Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Musa Aman scandal punctures Najib’s vision
- Suspense too much for some
- GE13: Should the global community care?
- Battle for MB post eclipses polls
- Speeding up the game?
- Do the math, hudud is possible
| Musa Aman scandal punctures Najib’s vision Posted: 16 Oct 2012 01:41 PM PDT
While MACC's head of investigation is claiming that it is still in the midst of investigation, how could minister Nazri claim in the same breath that MACC has concluded that there was no evidence of corruption? Kim Quek Prime Minister Najib Razak's refusal to disclose the donor of the S$16 million contraband cash seized at the Hong Kong International airport, following his minister's earlier acknowledgement of the cash as donation to Sabah Umno, has only heightened suspicion over the web of deceit and cover up of high corruption in the corridor of power. His minister Nazri Aziz had earlier (Oct 11) given a written reply in parliament denying that the said S$16 million cash was Sabah Chief Minister Musa Aman's money, claiming that it was a donation to Umno party in Sabah instead, even though the carrier of the cash, Michael Chia Tien Foh, was a well known personal agent and close associate of Musa Aman, as will be elaborated later. In a further attempt to dismiss the notion of any impropriety over the episode, minister Nazri added in his statement that the Malaysian Anti-Corrupition Commission (MACC) has concluded that "no element of corruption was proven". However, this statement has glaringly contradicted MACC's latest stance on the issue, aired only a few days earlier. Answering questions by reporters on the sideline of the recently concluded Sixth Conference of the International Association of Anti-Corruption Authorities (IAACA) in Kuala Lumpur, MACC deputy chief commissioner (operations) Shukri Abdul said on Oct 5: "The investigation against Musa is on corruption and we have completed the investigation, but the panel has instructed us to get more evidence." By "the panel", Shukri Abdul was referring to MACC's operations review panel, which instructed the operation division to collect further evidence against Musa after being presented with the report on the case during the panel's last sitting in May. While MACC's head of investigation is claiming that it is still in the midst of investigation, how could minister Nazri claim in the same breath that MACC has concluded that there was no evidence of corruption?
Obviously, one of the two is lying; or more likely, both are lying, as there is no credibility in what these two gentlemen have said, if we were to take into consideration the full circumstances of the case. Nazri is unlikely to have told the truth, as he couldn't have known more than the head of investigation. As for Shukri, how serious can we take his word that MACC couldn't come to a conclusion despite four long years of investigation into a simple case of someone caught red-handed while smuggling an enormous sum of laundered cash? After all, evidence galore in the Internet of the intricate network of money flow originating from timber corruption in Sabah with Michael Chia as one of the focal points of the trail that eventually ends up in Musa Aman's personal account in UBS AG in Zurich. In fact, a flow chart showing these money movements complete with account details was produced by the Hong Kong Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), a copy of which has been conveyed to MACC, according to Sarawak Report website, which has also posted the chart in http://www.sarawakreport.org/2012/04/hold-on-trust-for-aman-more-devastating-evidence-from-the-icac-investigation/. It is not difficult to see from this elaborate network of bank accounts and money transactions that the S$16 million incident is only the tip of the iceberg of a clandestine operation to siphon massive timber corruption money from Sabah. Apparently, ICAC has also forwarded its findings to MACC, and requested for inter-country co-operation to wrap up the case, but such attempt was reportedly blocked by Attorney General Gani Patail. Can MACC deny that it is in possession of the fruits of ICAC's laborious investigations into the case including the said money flow chart that conclusively crucifies Musa Aman? Perhaps the parliamentary select committee on corruption should summon MACC chief commissioner Abu Kassim to answer this question.
Adding to the credibility crisis of the duo – Nazri and Shukir – is the blanket denial by Musa Aman of all allegations against him. Responding to Sarawak Report's various allegations that among others, Musa's two sons studying in Australia regularly received timber kickbacks from bank accounts controlled by Chia, Musa flatly denies these in a written statement on April 12, 2012 that reads: "I deny all these allegations. I wish to put it on record once again that I have no business association whatsoever with an individual named Michael Chia". Musa's denial, however, was contradicted by banks statements produced in the Singapore High Court in a civil suit (Suit No.752 of 2010/N) in June that was brought by Chia's former associate and now adversary involving a money dispute. To defend its position in the dispute, UBS AG produced bank statements that clearly showed that Musa's sons Mohammed Hayssam Musa and Hazem Musa Hazem Mubarak Musa were regular recipients of money remitted from accounts of companies which Chia claimed to be under his control. These British Virginia registered shady companies with large amount of unaccounted for cash regularly flowing mysteriously through their accounts are obvious vehicles of money laundering. Thus both UBS AG and Chia, out of the necessity to defend their respective positions, had unwittingly produced in court evidences that tell us that Musa Aman has told a blatant lie that he has no link whatsoever with Michael Chia. More than that, these bank documents also collaborate documents in Sarawak Report's possession (including the abovementioned flow chart) that regularly surface in its frequent exposure of Musa Aman's nefarious ventures as the notorious timber baron of Sabah. Interestingly, according to Sarawak Report, these secret reports are leaked documents from not only ICAC, but also from MACC, which has carried out a parallel investigation on Sabah timber corruption, following the arrest of Michael Chia in Hong Kong on 14 Aug 2008 for money smuggling and laundering. Judging from MACC's long silence and inaction despite the wealth of evidence of Sabah timber corruption in its hands, it is not difficult to visualize the limitations under which it has to operate.
Prime Minister Najib Razak certainly didn't help matters with his curt refusal to divulge the source or any information that may lessen the gravity of this scandal. In that encounter with the press after chairing the Barisan Nasional supreme council meeting on Oct 12, he even tried to sanitize this sordid incident by saying "every political party has the right to receive political donation as long as it is done in a proper way". He added that the amount of the donation is irrelevant, repeating the proviso that "as long as it is done in a proper way". It really boggles the mind to think that the Prime Minister could consider such bizarre fashion of conveying donation as "the proper way". May we remind the Prime Minister that money smuggling and money laundering are serious criminal offences, for which Michael Chia would have been prosecuted, convicted and jailed and the cash confiscated, if not for the Malaysian government's refusal to extend its co-operation to the Hong Kong authorities. And since Michael Chia is only a courier, the master for whom he serves – Umno – is even more guilty. In any democratic country, law enforcers would have swung into action following the Prime Minister's open admission of such association of breach of law; but of course, in Boleh Land, this is business as usual – nothing to make a fuss about. This latest scandal is only one of many that have been incessantly popping up lately despite the imminence of a crucial election. It only serves to reinforce the hard fact that our self-styled "reformist" Prime Minister's many "transformations" he claimed to have brought to the nation are more illusion than substance. As for his vision of "best democracy" and "developed nation" status in the near future, is it not a land too far to reach?
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| Posted: 15 Oct 2012 03:18 PM PDT
After more than a year of intense speculation, the whole country is still kept in suspense as to the date of the 13th general election. Slightly more than 13 million Malaysians aged 21 and above are eligible to cast their ballots to choose 222 representatives in the Federal Parliament and 505 representatives in 12 state assemblies (except Sarawak, which already held its state election on April 16 last year). Philip Hii, The Star AT FIRST the people thought that the general election was going to be in July last year. When nothing happened, the date Nov 11, 2011 was mentioned. They pointed out that the number 11 was Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak's favourite number. Favourite or no favourite, the polls did not happen. Then came the new year and speculators pointed to March, May, July and finally the last month of this year as the "The Day". The intensity of the speculation has diminished somewhat as many people have adopted a "let-it-be" attitude. For some, the delay has made them anxious. Others are rather fed up, while certain segments of the business community are impatiently waiting for their usual election-related windfall. Even the components of the ruling coalition are rather restive. Only the Opposition seems to welcome the delay, saying that it is working in their favour as it gives them more time to reach the voters. The current speculation is that the elections would likely be held after February next year when the distribution of government handouts as promised in Budget 2013 has been completed. Najib might also wait for the expiry of his Government in March next year, which would compel Opposition-ruled Penang, Selangor, Kedah and Kelantan to participate in the general election simultaneously. If none of the above happens, the polls must be held by June 27 next year, at the very latest. January next year is considered a good election month because of the "feel-good" factor as Chinese New Year falls on Feb 10. It is believed that holding the elections close to the Lunar New Year would garner more Chinese support. "It is the first time in our country's history that uncertainty over an election date has dragged on for so long. It is inconvenient for employers and employees," said a businessman who wanted to be known only as Wong. He said the uncertainty had made it difficult for him to approve leave application of his staff, especially those who applied for November and January. "The best I can do is grant them a short period, from two to five days, but on condition that they must return to work if the elections are called," Wong added. A graphic designer, Angela, said she was worried that her approved leave from Nov 21 to 30 would be revoked. "If that happens then it would be a great loss to me as I have bought an air ticket to Bali," she said. Those most affected by the uncertainty are civil servants, police, military personnel, printers, and members of the media. Some party members and workers in the ruling coalition are also starting to get "irritated". An old SUPP member said withholding the announcement of the election date so close to the end of the current ruling government's term could be interpreted as a "show of weakness and indecisiveness". He said many Malaysians were already politically mature and most of them have already decided who to vote for, or whether to vote at all. Slightly more than 13 million Malaysians aged 21 and above are eligible to cast their ballots to choose 222 representatives in the Federal Parliament and 505 representatives in 12 state assemblies (except Sarawak, which already held its state election on April 16 last year). In 2008, Barisan Nasional under the leadership of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi suffered its first major setback when Pakatan Rakyat won 82 seats, thereby denying the ruling coalition of a two-thirds majority. Barisan also lost control of five states — Penang, Selangor, Kelantan, Kedah and Perak. It, however, regained Perak following the defection of three Pakatan assemblymen. Following the poor showing, Abdullah announced that he would step down. On March 26, 2009, Najib was elected unopposed as the new Umno party leader, paving his way to the nation's premiership. Abdullah tendered his resignation on April 2 and the next day, Najib was sworn in as the sixth Prime Minister of Malaysia. It is stipulated in the Malaysian constitution that the general election is held every five years. The country's past 12 general elections were on Aug 19, 1959; April 25, 1964; May 10, 1969; Aug 24 and Sept 14 1974; July 8, 1978; April 22, 1982; Aug 3, 1986; Oct 21, 1990; April 25, 1995; Nov 29, 1999; March 21, 2004; and March 8, 2008.
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| GE13: Should the global community care? Posted: 15 Oct 2012 01:45 PM PDT All the so-called reforms are like attempting to varnish a table that is ridden with termites. By S Ambiga, FMT Those in the international community may be forgiven for saying… "is there a problem with the democratic process in Malaysia?". In the international arena, our leaders portray Malaysia as a moderate Islamic nation that is built on the democratic principles that are enshrined in our Federal Constitution. The fundamental rights of freedom of expression, freedom of association, freedom of assembly, the right to life and a fair electoral process, are indeed guaranteed under our Federal Constitution. The reality is, however, far less idyllic. There are serious questions whether these rights are respected and upheld by those in power. Since before the 1990s, Malaysians have been pushing for a reform of the system of governance. There has been growing discontent over issues like rampant corruption, abuse of power, deaths in custody and selective prosecution (or persecution), to name but a few of the grouses. We are increasingly alarmed by the use of race and religion by politicians to divide the people for political gain, with no regard whatsoever for the possible long-term consequences of this conduct. We note with disgust our mainstream media descending to the lowest depths of junk journalism. We are appalled at the growing instances of political violence. In the clearest example of how low we have sunk, human rights defenders and civil society who are seen as opposing the government are facing ruthless attacks by the government of the day. Suaram, established in 1989 and which has in the past year been exposing possible corruption by Malaysians in high places in the purchase of Scorpene submarines from France, is suddenly facing investigation by several government agencies. The mainstream media is once again playing its role in showing no regard whatsoever for presenting the whole truth. In a front-page news story, preposterous claims were made that NGOs like Suaram and Bersih were funded by organisations like National Democratic Institute (NDI) and Open Society Institute (OSI) for the purpose of overthrowing the government. Directors of Suaram have been hauled up by enforcement agencies for their exposé on the corruption, yet our anti-corruption agency fails to even begin to investigate the claims of Suaram that a huge commission of RM500 million had been received by a Malaysian entity in the Scorpene deal. Civil society is now continuously portrayed in the media as the enemy which is seeking to overthrow the government at the behest of foreign powers. These accusations have also been hurled at Bersih, more so since July last year when we had a successful rally of more than 50,000 people on the streets of KL, clamouring for clean and fair elections. Another rally was held in April this year when more than 200,000 people were on the streets, again asking for electoral reform. Malaysians do not easily take to the streets. The numbers must mean that there were good reasons why they did. What reforms? I will not go into more details of the attacks that human rights defenders have had to face by those in authority or those who had the tacit approval of the authorities. Suffice it to say they have been sustained and relentless. When asked, our leaders will say that this government is reforming because of the replacement of many oppressive laws, and the apparent move to greater democracy. They will say that after the Bersih rally last year, a parliamentary select committee (PSC) for electoral reform was set up and a report issued. What they don't go on to explain is, what replaces these oppressive laws and what they are doing to effectively implement the PSC recommendations. In my view, the new legislation just does not go far enough, and the important recommendations of the PSC report are largely ignored or poorly implemented. Bersih also continues to receive reports of electoral malpractices and the integrity of the electoral roll leaves much to be desired. Our Election Commission does not enjoy public confidence and is not seen by many as independent. This, together with all the other issues that plague our system of governance, leads to the inevitable conclusion that the next crucial general election will be seriously flawed. All the so-called reforms are like attempting to varnish a table that is ridden with termites. It is difficult to fix a system that is fundamentally flawed by building on the same rotten foundation. That is, even if there is real political will to reform. The Global Commission on Elections, Democracy and Security which is headed by Kofi Annan (former United Nations secretary-general) and which has many distinguished members including Ernesto Zedillo (former president of Mexico), Madeleine K Albright (former US Secretary of State) and Professor Amartya Sen, issued a ground-breaking report on clean and fair elections dated September 2012. In his foreword, Annan states, "The spread of democracy across the world has been one of the most dramatic changes I have witnessed over the course of my career. In country after country, people have risked their lives to call for free elections, democratic accountability, the rule of law and respect for human rights. Elections are the indispensable root of democracy…" I make no apologies for quoting from this report at length for I cannot say it better. The report clearly outlines that clean and fair elections are not just about choosing leaders, but are about building a solid framework for a democracy that works for the people. Some conclusions After studies, the following were some of the conclusions arrived at: 1. "Elections with integrity are important to values that we hold dear – human rights and democratic principles. Elections give life to rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, including freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of peaceful assembly and association, the right to take part in the government of one's country through freely elected representatives, the right of equal access to public service in one's country, and the recognition that the authority of government derives from the will of the people, expressed in 'genuine periodic elections' which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret ballot. 2. Elections are fundamental to the ethos and principles of democracy… 3. Citizens lose confidence in democratic processes when elections are not inclusive, transparent, and accountable. When elections have integrity, they bolster democracy, respect fundamental rights, and produce elected officials who are more likely to represent their citizens' interests. 4. But in addition to promoting democratic values and human rights, elections with integrity can also yield other tangible benefits for citizens. Evidence from around the world suggests that elections with integrity matter for empowering women, fighting corruption, delivering services to the poor, improving governance, and ending civil wars… 5. Electoral accountability, in turn, is associated with lessening government corruption… 6. Electoral accountability, in turn, has direct benefits for improving representation of the poor… 7. Even in countries emerging from civil wars – the most difficult of contexts for building democracy – research now shows that when the termination of the war is accompanied by elections in which former combatants run for office and campaign for votes, countries are less likely to revert to civil war. At the same time, however, other studies note that fraudulent elections are correlated with societal violence and political instability…" In an interview after the presentation of the report, Stephen Stedman, director of the Global Commission and a political scientist from Stanford, was asked what the motivation was for the report. In speaking of the chairman (Kofi Annan), he said that Annan was "driven by his experience of having to deal with several elections in Africa that had become violent and had gone off the rails. And there is a frustration he feels about how little attention had been paid to those places before they blew up".
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| Battle for MB post eclipses polls Posted: 13 Oct 2012 02:33 PM PDT The rivalry between Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim and Azmin Ali for the Selangor Mentri Besar post has overshadowed the battle for control of the state. But while Azmin has control over his party, he has problems getting the support of the coalition. DAP's Karpal Singh reminded him that the MB post is a consensus decision while PAS secretary-general Datuk Mustafa Ali said he was "too ambitious". Joceline Tan, The Star THE exchange of fire between loyalists of Azmin Ali and Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim last week was not the first but it was the fiercest to date. The stakes have increased as the general election draws near and there is no denying that the two PKR leaders are doing what it takes to be in the cushy seat of Selangor Mentri Besar (MB). The Azmin-Khalid feud has reached a new level of intensity. But politicians are such natural actors. When Khalid walked into the House shortly before the Dewan Rakyat session began on Monday, Azmin leapt to his feet with outstretched arms. There was no man-hug that would have been over-acting but they smiled like they were in a toothpaste advertisement as they shook hands, knowing that all eyes were on them. Anyone looking at the pair last week would have been puzzled, even confused, as to whether they are rivals or buddies. The two adversaries are, quite ironically, seated next to each other Khalid as the Bandar Tun Razak MP and Azmin as Gombak MP. Azmin immediately launched into an earnest explanation about his interview in a Malay daily that had sparked off the latest rounds of attacks, saying that the reaction generated was not fair to both of them.  Faekah: The petite but fierce political secretary has taken the bullets for Khalid. Khalid was quite blas about it and told him: "No problem, there's no need to apologise. In fact, I just told reporters outside: Thank you to Azmin for saying that I am federal material.'" The pair even left the House together a couple of hours later Khalid to attend a meeting and Azmin to visit one of his party workers in hospital. In the afternoon, they were together again, this time at a PKNS meeting in Shah Alam. Again, there were lots of smiles and jovial exchanges, with Azmin praising Khalid's handling of Selangor's financial affairs. It was not exactly Oscar-winning stuff but it was a good show. Beneath the civil smiles and pleasantries lie a simmering rivalry that is centred around the post of Selangor MB. The two men are savvy enough to leave all that I-say-you and the you-say-me attacks to their machais. They are well-matched to take on each other. Khalid is the MB, but Azmin pulls the strings in PKR as the deputy president, Selangor chief and party election director. Azmin is not only a political animal but a smooth operator. Khalid, on the other hand, is not as naive as some imagine. Behind that absent-minded professor demeanour is a man determined to hold on to what he has. Khalid has often been described as an accidental politician. That is not really the case because he has been interested in politics since his days as CEO of Guthrie Bhd. He had even vied for a division post in Umno. The MB's office is a dream come true for him and he is not going to let go without a fight. The latest attack began with a front page interview in Sinar Harian where Azmin praised Khalid's achievements in Selangor and declared that Khalid's corporate experience would be needed at the federal level if Pakatan takes Putrajaya. The headline the next day was: MB Baru Selepas PRU13 (new MB after general election). That was when the bullets started flying between supporters of both sides. In the corporate world, that would be known as being "kicked upstairs" removed without losing too much face.  Zuraidah: She walks and talks like a man but is a fierce defender of Azmin. Azmin has often told those who claim that he wants to take over from Khalid that, "I am eyeing Putrajaya, not Selangor". But he is well aware that Pakatan's hopes of winning the federal government are getting slimmer by the day and the coalition is more likely to hold on to Selangor than arrive in Putrajaya. Hence, his move to close in on the MB post. Khalid's chief defender has been his loyal political secretary Faekah Husin. She did not mince her words about Azmin's interview; as a result she has been severely criticised by Azmin's camp. The petite lawyer admitted with a laugh, "there are bullet holes all over my body." Azmin's boys joke that Faekah is the "First Lady of Selangor". They go for her because she is an easier target to hit than Khalid and there are now renewed calls to sack her for criticising Azmin. Mundane remarks But sacked from what and for what? Faekah is only an ordinary party member, she does not have a party post and her remarks about Azmin were rather mundane. Moreover, the only person who can sack her is Khalid and he trusts her implicitly; that is what makes her so powerful in Selangor. Faekah is Khalid's spokeswoman, and during the launch of his book Fearless: From Kampung Boy to CEO, he singled her out for mention. Going by the video that was aired during the launch, it is quite clear that she is central to Khalid's politics and work. Her power status goes up another notch if one considers that she was the former political secretary to PKR president Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail and they are still very close. Azmin's boys know they will have to take Faekah down before they can get Khalid, hence the periodic calls for her removal. In June this year, a group using the Twitter handle @PecatFaekah had agitated for Faekah's resignation. The group has not given up and has since extended their scope to @PecatFaekah/Arfah, the latter being Khalid's press secretary. While Khalid relies on Faekah to check Azmin, Azmin uses Ampang MP Zuraidah Kamaruddin to poke at Khalid. They are Alpha females who do not mind taking the heat for their men. Zuraidah, who is Azmin's No. 2 in Selangor, ticked off Khalid a few months ago when he declined to defend Azmin over some compromising photographs of a couple in a toilet. More recently, she lectured Faekah for "jumping the gun" and told her to improve her communication skills with party leaders. Azmin's supporters maintain that the MB post should have gone to him instead of Khalid. Azmin was in the lead to be the MB when Selangor fell in 2008. But in the early hours of March 9, Khalid's name overtook Azmin's and by the time the sun came up, Khalid was confirmed as the choice of MB. Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim had opted for Khalid because he was a big corporate name and also because he thought that Khalid would be easier to control than Azmin; he was wrong on the second count. Azmin was deeply disappointed and one of those at Anwar's house that morning recalled witnessing how the de facto leader tried to placate Azmin for almost an hour. "Azmin's face was white with anger if you had cut it with a knife, there would have been no blood," said an insider. Anwar's pitch at that time was that Putrajaya was within arm's reach and he needed Azmin to be in charge. The younger man was sucked into the Sept 16 fairy tale along with many other Malaysians. He is older and wiser and going for the realistic option this time around. In that sense, Azmin's remarks in Sinar Harian were very much about about staking his territory and preparing everyone for his ascent. But while Azmin has control over his party, he has problems getting the support of the coalition. DAP's Karpal Singh reminded him that the MB post is a consensus decision while PAS secretary-general Datuk Mustafa Ali said he was "too ambitious". Khalid's situation is the reverse he is the preferred choice of Pakatan but he does not seem to have the backing of his party. His other problem is that his state seat in Ijok is said to be quite vulnerable and he will have to work hard to do well there. Third candidate There has also been talk about positioning Nurul Izzah as the next MB, and Taman Medan, a state seat in Selangor, has been named as a possible constituency for her. It is not an implausible scenario because Datuk Seri Dr Khir Toyo was only slightly older than her when he was plucked from obscurity for the post. The Lembah Pantai MP and party vice-president has popular appeal and there is still that wow-factor surrounding her. But her problem is that, intellectually, she has not measured up to her generational peers like Rafizi Ramli or Rembau MP Khairy Jamaluddin. She has not shone in Parliament compared to several other first-time MPs. Without her father's name, she would be just another pretty and ambitious politician. Her other problem is that she seems to be modelling herself after the eccentric Batu MP Tian Chua whom not many people take seriously these days. They like to pursue sensational and gimmicky issues without proper research and when proven wrong, they simply move on to a new issue. Over time, such incidents affect one's credibility. For instance, Nurul Izzah went to town about the Defence Ministry submarine that could not dive. She got loads of publicity but when the submarine dived in the sea off Sabah with no less than the King on board, she behaved as though she had never talked about it. Nurul Izzah is a good ceramah speaker but has yet to show that she can think and argue factually in a debate. She has a lot of catching up to do and Azmin will see to it that she stays in Lembah Pantai. Nurul Izzah and Dr Wan Azizah have made statements to the effect of siding Khalid but Anwar has been silent on the feud but it should not be read as impartiality. The de facto leader holds the veto decision and he will use it when the time comes. In the meantime, the feud will simmer on. Azmin and Khalid will continue to smile and say lovely things about each other in public while the knives are sharpened behind the scenes.
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| Posted: 12 Oct 2012 01:07 PM PDT Enemy plotters are stepping up attacks on PAS and DAP to drive a wedge between them in time for the general election. Thus the attacks on PAS and DAP are timed in such a way so that there will be an implosion in Pakatan by early November. If Parliament is to be dissolved by end of October or thereabouts, PAS would be in difficulty as it needs time to explain the situation to its grassroots, especially those in the rural areas who need a lot of convincing to get them to stay with PAS. Selena Tay, FMT Certainly the 13th general election cannot be too far away. Just when there seems to be a lull in the political goings-on besides the usual Talam and the so-called water crisis stuff, PAS has again been rudely jolted with attacks from within its ranks. PAS' collaboration with DAP has again been brought into question by Nasharuddin Mat Isa, the Bachok MP from PAS. Of late, this former PAS deputy president seems to be making statements not aligned with the party stand. He has questioned Bersih co-chairperson S Ambiga's leadership of Bersih and currently he is questioning PAS' collaboration with DAP. The latter point is certainly made with the aim of driving a wedge between DAP and PAS. Has he become a Trojan Horse? Definitely he has plunged PAS into a dilemma. To sack him would be an extremely bad move as it would portray PAS as undemocratic and, worse still, of being a stooge of DAP. Thus the better move would be to just let him be. It is not unusual for the enemy plotters to step up attacks on PAS and DAP at this point in time as they want to make sure that Pakatan Rakyat is sufficiently weak before the 13th general election is called and time is running out if they intend to call for the polls this year. Besides Pakatan, the opposition parties in Sabah have yet to iron out a workable deal and are still very much in disarray. Thus the time is ripe to call for an election now with the budget's goodies being dangled as a carrot to woo the electorate. The economy is still not too bad and everything unpleasant is being kept beneath the surface. As the political situation is very fluid these days with events moving quickly, Barisan Nasional, which is in favour today due to the budget presentation last month, could be out of favour by March next year. Therefore it is best to capture the feel-good feeling fast. Moreover, the application for the BR1M 2.0 cash aid will be opened for registration on Nov 1. This will whet the rakyat's appetite in anticipation of the payout to be made in January and this means that the feel-good factor can be sustained till then. After the cash is distributed and used up, people will be in the doldrums again. This is not unusual as RM500 is easily used up if one stays in the urban areas and there are many urban poor in KL. After the cash aid has been utilised, BN has nothing more to dangle to the voters and the advantage will then switch to Pakatan. This shows that as long as the cash aid has yet to be disbursed, the advantage still belongs to BN. A big national Deepavali-do is anticipated to be held on Nov 10 or 11 and all the Haj pilgrims will be back by the third week of November. This means that polling can be held on the last weekend of November. Thus the attacks on PAS and DAP are timed in such a way so that there will be an implosion in Pakatan by early November. If Parliament is to be dissolved by end of October or thereabouts, PAS would be in difficulty as it needs time to explain the situation to its grassroots, especially those in the rural areas who need a lot of convincing to get them to stay with PAS. It is clear then that BN is planning for November polls. But if Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak suddenly has cold feet, then the polls will be held next year.
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| Do the math, hudud is possible Posted: 12 Oct 2012 01:04 PM PDT If Pakatan Rakyat forms the federal government, then the threat of hudud being implemented is real both politically and economically. Moreover, DAP themselves have already pledged to introduce few potential Muslim/Malay candidates in the upcoming general election. So to have an extra 18 MPs from both PKR and DAP to reach 148 for hudud to be implemented is possible. By Shen Yee Aun, FMT I would like to help MCA publicity bureau chief Kow Cheong Wei on certain points that he had missed out during his debate against DAP's Hew Kuan Yew on Thursday night. Hew said there were less than two-third Muslim MPs in Parliament and it needed the consent of at least 148 MPs to push for an amendment to the Constitution to introduce hudud. "Out of the 222 MPs in Parliament, only 107 MPs from the Peninsular are Muslims. If we add the East Malaysian Muslim MPs, there will only be 130. "Besides, our constituency delineation is such that there are only 136 Muslim-majority seats, with more than 61% of the voters being Muslims," said Hew. Hew's calculation is based on the current political scenario where in total there are only 130 Muslim MPs in Parliament. He must not neglect the current political reality where his calculation is based on the the current government ruled by Barisan Nasional. The hudud calculation is only impossible in the BN political structure because mathematically the maximum number of Muslim MPs from BN even if they win all their seats will only be 117 MPs from Umno. It is almost impossible to have a Muslim/Malay MP from MCA, MIC, PPP and other BN component parties. So hudud is only mathematically impossible if BN rules. As for Pakatan Rakyat, the number of their Muslim MPs can be intangible and hard to predict because any Muslim candidate can represent both DAP and PKR in the general election. Moreover, DAP themselves have already pledged to introduce few potential Muslim/Malay candidates in the upcoming general election. So to have an extra 18 MPs from both PKR and DAP to reach 148 for hudud to be implemented is possible. Hew also claimed that our constituency delineation is such that there are only 136 Muslim-majority seats. But he forgot to include the number of Muslim candidates and MPs from mixed constituencies. Basically, Pakatan just needs an additional 12 seats from Muslim MPs contesting in mixed seats to reach 148 for hudud to be implemented. It's not all about mathematics Hew also forgot to include the factor of the potential strength of the upcoming prime minister. What if the majority of Muslims MPs in Pakatan decide to elect (PAS president Abdul) Hadi Awang as their prime minister. Having the influence of a prime minister will also increase support among the non MuslimPakatan MPs for Hadi for their own political survival in the coalition and government. Mathematically, the number of Muslim MPs from Pakatan will be more than the number of Muslim MPs from BN. Mathematically, Pakatan's strong performance in the last general election also led to Parliament witnessing a decrease of seven non Muslim MPs.
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