| The Tripoli Uprising Posted: 01 Sep 2011 06:04 AM PDT 
The inside story of Libya's underground revolutionaries as they organized, hid out, waited, and finally liberated the capital city. At first, the security forces outnumbered the protesters almost three to one. But the protests were spreading from one block to the next, and soon they reached the streets behind the security forces. Within moments after the shooting began, the government forces were surrounded. The few protesters with weapons began firing back. Some started throwing stones. "I'm a bit scared of guns, so I threw Molotov cocktails," says El Burai. BY ANAND GOPAL, FOREIGN POLICY TRIPOLI, Libya – One night late last month, in a sweltering apartment deep in the heart of Tripoli, a group of men gathered around the television to watch the evening news. The program was carried on Libya al-Ahrar, a Doha-based news channel beaming into Libya in support of the revolution. At precisely 8:30 p.m., after the breaking of the Ramadan fast and as locals were streaming to the mosques, the message these men were waiting for came: "Truly, we have granted you a clear victory," the newscaster said, before signing off for the night. It was a verse from the Quran, but to the men in this room, in the tightly packed neighborhood of Souq al-Juma, it was so much more -- a code that signaled that their uprising was to begin. Over the next 48 hours, the people of Tripoli pushed Libya's six-month revolution to its staggering denouement, ensuring their country would never again be the same and reinvigorating the Arab awakening -- and it all began in this neighborhood. The men watching the television were part of a group of 62 underground revolutionaries who had been preparing for this day for weeks. Malik Jamal Abargo, a 20-something port worker, was one of them. He grabbed his Kalashnikov and rushed into the streets with his comrades. "My heart was pounding," he says. "I thought that I might become a martyr." The sight of the small crowd chanting slogans against Muammar al-Qaddafi in the street prompted shouts from the mosque. Soon its speakers issued forth a thunderous chant: Allahu akbar! Out came Khalid Abu Humeida, a customs worker. "I was standing in line for vegetables when I heard it," he says. "It had more force to me than any bomb or jet. I knew what to do." He was joined by Salem El Burai, a restaurant owner who came rushing out with a bag of rocks. Abdul, who would not give his last name and has no job at all, emerged with a Molotov cocktail. The crowd grew to hundreds -- the first large open protests against the government in any part of Tripoli since February, when demonstrations were drowned in blood. Almost immediately, truckloads of state security forces began to arrive. They pointed their weapons at the demonstrators. "We inched forward, step by step, trying not to waver," says Abdul. Soon, less than 100 meters separated the two sides. They were facing off under a large overpass, and speeding cars roared above. Snipers were arrayed on a nearby high-rise. One group of protesters then doused vehicles parked on the roadside in gasoline and set them ablaze. "We wanted to create a sense of chaos, to confuse the government forces," El Burai explains. This provocation was enough: The security forces opened fire. Bullets whizzed and popped, the protesters recall, and they jumped behind concrete pillars and behind trash cans. At first, the security forces outnumbered the protesters almost three to one. But the protests were spreading from one block to the next, and soon they reached the streets behind the security forces. Within moments after the shooting began, the government forces were surrounded. The few protesters with weapons began firing back. Some started throwing stones. "I'm a bit scared of guns, so I threw Molotov cocktails," says El Burai. Things turned into a stunning rout in the protesters' favor: Thirteen police lay dead and almost 30 were captured. The rest fled. In that moment, on that street corner, 42 years of despair began to dissolve. "We've lost a whole generation to fear," says El Burai. "This was like a rebirth." Women and younger children gingerly stepped out onto the streets, for the first time in their lives free of the state's presence. Strangers embraced, men praised God, and rebels fired their weapons in the air. READ MORE HERE |
| Key political risks to watch in Malaysia Posted: 31 Aug 2011 05:33 PM PDT 
Annual inflation accelerated to a 27-month high of 3.5 percent in June, and interest rates are likely to rise in September. U.S. and European debt troubles could slow the pace of growth in Malaysia's export-dependent economy. Growth hit a decade high of 7.2 percent in 2010 but a marked slowdown could force Najib to hasten polls to prevent voter sentiment from souring. Razak Ahmad, Reuters Rising prices and discontent over the slow pace of reforms are the key challenges confronting Prime Minister Najib Razak as he considers the possibility of a snap election in early 2012. Annual inflation accelerated to a 27-month high of 3.5 percent in June, and interest rates are likely to rise in September. In July, police fired tear gas at protestors who were part of a rare anti-government demonstration in Kuala Lumpur that drew more than 10,000 people demanding electoral reforms. If he comes under greater popular pressure, Najib may scrap the idea of a snap election, and hold back on reforms foreign investors would like to see, including cutting fuel subsidies and unwinding an affirmative action programme for the country's Malay majority. Following is a summary of key Malaysia risks to watch: POLITICAL TENSION The opposition People's Alliance was defeated in five recent by-elections but it is regaining momentum with gains in a Sarawak state poll in April and a strong show of support in the July 9 rally in Kuala Lumpur. Najib needs to regain the ruling coalition's two-thirds control of parliament in order to consolidate his grip on power in the next national polls which are not due until 2013. Political uncertainty has weighed on foreign investment since 2008 but speculative inflows in search of higher-yielding markets have boosted the ringgit currency . What to watch: -- The risk of more protests, and government response to them, as well as racial and religious relations. Najib is trying to reach out to non-Muslim minorities who make up about 40 percent of the population, and in July set up diplomatic ties with the Vatican in a bid to win Christian support. -- Refugee-swap deal with Australia. Under the deal, Australia would send to Malaysia 800 asylum seekers who arrive by boat, and they would have their refugee claims processed there. In return, Australia would accept 4,800 people from Malaysia who have already been granted refugee status, but in August Australia's highest court ruled the government could not deport the asylum seekers. -- Annual meeting of Najib's party, early November. A clearer indication of the possible timing of the next polls is likely to come when the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) meets. The party leads the ruling coalition. ECONOMIC REFORM Najib has pledged to reform a decades-old affirmative action policy favouring ethnic Malays and replacing it with a "New Economic Model" to promote greater competition, though conservative Malay groups including many in UMNO oppose reform. Investors complain that the race-based policy was abused, resulting in an economy run on patronage which deters some investors from Malaysia. Najib cut Malaysia's fiscal deficit from a 20-year high of 7 percent of gross domestic product in 2009 to 5.6 percent in 2010 and has promised to lower it to 5.4 percent in 2011. What to watch: -- Monetary policy committee meeting on Sept. 8, at which the interest rate is expected to be raised by 25 basis points. -- Fuel subsidy rollback. High oil prices are straining the government's subsidy bill but Najib has said Malaysia will look for avenues to keep fuel prices at current levels for as long as possible. -- Continuing roll-out of the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP), an ambitious plan to attract $444 billion worth of investment over 10 years in order to double the country's national income. -- The annual budget, to be tabled in parliament on Oct. 7. Key will be whether the government sticks to its fiscal deficit target in a budget which many expect to be a pre-election spending plan. -- U.S. and European debt troubles could slow the pace of growth in Malaysia's export-dependent economy. Growth hit a decade high of 7.2 percent in 2010 but a marked slowdown could force Najib to hasten polls to prevent voter sentiment from souring. (Editing by Daniel Magnowski) |
| Malaysia policy a deterrent: refugee Posted: 30 Aug 2011 12:41 PM PDT 
By Alana Buckley-Carr, The West Australian Habibullah may not agree with the Malaysia solution but his are exactly the words Immigration Minister Chris Bowen wants to hear: "No, I don't think I would get on a boat if I was sent to Malaysia." With the High Court set to hand down its decision today into the lawfulness of the Gillard Government's Malaysia solution, Afghan refugee Habibullah said he would never have made the treacherous boat journey if he knew he would be sent straight back to Malaysia. More than 330 asylum seekers have been in limbo on Christmas Island since the High Court issued an injunction this month, stopping the Government from sending boat people to Malaysia. Yesterday, Mr Bowen's office refused to speculate on what plans were in place if the deal with Malaysia was found to be unlawful. Habibullah, a 28-year-old father of two, was granted asylum last month after spending 15 months in detention on Christmas Island and at the Curtin detention centre. He is now trying to have his wife and two daughters brought to Australia from Iran, where they have lived illegally for years. In exchange for $US6000, Habibullah was given a false passport and began a series of flights taking him to Bali, before being taken to the rickety wooden boat off a small beach in the dead of night. "When we got on the boat it was dark, we couldn't see the boat very clearly," Habibullah said. "The day after the sun rise, we saw the boat was very small, very old." The former carpet weaver spent two months on Christmas Island before being among the first detainees to be transferred to the refurbished Curtin detention centre last year. But conditions were far from ideal. He was never taken outside the centre in 13 months at Curtin and grew increasingly frustrated by changes in Government policy. "One week there was one policy, the next week another policy," Habibullah said. "They don't process cases in the order they arrived. Everyone gets angry when you are limited to a specific place where you can't go outside, especially when you don't know what will happen to you in the future." It was only on July 20 that he was finally granted a protection visa, after having his first claim for asylum rejected. He now lives in a modest house in Girrawheen and plans to continue his English studies, before studying law at university.
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| Tales from a leaking boat Posted: 30 Aug 2011 12:26 PM PDT  By Soraya Lennie, Aljazeera Aziz crammed into the cargo hold of a tiny fishing boat as it left the Indonesian port. He and the 17 other men aboard had their sights on Australia. Only four days in, it happened - the engine exploded, blowing acrid smoke into the cabin, choking Aziz and the other terrified passengers. The boat was adrift in the middle of the Indian Ocean, in the middle of an illegal voyage to seek asylum in Australia. "We sat like this," Aziz says, hugging his knees to his chest. "We couldn't move, we were just [huddled together] shoulder to shoulder." Finally, the Australian Navy spotted the small boat and three days later the men were at Australia's immigration processing centre on Christmas Island, just 360km south of Jakarta. "It was very dangerous, very risky, how can you imagine it? It's so hard. You sacrifice your life, you could be a victim and every minute, it's possible you're going to drown in the sea," he adds. And many do drown. Some die in the middle of the ocean, often days before immigration officials in either Indonesia or Australia notice. The latest incident occurred in December 2010, when a boat smuggling refugees crashed off Christmas Island, resulting in the death of some 48 people. But perhaps the worst tragedy took place almost a decade earlier, in October 2001, when more than 350 people drowned after their boat sunk at sea. Most were from Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran. Many were children, trapped in the sinking hull. Like the Christmas Island disaster, it sparked a bitter political spat as both sides blamed each other's policies for the tragedy. The Australian government, headed by Prime Minister Julia Gillard, is under pressure to avoid these kinds of disasters. It's also trying to avoid a public backlash against any government perceived as soft on so-called "queue jumpers". In Australia, the issue makes and breaks politicians and wins and loses elections. Playing politics The former government of right-wing Prime Minister John Howard knew that best. August 26 will be the tenth anniversary of the "Tampa Affair", in which the Howard government sparked a diplomatic row with Norway when it refused permission for the Norwegian freighter MV Tampa to enter Australian waters. Its crew had rescued more than 400 asylum seekers from a sinking fishing boat heading to Australia. Just two months later, Howard's government famously - and wrongly - accused other asylum seekers of throwing their children overboard to secure Australian naval rescue and subsequent passage to Australia. Only one month later, Howard sailed to victory in the federal election on a platform of border security. Between 1999 and 2001, Howard reintroduced Temporary Protection Visas and signed the "Pacific Solution", a policy in which asylum seekers were transferred to the tiny Pacific island nation of Nauru for processing. That government's treatment of refugees appalled the United Nations and human rights groups. Despite the tough policy, the number of people arriving by boat increased sharply after the government introduced these measures. The numbers then plummeted and remained low until 2009. That year, more than 2,849 people arrived, compared to just 161 the previous year. The opposition said that this spike was because Prime Minister Kevin Rudd scrapped many of Howard's policies in favour of a more humane approach. Some refugee advocates said that the spike in unauthorised arrivals reflected changes in global conflicts. But as Gillard took over, under pressure after an embarrassing and damaging leadership spill, she put a temporary freeze on processing the claims of Sri Lankan and Afghan refugees, pending a review. At the time, she said that the reality that confronted Howard's government confronted her own as well. On Friday, Australia formally struck a deal with Papua New Guinea under which asylum seekers detected in Australian waters can be sent to PNG's Manus Island. It too was part of Howard's Pacific solution. The deal follows the Gillard government's arrangement with Malaysia. Dubbed the "Malaysian Solution", her government will send 800 asylum seekers to Malaysian transit centres while the immigration department processes the claims. In return, Malaysia will send 4,000 genuine refugees to Australia. The Gillard government says that the arrangement "demonstrates the resolve of Australia and Malaysia to break the people smugglers' business model, stop them profiting from human misery, and stop people risking their lives at sea". But Amnesty International is critical. "Although the Australian Government is very close to sending people there (to Malaysia), there are a lot of details to be decided, like who's going to look after unaccompanied minors? It's very worrying," says Dr Graham Thom, Amnesty International's Refugee Coordinator. Thom says that the proposed scenario is far from ideal. The refugees will be housed in a temporary facility set up by the Australian government. It is significantly different from Malaysia's own detention centres, which Dr Thom describes as horrible and appalling. After a period of up to 45 days, they will be permitted to enter the community to live while their applications are processed. But Amnesty International is concerned that Malaysian authorities will still arrest the refugees and send them to their own detention centres, where Amnesty says disease, assault and mistreatment are rife. Moreover, Thom says that the proposed people swap undermines Australia's standing at the UN and in the international community. "We are a convention country, we put up our hand to protect people. So for us to be removing people to a non-convention country is a very serious breach of our international obligations. Secondly, it's even more worrying that country is Malaysia, which has a very poor record," says Thom. But the deal is stuck in its tracks. At the eleventh hour, the High Court granted a two-week injunction against sending anyone to Malaysia on the grounds that it may not be legal. It began hearing the case on August 22. Lawyer David Manne, Executive Director of the Melbourne-based Refugee and Immigration Legal Centre, filed the injunction. He is representing the first 42 asylum seekers awaiting deportation to Malaysia under the people swap. Among them are six children. Mr Manne argues that Immigration Minister Chris Bowen is the legal guardian of the underage asylum seekers and is therefore legally bound to protect them. He is also arguing that the situation in Malaysia is not satisfactory. Bowen told Fairfax Media as he announced the arrangement, "I expect protests, I expect legal challenges, I expect resistance." He has received all three. But Bowen contends that the government is well within its rights to send people to a third country and that the government has followed the law to the letter. Will the 'Malaysian Solution' work? The new proposal has disappointed refugees who have now settled in Australia. Many of them arrived undocumented by boat and, after having their applications for asylum approved, consider themselves lucky to be permanent residents, if not citizens. Hamood is one of them. He says he would not have travelled unauthorised to Australia if the Malaysia deal were in place as he fled Kuwait. No, he shakes his head resolutely, "I would have gone to a country that I knew would accept me." His friend, Ghanem, fled instability in Iraq at the same time. He sold his car, begged and borrowed in order to pay a smuggler to get him and his younger brother to safety. After ten hellish, sleepless days at sea, aboard a leaking boat with a smoking engine, they made it. They spent nine months in detention, but are now trying to settle into a new life. He agrees with Hamood - if the Malaysia deal were on the table then, he would never have risked it. "At the time, we were travelling as refugees. It was not a matter of choice. When we arrived in Malaysia we were told you can go to Australia. We didn't have the opportunity to check up on the country, or the politics, or the living standards. Of course now if you know the government is not accepting refugees, what are you doing to do? Of course people will stop coming, or at least the numbers will reduce." And that's the goal of Gillard's Malaysia deal. Nasim Gulzari was a shopkeeper in Afghanistan when the Taliban took over his village. He fled in 1999. Through a people smuggler and a fake Pakistani passport, he made it onto a boat and eventually into Australia. It cost him eight thousand dollars for a chance at a new life. Although he may have arrived illegally (at least according to the Australian governments interpretation of International Law), Gulzari says that the government has the responsibility to protect its borders. He, too, strongly believes the Malaysia deal will work: "The boats will stop certainly, in a couple of months they'll see the results." But like many others, he doesn't think that the Malaysia deal is the most humane approach. "People have to flee. In my opinion, these asylum seekers deserve to be treated properly." Gulzari, his wife Wazir, and their five children have settled in the Goulburn Valley, in Northern Victoria, and proudly display an Australian flag among family photographs in their lounge room. What they have is what those crossing the sea want. Others, however, doubt that the "Malaysian Solution" will have the intended effects. Aziz, from Afghanistan, believes that the chance at a better life is worth the risk of Malaysian detention. Will the Malaysian deal work? "Honestly? No, never. Why? Because people are living in very bad situations in their home country. When they reach Christmas Island, the government assesses their health, gives them food, they're safe at least. In Malaysia, no matter how bad it is there, they'd prefer it. Because eventually, they'll be processed. They'll never stop the boats." He admits that he and Gulzari are queue jumpers, but asks those who have never been in his position, "If your house is on fire, it's not a choice to wait behind people queuing to get out the doors. You'd jump out the window to save your life. Wouldn't you?" |
| Iranian Exiles Flock East, to Multiethnic Malaysia Posted: 30 Aug 2011 11:54 AM PDT 
By John Krich, TIME Above the outdoor cafés of this city's trendiest suburb, some 60 exiles are busily dubbing Brazilian soap operas, Japanese cartoons and American music videos into Farsi. They work for GEM-TV, a privately owned, Dubai-based bootleg satellite station that beams the modern world into Iran from a broadcast station in Malaysia. This Southeast Asian nation is becoming, in the words of GEM-TV host Abed Randamiz, "famous as a place to jump" from Iran's harshly religious regime. "It's the best of three countries that freely give us visas," Rangamiz says with a shrug. "The others are Turkey and Turkmenistan." The Iranian influx is small but growing fast. At present, there are about 60,000 Iranians, studying, working or waiting for visas in this relatively easygoing, multiethnic Muslim-majority country. Iranians hold shares in an estimated 2,000 Malaysian businesses and occupy about 15,000 spots in Malaysian universities. Tourist arrivals from Iran jumped 14.3% to 116,000 last year. And, observe new arrivals, words of Persian origin, such as dewan for hall and anggur for grapes, have long been part of the Malay language. Most Iranians in Malaysia bask in the comforts of a life free from ideological pressures and from, in one exile's words, "bribing the police every time you want to have a party." Malaysia has become the base for frequent "Persian Disco Nights" and glitzy concerts by famed singers — one earlier this year included a rallying cry against the current regime — during the Iranian New Year in March.(Read about Malaysia's new journey beyond race.) But life there isn't without hassles. Many, including Ali Manafi, a radio anchor who recently fled Iran at considerable risk, are exhausted by religious rules. "Spirituality should be personal," he says. "Here there are too many mosques and imams." Few Malaysian mosques welcome Shi'ite Muslims, leaving Iranian Shi'ites to worship at their embassy. Iranian activists have also faced rough treatment for political protests. Five Iranian student leaders were arrested for carrying candles in a memorial for protesters killed in Iran. In 2009, a protest of Iran's recent elections outside the U.N. led to tear gas. However, most activists say they try to stay away from Malaysia's current unrests — though they are quietly pleased that the recent July 9 demonstration, in which 1,400 Malaysians were arrested, took place on the 12th anniversary of one of Iran's largest protests. Iranians say locals often assume the worst of their community. The highly publicized arrest of 15 Iranian drug smugglers last year — and several others since — hasn't helped. "Iranians are dirty-minded people — they come here to drink and take drugs and wear their shirts open like women," scoffed one Malay cab driver. Indeed, Ali Reza, an Iranian teacher, says he sometimes tells locals he hails from the invented country of "Kerkovia" to avoid discrimination. Of course, prejudice goes both ways. "We bring 2,500 years of culture, but here 100 years ago they were still in the trees with the monkeys," says GEM-TV's Randamiz. Safineh Motlaq, a photojournalist who explains Malaysian culture to Iranians in a local magazine, Monograil, says mutual understanding will take time. "In Iran, we follow everything about the U.S. and Europe, but Asia is completely unknown. So people tend to isolate themselves here." She, for one, calls Malaysia "the closest I've found to a utopia." Moved by her seven years there, Motlaq published a photo book, A Given Path, about the rituals of Malaysia's three main ethnic communities — Chinese, Indian, Malay — with Marina Mahathir, daughter of Malaysia's former Prime Minister, writing the foreword.(Read about the teargassing incident in Kuala Lumpur.) Siamak Rezvan, 40, has, like many Iranian professionals, started his own business, Yummy Restaurant, switching the menu from burgers to kebabs. He's working in Malaysia to put his 15-year-old son in an international school. Business is slow and his job applications were turned down because employers favor locals, but he's happy to be in Kuala Lumpur. "This is the place where we can have a normal life without fear," he says. However, Rangamiz, ever the exile, scoffs in his recording booth: "Malaysia my second home? Most of us, we don't even have a first home." Read about Malaysian Muslims and Christians argue over the word Allah.
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| Sweeping changes to MIC candidates list? Posted: 29 Aug 2011 03:50 PM PDT Party sources reveal that several top guns are expected to be dropped as candidates for the next general election. (Free Malaysia Today) - MIC president G Palanivel is expected to make sweeping changes to the party's candidates list for the next general election, expected to be called within the next 18 months. Party sources reveal that the new president, who took the helm of the MIC late last year, will drop several top guns and nominate news faces to fill in the vacant slots. Sources say Palanivel has prepared a list of candidates to contest the nine parliamentary and 19 state assembly seat allocated to MIC under Barisan Nasional's seat sharing system. This follows a call by Deputy Prime Minister and deputy BN chief Muhyiddin Yassin who recently asked all component parties to prepare their list of candidates for the next general election. MIC is the third largest BN component party after Umno and MCA. The party's nine parliamentary seats are Tapah, Sungai Siput (both in Perak), Cameron Highlands (Pahang), Teluk Kemang (Negri Sembilan), Kota Raja, Kapar, Subang, Hulu Selangor (Selangor) and Segamat (Johor). The party suffered its worst general election setback in 2008, retaining only three of the nine parliamentary seats. Among those who lost their seats were then party chief S Samy Vellu and his former deputy Palanivel. Samy Vellu, the longest-serving MIC president prior to his retirement last year, lost in Sungai Siput while Palanivel lost the Hulu Selangor constituency. However, the Hulu Selangor parliamentary seat came back to BN through a by-election last year. For this by-election, the BN top leadership rejected Palanivel as a candidate and named former MIC information chief P Kamalanathan as the candidate. The reason given for Palanivel's rejection was because the ruling coalition wanted a "winnable" candidate. Palanivel eyeing Cameron Highlands? Party insiders reveal that the newly crowned MIC chief is now eyeing the Cameron Highlands parliamentary constituency replacing MIC vice-president SK Devamany, who is also deputy minister in the Prime Minister's Department. "Palanivel intends to contest in Cameron Highlands… he considers it to be a winnable seat," said a party leader. He said although Palanivel is Selangor MIC chief, he has yet to gather enough grassroots support in the state for him to contest one of the four parliamentary seats allotted to MIC in Selangor. Another fear is that Palanivel will lose by contesting in Selangor as all the four seats – Subang, Kapar, Kota Raja and Hulu Selangor – are said to be "conquered" by Pakatan Rakyat. "Palanivel was previously eyeing the Sepang parliamentary seat. However, the idea was dropped after Umno refused to swap the seat with the Kota Raja parliamentary constituency," said the party source. Out of the nine parliamentary seats, only the Segamat seat looks like a good bet for MIC. Party deputy president and Human Resources Minister Dr S Subramaniam is expected to stay put to contest the seat. "Based on this, Palanivel needs a safe seat which would ensure a BN win. If he losses and Dr Subramaniam wins, Palanivel would have to vacate the presidency and that would effectively end his political fairytale," said a party insider. On another front, speculation is rife that M Saravanan, who is a deputy minister and MIC vice-president, will be shifted to the Kapar constituency. Saravanan, the Tapah MP, is also the Federal Territory MIC head. It is learnt that Perak State Legislative Assembly speaker and state MIC deputy chairman R Ganesan is being groomed to replace Saravanan in the Tapah constituency. The announcement by the Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement (MCLM) that it will field its candidate in Kapar will turn the largest parliamentary constituency in the country in terms of voters, into a hot seat. "With MCLM in the fray, the Kapar seat would definitely be too close to call. Fielding a top gun like Saravanan would only brighten BN's chances of winning the seat," said a party insider. Sources also reveal that incumbent Kapar MP S Manikavasagam of PKR will not contest the seat in the next general election. READ MORE HERE |
| ‘Hardly any reform in MCA’ Posted: 29 Aug 2011 03:45 PM PDT 'In the eyes of many MCA members, Chua is a liability to the party'. (Free Malaysia Today) - In the second part of this interview, Stanley Koh talks about the relevance of MCA to the Chinese community and on other issues that may have an impact on the election performance of MCA, the second largest BN component party. Koh is a seasoned observer of MCA politics, having been the party's head of research unit. FMT: Why does MCA find it so difficult to convince the public that it is still relevant to the Chinese community? Is the rank and file still in a fighting spirit? Koh: You know, there is a Chinese saying: 'Bu dao Huang He xin bu si'. This is derived from the old Chinese belief that when a person dies, the spirit will have to cross the Yellow River (Huang He), and when the person discovers that the nails on his finger and toes have dropped off, the final reality of death is imminent. This is not the first time that MCA has come so close to political death. To many observers, Chua seems to be flogging a dead horse. There is also a Chinese saying about trying to save a dead horse as if it is alive. Politics has never been an exact science. You cannot push Chua into a test tube in order to delineate the shades of his honesty and integrity. Nevertheless, in the eyes of many MCA members, he is a liability to the party. They are saying in private that he has not lived up to his own pledges but is instead repeating the follies of Ong Ka Ting. Chua's "humble ant" manifesto promised, for instance, professional management of the party's key assets, including editorial independence at The Star. However, the board of The Star recently chose Fong Chan Onn, a party leader, as its chairman. Chua once accused Ong Tee Keat of abusing his tenure as president by surrounding himself with "yes men" and rewarding them with cars and chauffeurs. But isn't he doing the same thing? A party veteran took pains to explain to me that a political leader must think of himself as a public trustee and must carry himself accordingly. In other words, integrity and honesty are essential qualities in party leadership.
When Ong Ka Ting stepped down, there was an almost audible sigh of relief among MCA supporters. There was probably no one who expected another leadership crisis. To understand MCA's present predicament, we need to step back into the recent past. The result of the 2008 general election turned on the political heat for MCA. It was the worst electoral setback that the party had suffered since it was rocked to the core in 1969. Its then president Ong Ka Ting basically took the blame and stepped down soon after. There was a changing of the guards, but a leadership crisis soon followed, and this led to the extraordinary party election last year. The destiny of MCA is now in the hands of Chua who, after being sacked, made an extraordinary political climb to the top despite his sex scandal. If I may digress a bit, I have described Chua's political comeback as extraordinary. We know the party made possible for him what had seemed impossible. But many members of the public, with the sex scandal in mind, could not understand why the party had chosen him as president. We also know that Chua's success is not due to his popularity. Here is the only way I can explain it: there was a quietly orchestrated campaign to save the party, which inadvertently undermined both Ka Ting and Tee Keat. Of course, we can't ignore the fact that Tee Keat's own leadership weaknesses also speeded up his political demise. Chua is currently facing the litmus test of his leadership. He must steer his party towards an expected early national election. Many are asking the inevitable question: Will MCA survive after the next polls? Only time will tell. READ MORE HERE |
| PKR slams ally DAP Posted: 28 Aug 2011 04:15 PM PDT By Fong Kee Soon, The Star GEORGE TOWN: A Penang PKR leader has slammed his Pakatan Rakyat ally for suggesting that it give up at least six seats in Penang for the DAP to field Malay candidates in the next general election. Penang PKR information chief Johari Kassim said state DAP committee member Zulkifli Mohd Noor should not make unwise suggestions since he is a senior party member. "He should know that it is unwise to rock the boat, especially when the general election is near. I don't know what his agenda is but I hope that DAP, as a party, does not share his view. "Perhaps he thinks DAP is entitled to this after winning 19 state seats in the last general election," he said yesterday. Johari, a Seberang Prai municipal councillor, said the DAP should not forget that its victory was owed as much to Malay support via PKR and the leadership of PKR adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. Zulkifli, who is a Penang municipal councillor, had suggested that PKR make way for the DAP in at least a parliamentary seat and five state seats in Penang. He said he had received feedback from Malay DAP supporters and party members who want Malay candidates to represent them. He claimed that DAP used to field as many as 13 Malay candidates in Penang during general elections prior to 2008 but the seats were given to PKR and PAS in the 2008 general election. Johari said PKR was even more multiracial compared to DAP as it had candidates from all races contesting in Penang during the last general election. Pakatan won 29 out of 40 state seats and 11 out of 13 parliamentary seats in Penang in the 2008 election. DAP won in all 19 state and seven parliamentary seats its candidates contested. None of its candidates were Malay. PKR won in nine of the 16 state and all four parliamentary seats it candidates contested while PAS won only one of five state seats and none of the two parliamentary seats its candidates contested. Two of PKR's winning candidates Nibong Tebal MP Tan Tee Beng and Bayan Baru MP Datuk Seri Zahrain Hashim later quit the party to become independents. |
| Najib’s rating dips to 59pc Posted: 28 Aug 2011 04:02 PM PDT  By Clara Chooi, The Malaysian Insider KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 29 — Datuk Seri Najib Razak's approval rating is now at 59 per cent, the lowest point since last May, fuelled by rising concerns over the surge in living costs and his government's handling of the tumultuous July 9 Bersih 2.0 rally, a new poll released today showed. Local pollster Merdeka Center reported the results in its latest survey conducted between August 11 and 27, revealing that the Najib (picture) brand took a severe beating in public perception following several significant events that rocked the nation, including the Bersih rally, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's Sodomy II trial, the ongoing amnesty programme for illegals, the recent raid on a church in Selangor and allegations of Christian's proselytising to Muslims in the country. Of the 1,027 respondents polled, 59 per cent said they were satisfied with the prime minister's performance, down a significant 13 per cent from 72 per cent in May 2010. Since hitting a record high last year, Najib's rating has been on a consecutive decline; from 72 per cent in May 2010 to 69 per cent in November 2010, 67 per cent in March this year and 65 per cent in May. When Najib first took over the country's reins in April 2009, his administration's rating improved quickly on his predecessor Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's flailing legacy from a bleak 34 per cent in March 2009, soaring by 31 per cent to 65 per cent within just three months. According to the pollster's report released today, Najib's scored the poorest with the Chinese community, with his rating dipping from an all-time high of 58 per cent in May last year to 38 per cent this month. Only the Indian community grew more confident in the prime minister, climbing by 4 per cent from 65 per cent in March this year to 69 per cent. Malay community support dwindled marginally within the same period, from 76 per cent in March to 73 per cent in May and 69 per cent this month. The survey included respondents aged 21 and above across the peninsula who were elected through random stratified sampling method along the lines of ethnicity, gender, age and state. Of the 1,027 polled, 59 per cent were Malays, 32 per cent Chinese and 9 per cent Indians. "From the survey, we note that the significantly reduced approval rating may be due to the increased concerns over cost of living related matters as ordinary citizens begin to feel the impact of hikes in the price of fuel and electricity. Besides pocket-book issues, the poll result also suggests some linkage with adverse public perception of how the government handled events and public discourse arising from the Bersih 2.0 rally and other related events," the research house reported. The survey found that economic-related issues were among the respondents' key concerns such as the surging inflation rate, low wages, the unfavourable economic condition and poverty. "With respect to issues, the survey found that the public's topmost concern remained the economy, mentioned by an aggregate comprising 38 per cent of respondents, followed by concerns over social problems at 10 per cent. Worries over political-related matters ranked third at 9 per cent of the public mindscape, while concerns over public safety and crime stood at 7 per cent," the survey said. A total of 51 per cent of respondents also felt that the country was headed in the right direction, down slightly from 54 per cent in May, while 32 per cent said otherwise. Najib is expected to call for polls within the next few months and with Hari Raya celebrations in full swing, politicians across the divide have been in a race to woo Malay voter support. The prime minister recently signalled to his Cabinet that the next general election is near, telling them that he intends to hit the ground weekly from Friday to Sunday after the Hari Raya break to meet people and assess the political landscape. READ MORE HERE. |
| Is MCA in its death throes? Posted: 28 Aug 2011 03:50 PM PDT 
(FMT) - PETALING JAYA: The Malaysian political radar is registering strong signals of an impending general election. Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak recently remarked that it could be held at any time soon, reinforcing a hint he had made in his call for a state of preparedness among the component parties of Barisan Nasional. FMT talks to Stanley Koh on issues that may have an impact on the election performance of MCA, the second largest BN component party. Koh is a seasoned observer of MCA politics, having been the party's head of research unit. FMT: Give us an idea of the current scenario in MCA in terms of party unity. Do you see any indication that the party has been reforming itself since Dr Chua Soi Lek took over as president?
Koh: Unity is an elusive element for any political party, and it always has been so. But I must say that this is particularly true with MCA. Unity within MCA must always be seen in the contexts of political patronage, power struggles, collective permanent interests and personal gains. As for reforms, you no longer hear any MCA leader at whatever level publicly shouting for them or calling for a reinvention of the party. Reforms and reinvention were hot topics after the 2008 election, but BN parties are today back to business as usual, and this is particularly true with MCA, where the order of the day is wheeling and dealing and pork barrel politicking as various personalities vie for party posts and government positions. Coming back to your question about unity, Chua won narrowly against Ong Ka Ting and Ong Tee Keat in the MCA presidential race last year. He got 901 votes against Ka Ting's 833 and Tee Keat's 578. That's just a little more than one-third support from the voting delegates. So we can understand why it was essential for Chua at that time to emphasise uniting the party. With the general election impending, the process of selecting the candidates will begin soon. This always carries an element of instability, right down to the grassroots level. Many will say this is normal. I will not say the party will become unstable and disunited, but there will not be anything close to what we might call party unity. A better expression to use would be "a realignment of factions". What is the public perception with regard to Chua's leadership? Is he seen as moving the party in the right direction?
Public perception towards MCA has partly been influenced by public perception of Chua himself, which has been negative since his widely publicised sex scandal. It has been three years since he confessed to being the man in a sex video, but it is still fresh in public memory. You need only to read online comments on him to see how negatively he is perceived. But then, even without the scandal, public perception of MCA has not been good for quite some time, especially in urban areas. There are rumours that the party is spending big money training new cyber troopers and paying experienced bloggers to fend off negative remarks and polish the party's image in the cybersphere. Party veterans, when asked to comment on MCA's leadership performance, normally shy away from saying anything. Nevertheless, there are some who point out that Chua's leadership and performance are not adequate to the task of someone who has to lift the party out of the doldrums and reinvent it to keep up with the aspirations of the rakyat. MCA leaders in government remain mediocre and less than dynamic. Someone once asked me whether there was any difference in the leadership styles of Ong Ka Ting and Chua. Ong was alleged to have promoted his brother, Ka Chuan, while Chua is promoting his son, Tee Yong. What are some of the other criticisms levelled at Chua and the party?
I think Chua is caught in a political twilight zone. The history of MCA is against him and his leadership. He is caught in a bind. Some say it will be a Catch 22 situation as long as MCA plays second fiddle to Umno. There are many factors working against him and the party. Firstly, MCA has a record of party leaders being charged in court for criminal breach of trust. It happened in 1986 when three top leaders were charged. Two of them were former deputy ministers. Today a former MCA president is in court and a former deputy president is awaiting trial. To make matters worse, the BN is accused of double standards in charging a PR leader for sodomy but leaving Chua untouched although he was guilty of sexual indiscretion. It needs to be pointed out that DAP leaders too have had their share of legal trouble, but their alleged crimes were political, having to do with their fight for public causes. Thus, history is not on MCA's side. Will MCA be able to pull through the next general election? Can it deliver the votes to Umno and BN? Is Chua likely to spring a surprise? Political observers knowledgeable about the goings on in MCA are not optimistic. The feedback from well-informed sources in Umno indicates little confidence in the party's ability to deliver. Umno's top leadership is just tolerating Chua to a certain level. They have little choice. He was elected by party delegates, even though the delegates themselves had to limit their choice between the disastrous and the unpalatable. It is said that the list of MCA candidates for the coming general election that Chua will submit to Umno will be closely vetted to ensure only "winnable" candidates are chosen. In other words, Chua himself may be rejected, even if his own division nominates him. His sex scandal may disqualify him as a winnable candidate. There is gossip that Chua may be compensated with a high profile post. He may be put in charge of all shipping ports in the country. READ MORE HERE. |
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It also said that the continued public attention to such allegations also could damage Najib's chances, who was then deputy prime minister, of replacing Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as the country's new leader. 
Raja Petra was eventually charged with defaming Rosmah, Norhayati and Abdul Aziz on July 17, 2008. 
