Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- PSM to decide
- Pitiful clowns assure Security for Sabah
- Voting for Harmony
- On GE13
- Why is Malaysiakini three-cornering PSM?
| Posted: 14 Apr 2013 10:42 PM PDT
There is also an attempt to make PSM look unreasonable on its request to use its own logo in this coming GE. Let us put this now in perspective. S.Arutchelvan, Secretary General PSM In the last 24 hours, there has been lots of queries and phone calls on the seat negotiation between PSM and PR. We would like to state that the PSM would be holding a an Emergency National Committee meeting to decide on a number of issues outlined below. Besides that, there is also an attempt to make PSM look unreasonable on its request to use its own logo in this coming GE. Let us put this now in perspective. 1. PSM wanted to stand in the same seats it contested in 2008 as to maintain the status quo. The three seats stood by PSM in 2008 under PKR – Sg. Siput, Kota Damansara and Semenyih has never been contested by any PKR members before this. Therefore to claim that these are PKR seats and PSM is three cornering is totally wrong. 2. PSM has always stated that if there was a common PR logo, PSM would be willing to use it. This shows that PSM was never fussy on using only its logo but felt that it has the same democratic rights like other parties in PR to use their respective logos. 3. When we meet Datuk Sri Anwar Ibrahim on the 13th of April, several issues were discussed on a friendly manner. I put some critical points of dispute. i. PKR wanted PSM to stand in both the Selangor seat using the PKR logo. PSM conceded to use PKR logo in Semenyih but said that PSM members will find it very difficult to ask the top leader of PSM Dr. Nasir Hashim not to use the PSM party logo. PSM members have fought for 11 years with the BN government for this logo and they felt that the PR should allow at least the PSM national Chairperson to stand on his party flag. ii. We were also shocked to learn that previously Dr. Jeyakumar was informed that he can stand under the PSM logo in Sungai Siput but during the discussion with DSAI, we were told that if he stands under PSM logo, then DAP will field a candidate against him. iii. We were also told that even if PSM stand all three seats under PR logo, DAP will not allow PSM to stand in Jelapang. We requested that an NGO committee decide on the Jelapang seat and we will adhere to that. iv. We were also told that if we win the seat as PKR logo, we can immediately use PSM logo upon winning here after. But again here, the same principles were not applied when PSM won 2 seats in 2008 and now we are given the same deal. v. The meeting ended by us agreeing to talk to PSM members and DSAI saying that he will try to talk to other PR leaders on how to resolve this issue. Meanwhile DSAI mentioned that they may need to hold back the Selangor seat announcement until this issue is solved. vi. The meeting ended with both parties trying to find a solution and to avoid any three corner fight which will be damaging to both parties. 4. On 14th night, we were shocked to learn that DSAI has already announced the Semenyih candidate. This decision was made in spite of PSM agreeing to stand under PKR logo in Semenyih. The Kota Damansara seat was not announced pending negotiation with PSM. We also hear that PKR has also prepared a parachute candidate to stand in Sungai Siput. 5. PSM has now called for an emergency National Committee Meeting to discuss the following: i. To review our position to stand in the 4 seats using our own logo. ii. To discuss the current development where PR is three cornering PSM in all its seats and our relationship with PR. iii. To discuss and decide on the request made by non PSM members, mostly members from DAP and PKR who wants to stand using PSM logo in some areas. To date there has been 10 requests - 2 from Sabah, 1 from Perak, 3 from Negeri Sembilan and 4 from Selangor. iv. To discuss the request made by Environmental groups and PSM Cameron to field our candidate in Cameron Highlands.
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| Pitiful clowns assure Security for Sabah Posted: 14 Apr 2013 10:40 PM PDT
BN wants the people of Sabah to vote for it for better security. That was the same old excuse in 1963! Joe Fernandez This must be the joke of the century considering the fact that they looked the other way for 50 years while the illegals flooded in and swamped the electoral rolls, marginalised and disenfranchised the Orang Asal, among others, increased the crime rate, filled the jails and caused other social problems. The 200 Suluks involved in the Lahad Datu intrusion are the last group, not the first, to enter Sabah. About 800,000 of them are already here. Najib bought two small submarines and parked it at Sepanggar because he knew Sabahans would just keep quiet. The Government wants to sell them but there are no buyers. Submarines are useless in shallow waters. The Chinese are claiming the South China Sea up to 80 km off the Sabah coast. That's well within our 250 km Exclusive Economic Zone. Their ships are off our coast. What does Putrajaya do? Nothing! What can it do? Nothing! Yet BN is urging Sabahans to vote for it. They claim that only the BN can provide security for Sabah. The BN are degenerating into a bunch of pitiful clowns. They can't get away from the same old stale acts. They should think of some new ways of singing for their supper.
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| Posted: 14 Apr 2013 02:16 PM PDT
It is an irrefutable fact that the BN has the experience and the expertise in dealing with ethnic challenges. Chandra Muzaffar It is a truism that the survival and success of our nation depends upon our ability to sustain and enhance our inter-ethnic harmony. This is why the question of how the Barisan Nasional (BN) or the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) will manage ethnic relations in the country in the coming years is of critical importance to the voter in the 5 May General Election. For a society whose multi-religious and multi-cultural texture is one of the most complex in the world, Malaysia has done remarkably well in preserving a degree of inter-ethnic harmony which is the envy of the rest of the human family. An objective criterion testifies to this. Over 55 years there has been a minimum of communal violence. There has been only one major riot with communal overtones that resulted in the loss of lives. That the riot of 13 May 1969 was contained within a specific city, that law and order was restored within weeks and democratic rule reinstated in 21 months, is incontrovertible proof of the Government's ability to deal with an ethnic challenge. The BN government and its predecessor, the Alliance, have proven their credentials in a number of other less significant fracases. The 1967 disturbance in Penang; the 1978 Kerling incident; and the 2001 Kampong Medan episode would be some examples. The BN has also defused ethnic tensions arising from certain issues such as the 1978 Merdeka University controversy, and the 2010 sporadic attacks on churches, mosques and a gurdawara in the wake of a Court decision on the use of the term 'Allah'. Culprits responsible for the one cow head and five pig head incidents in recent years have also been punished by the law. It is an irrefutable fact that the BN has the experience and the expertise in dealing with ethnic challenges. The PR has yet to be tested largely because when ethnic issues impinge upon security, they come within the purview of the Federal Government. Its management of four state governments has not equipped the PR with the skills and knowledge to negotiate the complex multi-ethnic terrain that is Malaysia. PR supporters sometimes point to the inter-ethnic harmony in Kelantan as proof of its ability to maintain good relations among the different communities. Inter-harmony in Kelantan has very little to do with the Pas led government per se. Even when the BN was in power in Kota Baru from 1978 to 1990, relations between the majority Malay community and the Chinese and Siamese minorities were amicable. Kelantan has a long and distinguished record of inter-ethnic conviviality which goes beyond parties and politics. The small size of the minorities--- 5% of the population --- and their readiness to integrate into the larger Malay cultural ethos, the accommodative attitude of the majority, and an indigenous structure of governance which was not totally subverted by colonial rule, have all contributed to this. In fact, current trends seem to suggest that conviviality among the communities in Kelantan may be under some strain as a result of the politics represented by PAS and its partner, the DAP. Some of the restrictions and controls imposed in the name of PAS's notion of 'Islamic morality' are beginning to create a certain degree of uneasiness among younger non-Muslim Kelantanese. Similarly, the rise of Chinese ethnocentrism at the national level, fuelled to a large extent by the DAP, is seeping into the consciousness of a segment of Chinese youths in Kelantan, and separating them from the Malay majority. This is the real danger of enthroning PAS and DAP in Putrajaya. If they rule Malaysia, their respective ideological orientations will widen even further the chasm that divides Malaysian communities. PAS's superficial approach to Muslim identity reflected in its negative outlook on the rights and roles of women; the interaction between the sexes; and what constitutes wholesome entertainment, coupled with its obsession with prohibitions and punishments, will not only drive a wedge between Muslims and non-Muslims but also polarise Muslims themselves. The DAP, on the other hand, which is already alienated from the Malay majority because of some of its chauvinistic stances will trigger a backlash from the latter if it pursues policies on the economy or education motivated by its lopsided view of equality. It is not just their individual policies that are inimical to national unity. The DAP is vehemently opposed to PAS's Islamic state which remains the Islamic party's real goal even as it continues to flip-flop over its 'negara kebajikan'. The DAP's mission of a 'Malaysian Malaysia' which in reality demonstrates very little empathy for the defining attributes of the land and its identity --- Bahasa Melayu; Islam and the Malay Rulers --- is a quest which Pas rejects totally though it has not been vocal about it since 2008. This huge gap that separates the two parties in the Pakatan defies resolution. The third partner in the PR, the Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), has made no attempt to reconcile this ideological split between the two parties. This is why the PR is, for all intents and purposes, an inchoate, disparate inter-party grouping which is utterly incapable of bringing the various Malaysian communities together. Malaysians should ask themselves if it is wise to hand the reins of power to such a grouping especially at a time when religion is emerging as the fundamental fault-line in our society. This is a pertinent question to raise for while PAS remains wedded to a narrow identity based dogma, the DAP is increasingly becoming the conduit for strident Christian voices that are less than sensitive to the prevailing Muslim majority landscape. How can any sane, sensible person expect these two parties to help forge unity in the years ahead?
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar is the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Yayasan 1Malaysia.
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| Posted: 13 Apr 2013 03:00 PM PDT Most of BN's electoral promises can be found in their previous manifestoes for general elections since at least the 1980s. The BN solution to all of our problems is as follows: firstly, deny that there is a problem and crisis of confidence as to where we are heading as a nation; secondly, simply spend money that is not there to buy the peoples' support and loyalty; and thirdly, maintain the status quo under an elaborate charade of reform. Gerard Lourdesamy The 13th general election is upon us in three weeks time. The 5th of May 2013 like the 31st of August 1957 is a defining moment in our nation's history. After 56 years of near total domination of our political life first by the Alliance and then the Barisan Nasional (BN), the people of this great land have a historic opportunity to vote for change rather than piece-meal transformation and guarded reforms. The nation's institutions and economy are in tatters. The Constitutional checks and balances guaranteed and envisioned by our founding fathers lie in ruin thanks to innumerable amendments to our charter of liberty and freedom, by successive BN governments. These amendments were calculated to entrench power in the hands of an all-powerful and yet unaccountable Executive with a subservient and unrepresentative police force and state security apparatus to instil fear and carry out retribution against persons or organisations perceived to be a threat to the vested interests of the ruling elite. In the process the regulatory role of Parliament was relegated to a rubber stamp; the rulers rendered powerless; the courts were emasculated and the media subjugated and controlled to the point of insignificance. Credible journalism in this country predicated on fairness, impartiality and integrity is long dead. Against this backdrop of institutional decline, we have seen our economy get less and less competitive amidst an environment of over-regulation and ineffective enforcement, endemic corruption, inefficiency and weaknesses; leakages arising from a lack of transparency and accountability; and a bloated civil service that is incapable of improving itself thanks to inbred inertia, the absence of integrity and the inability to remain impartial and impervious to political pressure and influence. Corruption is accepted as a reality and a guarantee of upward social mobility and entry to elite circles resplendent with an extravagant and impressive lifestyle that is the envy of many ordinary Malaysians. Rather than tackle fundamental and institutional problems with our economy largely caused by the distortion of the New Economic Policy (NEP) and its successor policies; the lack of innovation and research; a moribund and unproductive workforce which lacks proper tertiary education and skills training; and the inability to compete with the emerging economies, that has caused us to be left behind in terms of direct foreign investment and is leading us into stagnation and a middle income wage trap despite the overly optimistic target of fully developed status by 2020, the BN has chosen to tinker with economic planning and policy simply to protect the interests of various competing groups within UMNO who have simply high-jacked the Malay agenda in order to enrich themselves, their families and cronies. Very often the fear of being unable to achieve the questionable equity targets set by the NEP and the perception that economic power is still in the hands of the Chinese and foreigners, is used as an excuse to perpetuate a culture of mediocrity and malaise but with incessant demands for closed or negotiated tenders for mega projects valued at billons of ringgit at the expense of transparency and ability to perform and deliver. Mismanagement and wastage is swept under the carpet while corruption and abuse of power often goes unreported and unpunished. It is this culture of patronage and political largesse that has caused us to lose tens of billions of ringgits in failed economic ventures and other projects including speculative trading in currency and commodities, that has not benefitted the people by any measure. Successive bail-outs of well connected personalities and cheap credit and loans to companies that are abject failures have not helped empower the Malays either economically or socially. The beneficiaries are simply extensions of the ruling elite in UMNO or the BN through ubiquitous front companies both on and off shore. The ordinary Malays and Bumiputera in the kampongs, fishing villages and rural areas have not benefitted from these so-called attempts to create a Malay super-rich entrepreneurial class with the ability to compete nationally and globally who would invariable help the poorer Malays and Bumiputera with business and employment opportunities. While eradication of poverty is much touted by the BN, we still have a very long way to go thanks to the increasing income disparity between and within various ethnic groups in the country where a disproportionate number of Malays and East Malaysian natives followed by Indians and some Chinese live on meagre incomes and appalling living conditions. Access to minimum standards of housing, proper sanitation and basic utilities is still lacking in many parts of the country and is shockingly bad in Sabah and Sarawak where the incidence of poverty is at its highest despite these two states being rich in natural resources like oil, gas and timber. Our education system is in disarray where most of our local graduates thanks to an over regulated and controlled education system that discourages critical and analytical thinking, compounded by the total absence of academic freedom and integrity among a great many of our professors and lecturers who are appointed not on merit, ability, experience or academic excellence but rather on political affiliation, sympathy and unquestioning loyalty to the ruling party that is often confused with the government, are unable to perform and compete in the private sector and have to be assumed into the civil service to reduce unemployment and avoid a political backlash, where they invariably perform below par and cause innumerable problems within the service. The poor command of the English language and the declining standards of learning in that language thanks to misguided nationalistic education policies in the 70s and 80s have caused our students and graduates to compare poorly to their counterparts even from non-traditional English speaking countries like Indonesia and Thailand. These poor language skills are evident when communication with foreigners and foreign governments is impeded because of a lack of knowledge and confidence to speak, write and use good and proper English. Our diplomatic service is a clear example where apart from its unrepresentative character, our diplomats seem to keep to themselves and do the country a great disservice by failing to interact with their host governments, business community, think tanks and media to promote our national interests simply because they are not confident to speak in English or any other foreign language. Instead their role is limited to hosting receptions and celebrations for visiting dignitaries and their spouses and on national festive occasions. Healthcare and health related services have become mired in a lack of qualified specialists in government hospitals, poor facilities, lack of beds, rising costs of care and medicines and the limited access to such facilities in rural areas. Instead of attempting to provide free universal healthcare or at least a system that will protect the lower income group from high medical costs while providing them with adequate access, the BN is more interested in privatisation and other absurd policies aimed at rationalisation but at the same time benefitting cronies of the government. As a country rich in natural resources and talent despite the increasing brain-drain thanks to the BN's deadwood policies since the 1970s, most Malaysians are still told to wait for an economic, social and political transformation that will propel us to greater heights and eventually developed country status in 2020, provided the BN remains in power, since it seems that only the BN has the monopoly over development, the ability to deliver on promises and guarantee peace, security and stability. But this message of the BN that resonates throughout its unimpressive manifesto for the 13th general election is nothing new or transformative. It is nothing but a continuation of the slew of promises and handouts promised in the last four successive budgets under Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak and also in the 10th Malaysia Plan approved by Parliament. In fact most of BN's electoral promises can be found in their previous manifestoes for general elections since at least the 1980s. The BN solution to all of our problems is as follows: firstly, deny that there is a problem and crisis of confidence as to where we are heading as a nation; secondly, simply spend money that is not there to buy the peoples' support and loyalty; and thirdly, maintain the status quo under an elaborate charade of reform or transformation with a glitzy media campaign and creating numerous government linked bodies, agencies and companies to perpetuate the myth of change and reform. While no one can begrudge Prime Minister Najib Razak's efforts to tinker at a micro level with our fundamental economic, social and political demands and problems, he regrettably has failed to deliver on anything of substance at a macro level simply because he is beholden to vested interests and he is afraid of confronting the old guard in UMNO headed by the despotic former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. Mahathir has proven time and again to be a master politician and tactician, far better than even Najib Razak or Anwar Ibrahim put together. He appeals to the base instincts of the Malays who fear a loss of political power if UMNO/BN loses the elections; the heightened demands of the Chinese and Indian minorities; and the overdependence on the natives of Sabah and Sarawak who are neither Malay nor Muslim. Mahathir's only concern at present is his legacy and his multi-billion dollar worth children who undoubtedly benefitted from his 22 years in office. The nation comes a poor second and the people probably third in his scheme of things. He wants to perpetuate the myth of UMNO as the only saviour and defender of the Malays while pretending to fight for the Malay economic cause. The reality is of course different. His duplicity is clear for all to see. While he berates the Chinese and Indians, he has and continues to favour his cronies from these communities. He plays the race and religion card like a puppet master with Malay nationalist NGOs like Perkasa and others backing him unreservedly and doing his bidding which directly and indirectly benefits UMNO and the BN to the detriment of race relations and Najib's attempts to be more inclusive and embrace all ethnic groups under his 1 Malaysia campaign. And yet others like the Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin are happy to undermine the Prime Minister at every turn with the blessing of Mahathir to perpetuate the narrow nationalistic, communalistic and at times racist ideology of Malay supremacy and dominance which has succeeded in alienating the non-Malays and also the East Malaysian natives to a large degree. UMNO is incapable of reform as long as Mahathir and the old guard continue to pursue their own agenda within the party. UMNO's domineering nature has weakened the BN and while the BN may have cohesion and discipline, the coalition members lack the freedom to disagree with and digress from the UMNO led agenda for nation building. Under the disguise of consensus and consociationalism, the BN component parties have become servile to UMNO even to the point of sacrificing the interests of the ethnic groups they represent in order to simply preserve their status, standing and benefits from being in government with UMNO. There is at present a wide disconnect between the people and their leaders. BN has and will continue to practice a top down type of limited democracy where the people are the servants of their political masters and are expected to remain always loyal and grateful to the ruling elite for their leadership and benevolence. In fact the BN in the last three decades has established itself in the model of a neo-fascist regime where the cult of leaders is actively encouraged in a climate of fear and oppression with a subservient media whose only role is to perpetuate a culture of undying loyalty and gratitude to the ruling party. The excesses and extravagance of the ruling elite has no limits. And this extends to their children and cronies as well. Despite claiming to be an Islamic country, UMNO pays scant regard to the key tenets of Islam which is moderation, piety, justice and fairness to Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Corruption and abuses of power are justified in the national interest and even religious scholars are roped in justify policies of the government that are not beneficial to the people as a whole and probably offensive to core Islamic values. While I do not wish to trumpet the promises made by the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) in their manifesto which like the BN is populist and short of facts, figures and reality, it at least offers a genuine promise of change and reform. While the PR may not be perfect and at times appears disunited and disjointed, which may be due to its component parties' unique and competing ideologies and diverse interests, coupled with lack of experience in governance until 2008, they are at least making an attempt to restore sanity and normalcy to our national way of life by advocating greater democracy and freedom, respect for the rule of law and human rights, eliminating corruption, abuses, wastage and leakages in our economy and most importantly restoring social justice by way of a needs based approached as opposed to a race based one, which has failed the BN since the inception of the NEP. While PR has to put up with constant criticism and bad press; divisions and infighting; listless leadership at times; and even poor handling of national issues amidst competing demands from ethic groups and core constituents, it has succeeded in creating a greater awareness among the people of our rights in a seemingly democratic society and our quest for economic and social justice, fairness and equitable treatment. People have become more responsive to national issues and have started to question, criticise and condemn. While at times there is a great deal of untruths and slander being bandied about by both sides of the political divide, people are less concerned about the sexual proclivities of our leaders but more about the direction and future of our country. Not all in Malaysia is bad just as not all in Malaysia is good. The voters have to be discerning and wise in making their choice. The results must be respected by both sides provided the elections themselves are free and fair by minimum international standards. While we cannot depend entirely on so-called independent institutions like the Election Commission (EC), the police and the media to guarantee a free and fair poll, we must ourselves keep watch and guard over the electoral process to ensure that it is free from abuse and corruption. The voters must come out in high numbers and give a decisive victory to whichever coalition they feel is the right choice to govern and lead this country into our future. The time has come to move away from old and decaying things and move towards something new, full of promise and dynamism that is guaranteed to provide us with an exciting and challenging five years ahead.
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| Why is Malaysiakini three-cornering PSM? Posted: 12 Apr 2013 10:11 PM PDT
I refer to the article 'Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) may force three-cornered fights with PKR' yesterday and take offence to the title by Malaysiakini which I find to be unfair, biased and manipulative. I do understand that some PKR leaders are shareholders of Malaysiakini but that should not be used to belittle other parties. Let me put the below record straight and let the people decide who is three-cornering who or is it that Malaysiakini is trying to three-corner PSM to create a biased opinion poll. S ARUTCHELVAN is PSM secretary-general.
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