04/17/bn-must-change-to-win-big/ |
| Posted: 16 Apr 2013 11:37 AM PDT
It is important to note that compared with the voters of other states, Penangites have been the most adventurous in terms of changing their elected representatives. Goh Ban Lee, The Sun Daily THE general election is the hottest topic these days in offices, markets, even at funerals. The general prevailing feeling is that there is not going to be a drastic change. The Pakatan Rakyat (PR) continues to be the government after the election. The composition of the members of parliament from Penang is not likely to change drastically. But it cannot be taken for granted that this will be come May 5. Election campaigns have not been formally launched yet. At the start of the 2008 election campaign, there was no expectation of a change of the Penang state government until Anwar made his first speech at the Han Chiang College a few days before the election. Besides, it is important to note that compared with the voters of other states, Penangites have been the most adventurous in terms of changing their elected representatives. In December 1957, voters of George Town changed the government in the George Town City Council from the Alliance to the Labour Party. In 1969, they voted for Gerakan under the leadership of Tun Lim Chong Eu and rejected the Alliance led by Tan Sri Wong Pow Nee. It was not only a change of the state government; it was a humiliating defeat for the Alliance when it won only four seats out of 24 contested. Gerakan won 16 seats whereas Parti Rakyat Malaysia won one and DAP three. In 2008, Penangites humiliated both Gerakan and MCA by rejecting all their candidates. Even in their wildest dreams, the DAP leaders could not have expected to win all the 19 seats contested. It may be useful to recall that in the 2004 general election, the DAP won only one state seat while PAS won another. Gerakan won all 13 seats it contested while the MCA lost only one seat out of 10 contested and Umno won 14 out of 15 seats contested. Going back even further, it is interesting to note that the MCA won all the state seats in the 1995 and 1999 elections after losing all its seats in 1990. The voters in Padang Kota even rejected Chong Eu in 1990 and voted for Lim Kit Siang. Fifteen days can be a very long time during election campaigns. The PR government under Lim Guan Eng seems to be on a roll. Even his proposal to build the tunnel from Butterworth to Penang Island is not likely to have drastic negative effects on the voting pattern although it is clearly opposed by many non-governmental organisations. It is an unnecessary agenda in this election campaign. Even if it materialises, it will not be built in the next decade or so. So far, the accusation of negligence of affordable housing on the part of PR state government has not posed a threat to the popularity of Guan Eng and the PR state government. Affordable housing is certainly an important agenda. It has been an important issue for the last three years or so when the price of double-storey terrace houses began to climb from about RM500,000 to above RM650,000. Today, the selling price is above RM900,000. It was clear that houses built to cater to the needs and affordability of the middle income group have become out of reach, unless one has parents who are willing to cut deeply into their retirement savings. There is no doubt that Penang, especially George Town and Bayan Lepas, is having serious traffic jams. The building of new roads only temporarily eases the problems. The long-term solution is an efficient public transport system. Although mass rapid transit or monorail is good suggestion, it will take time and huge amounts of money. For the time being, a good public bus system is adequate. But Rapid Penang is not under the control of the state government, but the federal government. It is surprising that the PR has not used this topic to urge the voters to support its march to Putrajaya. Traffic jams can be mitigated if the police and municipal councils enforce the law strictly. There is little doubt that more issues will be brought up to damage the popularity of PR, especially Guan Eng. But it is clear that the demonstrations in Komtar after Friday prayers only spur ordinary Penangites of all races to support him more. Indeed, the tokong image of Guan Eng, thanks to Deputy Chief Minister Datuk Mansor Othman, is not likely to damage his or the PR government's image. People expect their leaders to be a bit dictatorial. What they do not like is quarrelsome responses. What is worrisome in Penang is the absence of official development plans to show clearly the direction and steps that will be taken to ensure that the state remains competitive, prosperous and sustainable. Existing official development plans are obsolete. Some draft plans have not been officially adopted and are probably dated. The Penang Paradigm is still in its rudimentary stage. Everyone wants a good life. How to achieve this is still obscure. There is certainly a good agenda for the parties to state clearly their views and solutions. Childish and racist accusations are not going to win votes. Datuk Dr Goh Ban Lee is a columnist for theSun.
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| Pakatan should not get carried away Posted: 15 Apr 2013 03:20 PM PDT DAP does not seem to understand that Lim coming to Johor does only good for Umno. PKR does not know how to handle DAP, and PAS is uncomfortable with both PKR and DAP. CT Ali, FMT What does Lim Kit Siang think he is doing when he announced to all and sundry that he will be the white knight riding into Johor on a DAP ticket to do battle in Gelang Patah? What sort of a strategy is this? You give Barisan Nasional enough time to plan a counter -attack, and now Lim most probably has Abdul Ghani Othman to contend with. Checkmate! The fact that Lim did not factor this eventuality clearly shows that in poltics Umno tasted salt long before DAP did. In an electorate that has 33% Malays and 12% Indians, does Lim expect to win with the votes from 54% of the urban Chinese there? That is assuming that all the Chinese in Gelang Patah will vote for DAP? Not bloody likely! Ghani is a man of all seasons. He is the quintessential Malay unsullied by the excesses of the other menteris besar and Umno leaders. He is a rarity among Umno leaders – decent and well liked by all. Only the Johor sultan prefers Ghani to go and that, in the times that we are now in, may well work to Ghani's advantage. PKR leader Anwar Ibrahim talked about doing battle in Perak but when Umno vice-president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi told him, "We will bury you and end your political career in Perak", he slinked back to Permatang Pauh. He now tells us that he will not abandon Permatang Pauh now that the "Jalan ke Putrajaya sudah terjamin". Should he not exercise better judgment and consulted with the good people of Permatang Pauh before he talked to us about the possibility of him contesting in Perak? As far as Umno is concerned, Zahid scared Anwar off Perak. Chalk that up as a plus for Umno. And what does Najib say? "Politically speaking, I will live and die in Pekan". Again checkmate! Umno, meanwhile, is quiet and its silence gives false courage to Pakatan to be more arrogant. Umno is quietly going about consolidating its numbers among the Malays and the Indians. Failing to strategise Perception is everything in politics. BN support for the Indians has always been ongoing – the devil is in the details, and that, as it has always been, is a work in progress. Here the Indians are working with the government – a slow and laborious process but concessions are won now and then – enough to keep the Indians on side. For the Indians, Pakatan's interest has been more of an afterthought. To Pakatan, Sabah and Sarawak take the centre stage. By and large, Pakatan has so far ignored the Indians. The blueprint for the Indians announced recently in Johor is a DAP's blueprint, not Pakatan Rakyat's.
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| Is 24-hour limit to merajuk a tall order? Posted: 15 Apr 2013 03:07 PM PDT
To ask certain people to confine their sulkiness to just 24 hours and get to the ground after that can be quite hopeless. Syed Nadzri Syed Harun, FMT It must be true then that "merajuk" is a distinctively Malay malady. It is causing Muhammad Muhammad Taib who has been at it for five years to now consider jumping ship, or so they say. Even the prime minister mentioned that word to the mainly Umno and Barisan Nasional crowd last week and with surprise omissions in the lists of candidates, we are definitely going to see more of the enigma all round in this election season. Actually there is no pointedly accurate English equivalent to merajuk – a sulky syndrome? Deep discontent? To be hurt or resentful also come close but they do not carry the same emotional effect. The brooding despair that comes with merajuk is more than the sum of the above, somehow. Perhaps it strikes a little harder the delicate chord between "emotional blackmail" and "moody tantrum". Najib Tun Razak when addressing the BN general election troops in Kuala Lumpur last Wednesday inevitably touched on the tendency of some party members to be sulky when not selected as candidates. He said if at all someone had to sulk, the merajuk feeling should be for 24 hours only. "After that, they must get down to the ground," he said. Knowing that every other AJK bahagian members reckon they are winnable, I think the BN boss' proposal will be a tall order considering the official BN candidates list yesterday. And to ask certain people to confine their sulkiness to just 24 hours and get to the ground after that can be quite hopeless. We have seen it before and it is unfolding yet again, showing its tip in Kedah, Terengganu, Negeri Sembilan and Perak. It seems that Muhammad, who has been missing in action for some time, is just one of two or three former menteris besar who are said to be in the sulky business. The rumour about him switching allegiance has remained a rumour though. Another one has switched off his handphone completely to party matters. Mind-boggling decisions If he was indeed sulking, Dr Chua Soi Lek didn't stop there because in the BN seat negotiations, he seems to be conceding ground to other parties in as far as familiar MCA seats are concerned such as Kuantan, Wangsa Maju and Pandan. With this, sulkiness is no longer now a Malay or Umno malady. We are beginning to see a lot of it in the Pakatan Rakyat alliance as well.
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| Who is the Leader, Who the Follower? Posted: 15 Apr 2013 11:29 AM PDT
Even as early as last year, political observers had noted that the BN-led government was carrying out reforms that Pakatan had originally proposed As the build-up to election day on May 5 continues, some voters might want to consider this before they go to the polls while some will not bother because they have already made up their minds anyway. Kee Thuan Chye Who has the better manifesto – the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) or Pakatan Rakyat? As the build-up to election day on May 5 continues, some voters might want to consider this before they go to the polls while some will not bother because they have already made up their minds anyway. The main topic of conversation surrounding BN's manifesto has been its promise of more cash handouts. Critics have been running it down as blatant vote-buying while simple-minded people may be swayed by the offer of more BR1M (Bantuan Rakyat 1Malaysia) with higher cash values and yearly payout frequency. To be sure, giving free handouts annually is a negative sign. It is an admission that BN has not been managing the country's economy well from Independence till now to ensure that a huge proportion of Malaysians are earning enough to be self-sufficient. It is also sending out a negative message to the people, telling them that they can get money without working for it. This reinforces the culture of dependence emerging from the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP). If voters fall for the promise of more BR1M, it will show they are willing bribe-takers, that they are people who are prone to being dependent. To woo Indian voters, BN pledges RM500 million in seed funding towards raising the equity of the Indian community to at least 3 per cent. Pakatan, however, does not pander to any ethnic community, preferring to take a broad multi-racial approach in its plans for the country's future without favouring any particular race. This augurs well for a better Malaysia and shows up once again BN's attempt at blatant vote-buying. On the whole, the BN manifesto is nothing new. As a veteran economist who has served in the civil service notes, it is structurally the same BN manifesto that has been used in past general elections for decades. It is superficial and short-term, particularly in its focus on cash handouts. He would have wanted BN to tackle the key issues of improving education, for instance, and removing the fixation on the NEP and the accompanying idea of Ketuanan Melayu. Both of these are comprehensively addressed in the Pakatan manifesto. Moreover, BN's promise of a 20 to 30 per cent gradual reduction in car prices is lifted, ironically enough, from Pakatan's manifesto. And the increase in taxi permits being granted to individuals is another Pakatan-inspired promise. The difference is, Pakatan offers a better deal – it will abolish the current system of granting permits to selected companies and give these permits directly to all taxi drivers. There are other ideas borrowed from Pakatan, including the uniformisation of the prices of essential items so that Sabahans and Sarawakians don't have to pay more for them, and the giving of discounts to PTPTN (National Higher Education Fund Corporation) borrowers in response to Pakatan's promise of totally writing off the loans. This goes to show that Pakatan is the one that is much more the mover while BN is the follower. BN may say that it came up with these ideas on its own, but the fact that Pakatan unveiled its manifesto a few weeks earlier gives the impression that BN copied from the latter. More important to note is the other well-known fact that this is not the first time BN has adopted Pakatan's ideas. Even as early as last year, political observers had noted that the BN-led government was carrying out reforms that Pakatan had originally proposed, like the repeal of the Internal Security Act (ISA) and the Sedition Act; the Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) on the issue of illegal immigrants in Sabah; and the review of oil royalties.
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