| The fear to hold polls Posted: 02 Dec 2012 12:59 PM PST 
After frightening the rakyat into believeing that only Umno can ensure peace and prosperity in this nation, Najib himself is now in fear of calling for the election CT Ali, FMT Why are we talking about who will be prime minister after the 13th general election? Why are we wondering if Pakatan Rakyat will be our choice or if Barisan Nasional will still be in control of our destiny? Why? Are we even going to have a general election? This prime minister of ours, who has been putting fear into our hearts, is himself afraid to call for a general election. Was it not this prime minister who told the Chinese that if they do not want to lose all the wealth that they have gained thus far, then they must vote BN because if Pakatan comes to power, they will lose it all? This same prime minister told the Malays that they must be united and make sure Umno is still in power if they do not want to lose all that they have gained under Umno these last 50 over years. If the Malays do not vote, Umno they will lose Ketunanan Melayu (Malay supremacy), lose their Sultans, lose their privileges. And it is this same prime minister who put fear into all the other races in Malaysia, telling them that only Umno can ensure peace and prosperity in this nation of ours. And this prime minister who has put all this fear into us all is now himself in fear of calling an election? Why is he so much in fear of calling for the 13th general election? Is it because all the information available to this prime minister tells him that BN will lose in the 13th general election? That Special Branch has reported to him that BN will not be the rakyat's choice for government after the 13th general election? This, in spite of the RM500 already given to so many of them; in spite of the tyres already bought for taxi drivers; in spite of the Hari Raya bonus for civil servants; in spite of all the transformation programmes and economic initiatives started by Najib Tun Razak. Win or lose, Umno is in for the ride of its life! Everything has changed for Umno and yet nothing has changed within Umno. The world outside Umno has evolved towards an open, responsible and accountable society where everyone wants to have a voice and a role to play (if they so choose) in their future. But nothing has changed within Umno. Desperate plea Few people think that Najib can deliver what he has been promising. Taxi drivers could not care less – they already have their tyres. The civil servants will have their bonus and all those who would have benefited from any cash handouts have had their cash. So would they remember that it was Najib and BN that gave them the cash and vote for him and BN in the 13th general election? Maybe they will, maybe they will not. As Mahathir said, "Melayu mudah lupa" and the same can be said of many Malaysians. Najib desperately hopes that this time around the people of Malaysia and the "pendatangs" (immigrants) who have been given right of abode and the right to vote, all of them will be translated into votes for BN . If it does not, then Najib has a problem. And that makes him very afraid of what the 13th general election will bring him. I do not envy the game Najib is playing but he has no other choice. He has nothing to draw upon from his years in public service to validate his desperate plea to the people to give him an elected term in office as their prime minister. Do you want Najib as your prime minister? What credentials does he possess to ask us for the privilege of leading us after the 13th general election? And do not forget that it is a privilege to be leader of any nation – not a right! And who will give him the privilege of leading this nation again come the 13th general election? READ MORE HERE |
| CM uses goodwill inter-faith dinner to bash Umno Posted: 02 Dec 2012 12:55 PM PST 
DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng took the opportunity at the MCCBCHST function to campaign for Pakatan Rakyat. (FMT) - Penang Chief Minister and DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng last night used the Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism (MCCBCHST) Penang inter-religious goodwill dinner to criticise Umno, the backbone of the ruling Barisan Nasional. The event, which was supposed to foster closer relations between the different religions in the country, was turned into a political forum by Lim taking potshots at Umno and the ruling BN. He also took the opportunity to campaign for the opposition pact, Pakatan Rakyat, saying that the coalition of three opposition parties – PKR, DAP and PAS – has managed to bring about good change since the 2008 general election. "Umno has taken a very extremist view that does not respect the rights of non-Muslims. For instance, an old Indian shrine was demolished by Penang Port Sdn Bhd (PPSB) controlled by the federal government last year. To-date it has not fulfilled its promise to rebuild the Hindu shrine. "Umno leaders have also not respected the requirement of providing land for non-Muslim places of religious worship on development approvals. When Umno slandered me with lies that I had sold off mosque land in Bayan Mutiara to Ivory Property Group by open competitive tender, it failed to mention I had also sold off non-Muslim religious land." "Clearly, Umno did not mention non-Muslim religious land because the previous Umno state government thinks non-Muslim have no right to being provided with non-Muslim religious land," he said. "I wish to stress that the state government had not sold off mosque or non-Muslim land in Bayan Mutiara as such religious land is a requirement for approval by local councils. If no Muslim or non-Muslim land is provided, then no development orders will be given. And the state government will provide for non-Muslim religious land," he said at the dinner. He also took a potshot at Perkasa calling it a racist and extremist organisation. "All Malaysians regardless of race, religions or gender are treated as our children by embracing love and rejecting hate, promoting peace and rejecting violence so that everyone can live with dignity. "There is deep concern that there is no action against those involved in violence or condone violence by racist and extremist organisations such as Perkasa. "When a young Chinese girl was handcuffed for stepping on the picture of the prime minister, why was similar punishment not given to the Perkasa leaders who conducted a Hindu funeral rite in front of my house?" the Penang chief minister asked. Lim said while God does not take sides based on political party lines, "there are those who have recently claimed that they are the chosen people, and that their party has been chosen by God to rule the country". "I believe that rather than asking whether God is on our side of our party, we should ask whether our party is on the side of God, good moral values like justice, integrity, freedom and truth," he added. |
| DAP must stick to Pakatan plot Posted: 02 Dec 2012 12:52 PM PST 
The DAP is yet another party, like PAS, that has joined the 'reformasi' and benefited largely from the electoral 'tsunami' of 2008. Ali Cordoba, FMT The big question being asked is whether the DAP has turned itself into a "submarine", using the Chinese voters, to "tag" along with PKR and impose its agenda after the general election. The party is still moving on the fringe of the Malay-Muslim community despite its association with Pakatan Rakyat and its landmark rule in Penang. The extent of their "fright" was seen with some PAS members voicing their "concerns" at the Islamist party's collaboration with DAP. And this, after having enjoyed the victories that came with PAS' association with the "ogre". The most hard-hitting criticism of the PAS-DAP alliance came from Umno, with Perkasa taking the frontline offensive. The DAP has been linked to former communist elements, yet this is only part of the heavy criticism that PAS had to contend with in recent times. The demonising of DAP will continue into the final days of the 13th general election. The risk with this state of affairs, is that Pakatan may end up losing more support if the DAP is continuously portrayed as "traitors" and as the "ogre" that will eat the Malays once it is in power. If the DAP's role in the Pakatan coalition is to represent the Chinese community, it is certain that it does not have 100% support from the community. PKR has a wider appeal for the fence-sitters in the Chinese community since it is well represented in the party. The Chinese seem more comfortable with Anwar Ibrahim's leadership in PKR than with MCA's junior role in BN. The DAP is yet another party, like PAS, that has joined the "reformasi" and benefited largely from the electoral "tsunami" of 2008. The party has also benefited from its association with Pakatan in Sabah and Sarawak and will continue to do so as long as it is associated with Anwar and Pakatan. These are facts DAP cannot deny. Henceforth, any "hidden" agenda by the DAP, if any, to subvert Pakatan's victory parade in the corridors of power will be futile. Why is that so? Pakatan is today a transformed organisation. The people voting for Pakatan are those voting for change. There will only be change in Malaysia if Pakatan remains a solid and united political coalition after it takes power. Any attempt by the DAP to impose any of the anti-Malaysia and anti-Islam agenda will fail as there will be no majority in the Parliament to support such a move. Status quo Likewise, a Pakatan cabinet will be Muslim-dominated. Unfortunate as this sounds, the reality is that the next regime in place will be forced to continue to play along "communal" lines. There is no way Pakatan can deny the role played by the Malay-Muslim community in local politics. PAS and PKR, under Anwar, will have to ensure that the status quo on the communal field is respected. The DAP will, nevertheless, get to play a more active and a greater role in enhancing Pakatan's avowed policies of equality, justice and fairness for all Malaysians. If this is what the Umno-BN and pro-Umno, pro-extreme right Malay voices within the PAS are afraid of, then there is nothing they can do if Pakatan is in the seat of power in Putrajaya. There are reports, unconfirmed of course, of the DAP being infiltrated by former communist elements. There again, it is doubtful that these elements – if they are given a chance to be in Parliament – will be able to influence any decision-making that may affect the Malays. In the event former communist elements within the DAP are catapulted into the cabinet, one wonders whether they will be able to carry out subversion in the country. The claims that such elements have infiltrated the DAP is indicative of a total failure of the strict and draconian laws that were in place to curb subversive elements. If 54 years of the Internal Security Act (ISA) did not stop the "communists" from camouflaging and infiltrating into Pakatan on the onset of the "reformasi" era, then what can stop them? Does the DAP have a pro-China agenda that will boost the Chinese community's progress report card in Malaysia? There is little doubt that a regime under the helm of Anwar will have a very pro-Western approach. Pakatan in power, if it wins the general election, will tend to consolidate Asean's new-found trust in the US. It will also kowtow to the "Asian values", promoted by Anwar while he was deputy prime minister. Pakatan will not allow Malaysia to become a "mini-China" as it will be guided – as mentioned above – by the need to protect the majority community while it enhances the role of the minorities. Here again, we see how DAP will be limited in its scope to influence even the foreign policies of a country run by Pakatan. The opposition coalition has, on many occasions, shown support for the "revolts" in the Arab world and is against the survival of the Bashar Al-Assad regime in Syria. If this is any yardstick to measure the DAP's real influence in Pakatan, then one might just say that China will lose more under a Pakatan regime in Malaysia than it is under a BN regime. China is a supporter of the Assad regime and has vetoed attempts by the West to declare total war against Syria. This is against Pakatan's foreign policy, which is a pro-war approach in Syria. READ MORE HERE |
| Thousands attend Pakatan ceramah in Umno territory Posted: 02 Dec 2012 12:48 PM PST 
More than 30,000 people turned up to hear Pakatan leaders tell why its best to vote for them and not for Umno in Johor. (FMT) - BATU PAHAT: A Pakatan Rakyat ceramah here on Friday managed to attract more than 30,000 people in what Pakatan leaders say is a sign of support moving away from Umno to them. Never in Johor's political history has an opposition rally attracted such an enormous crowd. The assembly was part of the ongoing state-level Himpunan Kebangkitan Rakyat (Peoples' Uprising Assembly) series being organised by Pakatan nationwide. It followed the national-level assembly staged in Taman Seremban Jaya in Senawang on Nov 3 which also attracted about 30,000 Malaysians. Johor PKR chairman Chua Jui Meng and Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim arrived together at about 11pm and were pleasantly surprised by the mammoth crowd. They both had to wade through a sea of people to get to the stage with their shoes and trousers covered with mud. PAS president Hadi Awang was then in the midst of his speech. After Hadi wrapped up his ceramah, a brief ceremony was held to introduce and accept the membership application forms of several ex-senior Johor civil servants and former key Umno members who joined PAS. Anwar was then called to the stage to deliver his ceramah and got the crowd roaring when he shot off with: "This is not an Umno assembly! What (Prime Minister and Umno president) Najib (Tun Razak) doesn't understand is the emergence of Kebangkitan Rakyat (Peoples' Uprising)." "Malaysians today are well informed about socio-political issues. They are also much more intelligent and it is not so easy, as in the past, to fool them. "There is no room for lip service and mere rhetoric in politics anymore. We must tell the rakyat (people) what we can offer and what we can do to provide good governance. "We must make clear our people-oriented policies and that we are here to serve the people and to ensure their welfare and country's progress. "Unlike BN, if we are given the mandate to administer Putrajaya after the next 13th general election, we will ensure the eradication of corruption," Anwar said. READ MORE HERE |
| Rahman Maidin sertai PAS untuk bantu jatuhkan BN Posted: 02 Dec 2012 12:44 PM PST 
(Gambar: Datuk Rahman menyerahkan borang permohonan keahlian PAS kepada Tuan Guru Abdul Hadi di Baru Pahat pada Sabtu lalu.) (Harakah Daily) - Bekas Pengerusi Dewan Perniagaan Melayu Malaysia (DPMM), Datuk Rahman Maidin bersedia jadi ombak untuk menghempas benteng lama sehingga pecah. Ujarnya, biar pecah benteng lama yang sudah tidak kukuh dan membina kembali dengan benteng yang kuat dan padu.
"Jika digambarkan suasana di lautan, saya pilih ombak sebab ombak dia boleh bersihkan pantai bahkan bukan setakat bersih, dia boleh hancurkan benteng yang tak kukuh, " ujarnya ketika ditanya selepas berucap di majlis makan malam anjuran Dewan Himpunan Penyokong PAS (DHPP) Pulau Pinang dengan kerjasama PAS Kawasan Tasek Gelugor di Taman Desa Murni, Sungai Dua semalam. Beliau berkata, sudah sampai masanya, benteng usang diganti supaya rumah atau pokok yang ada berdekatan pantai dapat diselamatkan.
Jika ombak kuat berlaku di tengah lautan pun tegasnya, alunannya boleh menenggelamkan kapal besar yang muatannya berlebihan.
"Kemasukan saya dalam PAS bukan untuk apa-apa tujuan melainkan ingin membantu PAS bersama Pakatan Rakyat menjatuhkan Barisan Nasional (BN) pada pilihanraya umum ke 13 nanti," katanya yang juga bekas Pengerusi Dewan Perniagaan Melayu Pulau Pinang.
Berucap sama dalam program tersebut ialah Timbalan Presiden PAS, Mohamad Sabu, Naib Presiden PKR, Tian Chua dan Pengerusi DHPP Pusat, Hu Pang Chaw. |
| The pathologies of Malay nationalism Posted: 02 Dec 2012 12:32 PM PST 
Historians highlight the early 1980s as the point of no return. The revivalism of Islam was the demand of a strong Malay grassroots then. The regime, eventually armed with the credibility of Anwar Ibrahim's Islamist background, launched its deep and thorough project of Islamisation in response: Islamic banking was introduced. The International Islamic University, Malaysia (IIUM/UIA), now heavily sustained by Saudi funding, was established. So was the Institute of Islamic Understanding (IKIM), which has since then served as the intellectual mouthpiece against pluralism and apostasy. Ahmad Fuad Rahmat, CPI The nation The problem begins with the nation-state ideal; for its coherence depends on there being a people deemed as the rightful owners of a land. It is rooted to the belief that territory is property – a thing to own – and that loyalty to the people means, among other things, the readiness to uphold the integrity of territory to ensure it belongs to the nation. This requires clearly defined, finite, national borders, which – at least at the face of it – appears as a simple enough idea. Matters become complicated when we ask who those borders are meant for. There cannot be a nation-state, if there is no nation to begin with. But identities unlike land cannot be enclosed and demarcated. Cultures do not flourish in vacuums. They develop out of interactions and fusions with one another. New words, outlooks and practices are adopted while others fade, in a slow, arbitrary and often ambiguous organic process of contact and migration through time. The nationalist agenda is at odds with this reality. The belief in the congruence of identity and territory – or indeed identity as territory – at the face of inevitable cultural change that can neither be controlled nor predicted, means that each nation will always find itself in the position of having to redefine the conditions of membership, to determine what or who should or should not be excluded. Culture too is given boundaries as a result. The nationalist imagination must, in other words, assume however implicitly that there is some supposed essence underlying the flux of culture and identity, out of which the 'Otherising' so common to nationalist politics is legitimised. The marker could be anything from a common language, religion, ethnicity, race or history. It could even be a set of values or general traits. None of this is exclusive, of course. At any given time, depending on the issue and occasion, different factors can be evoked to proclaim dissimilarity. Islam Islam as we've seen time and time again has featured prominently in attempts to imagine a core to Malay identity. It is in fact presented as a condition: the protection of Malays, we're told repeatedly, depends on the preservation of Islam. History has had much to do with this. The growth of Islam in 15th century Nusantara converged with the Malay apex of imperial grandeur, where for centuries Malay kingdoms dominated commerce, producing diplomatic relations and maritime armies that placed the Malaccan Straits on the map of world trade. This began as a very much elite affair, for the earliest Muslim converts in the Peninsula were among the feudal and merchant classes. It was not only until Islam eventually reached the commoner that its defining presence in Malay notions of identity began. Gradually, Islam became appreciated as a force of enlightenment, as it inspired Malays to leave their supposedly superstitious animistic ways of life towards a higher stage of civilization. The necessity of learning the Quran for basic rituals meant that Islam was also the context with which Malays experienced their earliest exposure to systemic, although largely informal, learning. In fact, Islam as education remained the case for common Malays for centuries. But while education and memories of empire shaped Malay attachments to Islam, its legalistic thrust ensures that it would remain a useful tool. One would be right, for example, to dismiss the recurring Hudud polemics as mere political ostentations between two parties seeking to out-Islamise one another, but in doing so we must not forget how much Islam, with its endless list of dos and don'ts, makes for a convenient resource of conformity and control. Islamisation That would not be so troubling, if not for how the pressures for more and more Islam are actually coming from the ground up. Today, Islamic validations are increasingly sought for things as mundane as medicine, fashion and entertainment, as can be seen in the rising trend of halal living. Academic discussions on Islamic science have produced volumes of theoretical literature, albeit with little effects on actual scientific practice or meaningful discoveries. Unsatisfied with the already rigid curriculum of Islamic studies in national schools, more and more private Islamic schools, including kindergartens, continue to be established throughout the country. The list can go on and on. The state has had little need to take issue with the above demands, for the simple reason that any Islamisation, given present circumstances, would only secure a more Malay definition of Malaysia anyway. Thus it was not at all surprising to see the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), always already seeking to solidify Malay rule, having no qualms about competing on this turf. They seemed to have even relished the challenge, excelling – in realpolitik terms – in ensuring the drastic insertion of Islamic policies into the Malaysian state. Historians highlight the early 1980s as the point of no return. The revivalism of Islam was the demand of a strong Malay grassroots then. The regime, eventually armed with the credibility of Anwar Ibrahim's Islamist background, launched its deep and thorough project of Islamisation in response: Islamic banking was introduced. The International Islamic University, Malaysia (IIUM/UIA), now heavily sustained by Saudi funding, was established. So was the Institute of Islamic Understanding (IKIM), which has since then served as the intellectual mouthpiece against pluralism and apostasy. A more Muslim oriented foreign policy was initiated. New laws were imposed, banning imports of non-halal beef and Muslim entry into casinos. Marriages and sermons were made subject to Islamic certification and approval. Today, JAKIM (Malaysian Department of Islamic Development) is the third most funded department under the Prime Minister's Office, receiving RM 402 million in 2010 alone. It stands among several other Syariah institutions that were recently erected in rapid succession such as Jabatan Kehakiman Syariah, Malaysia (Department of Syariah Justice) in March 1998 and the Syariah section of the Attorney General's office in 2003. The latter is to ensure that all laws – including international laws Malaysia are to ratify – are Syariah compliant. In 2009, planning for a Jabatan Penguatkuasaan dan Pendakwaan Syariah (Syariah Enforcement and Prosecution Department) began. Power But what is all that power for? Curiously, the persistence of conservative presence in Malay politics suggests that the increased Islamisation of government, on top of the huge representation of Malays in the military, police, civil service, the cabinet, petit bourgeoisie and banking, in addition to our nine monarchs, are still somehow not enough to assuage insecurities. It can also be argued that the significant powers that Malays have amassed through the government and bureaucracy over the years are mere catalysts for greater conservative demands, for in apprehensive hands no amount of power will suffice if it cannot translate to total control. Thus it may be more accurate to look past the power held to see what the power is meant to protect in the first place. And for this we will have to inquire into a prior anxiety, one that is more essential in driving the politicisation of Malay identity as a whole, and that is the fear of losing control over Malaysia's multicultural complexities. To clarify, the conservative claim is not that the Malays were here before everyone else. Rather, the Malays, at one point the subjects of a glorious medieval empire, were the ones who shaped the customs and civilization, and by consequence the historical significance, of the Peninsula. It was therefore the bitterest injustice for the Malay nationalist imagination that independence from centuries of colonialism began with the masses of Malays in wretched poverty. They were 70% of Malaysia's poor at the time, confined mostly to low level-menial work. University education was far from reach and with little, in fact inconsequential, ownership of capital (Malays owned only 4% of all businesses) Malay control of the country was nothing more than ceremonial despite the triumphant proclamations of Merdeka (Independence). Malays in fact became poorer in the ensuing decade, a reality that soon compelled the demand which we are all too familiar with by now: that only the material enrichment of Malays can mend inter-communal relations since they would no longer have to bear the shame of being poor sons of the soil. Shame and self-loathing  This shame left a deeply bitter mark, for the little real political power that Malays could claim also translated to a crisis in self-esteem. The worst of this fermented into the long tradition of self-loathing that one can find in bourgeois Malay thought, whereby Malay poverty is often explained away as an obvious outcome of laziness.
The Malay Dilemma by Mahathir Mohamed (Malaysia's longest serving Prime Minister at 22 years) has for some reason survived as the most frequently reissued attempt to defend that thesis. Not only did it draw a direct causal link between Malay laziness and poverty, they were also somehow taken as certain proof of Malay racial inferiority. But if we are at all to recall that book for its originality, it would have to be for the rather taxing attempt it made to explain that link with pretensions of evolutionary science. Otherwise, the Malay Dilemma was merely reiterating an impression that was already prevalent among early Malay bureaucrats. After all, it was published only a year after Revolusi Mental (Mental Revolution), a longer book comprising of essays that also insisted on the Malay poverty-laziness-inferiority idea, this time by the most prominent Malay educators in government then. It is painful, though not unfair, to acknowledge that there was some hint of inevitability to all that, especially when viewed from a broader historical perspective. Munshi Abdullah, the pioneer of Malay reformist thought, was already lamenting Malay inferiority – also in the manner of simplified sweeping claims about Malay laziness – as early as the British takeover of the Straits. Indeed, it was against his profound awe of British science and technology that the lazy, inferior, bumbling, dumb and superstitious Malay which he took constant note of was often "portrayed" in his works (although always, somehow, in the pretext of some deep care and concern he had for Malay progress). This spirit of supposed tough love resonated again in the early 20th century, this time in Pendeta Za'ba's works which was also not short of bile. The modern man of Malay letters said that the Malays were poor in "all aspects of life" – in demeanour, attitude and worldview, "in all the conditions and necessities that can lead to the success and greatness of the nation". Malay youths spend too much time on wasteful activities, he said, and "are perverse in indulging in their carnal and animalistic needs" while having no foresight or prudence in spending. Their elders, on the other hand, are too caught up in stupid superstitions. The works of Malay literature are also "poor and not of the kind that can uplift spirits and improve thought". One can argue that such frankness is common to all nationalist rhetoric. It can be likened by analogy to the kind of direct criticism we have all encountered in one way or another in heated family arguments, only the end message in this case is of course broader and more political, to provoke Malays to wake up and strive. But what makes the above preoccupations with racial inferiority particularly pernicious is the conclusion drawn at the end of it all: the Bourgeois Malay's ultimate prescription for independence was not revolt or rebellion against exploitation and underdevelopment. Rather, the way forward was conceived in terms of the capitalist ethos, through hard work, self-reliance and private enterprise. Obstacles The central role of British colonialism in perpetuating myths of the lazy native is a subject that is best dealt in another discussion, although it would suffice at this point to state the curious fact that the notable Malays who were most willing to uphold and defend that myth were significantly influenced by the colonial lebensvelt. Munshi Abdullah, for example, taught and translated Malay for Stamford Raffles on top of many other notable Orientalists. Both Za'ba and Mahathir – whose treatises on the subject were originally written in English – were educated via the British system. It was indeed through this orbit of circumstances that the capitalist ethos brought by the British found their advocates among Malay nationalists, however indirectly. For a better sense of what's at stake here, we should consider the contrasting attitudes of Malay nationalists who were not as fortunate. For example, Rashid Maidin the labourer, or Ahmad Boestamam the son of a peasant, saw little to no virtue behind the laziness myth or British capitalism, having witnessed and lived through first-hand the violent exploitation of labour that was needed to service British industries. The Malayan left, with whom they mobilised, advocated instead a more confrontational and militant route towards self-determination. Naturally, the British, in the post-war ruin of their empire amidst fears of a Communist takeover of Southeast Asia did all they could to suppress all manifestations of leftist unrest, often with little hesitation to resort to violence or outright political intervention. The fact that the Malay left and the British ended up more and more preoccupied with one another after independence also meant that Malay capitalism was met with less resistance. This, however, did not mean that it was without its obstacles. There was, for one, the absence of a critical Malay mass: the majority of Malays at the turn of Merdeka were rural, illiterate, uneducated and, more significantly, unfamiliar with the belief in "grace-through-hard-work" that the early Malay elites and bureaucrats embraced. There was also a problem in the form of an apathetic Malay elite, the old guard of UMNOists close to Tunku Abdul Rahman (Malaysia's first Prime Minister) who were not seen as committed enough to the cause of Malay development. The Tunku recalled the Malays as "a simple and contented people, used to their own way of life, their distinctive traditions, their deep Islamic belief in God and the hereafter, and respect for their Sultans. Sons of the soil and the sea, they lived close to nature in a bountiful land. Why bother to work so hard?" But nothing stood in the way as agonisingly as the peninsula's demographic realities. In 1955, the Malays constituted 84.2% of the total electorate. After independence it was reduced to just 56.8% due to the formal mass incorporation of Chinese and Indians as Malaysian citizens. This was not an easy fact to accept especially for those who just regarded them as temporary migrant workers whose presence in the Peninsula was due to colonial, rather than Malay, demands. It didn't help that the Chinese were soon perceived as threats: When they were not smeared as mere greedy businessmen, they were feared as treacherous communists. READ MORE HERE |
| God, Comedy and the Umno General Assembly Posted: 02 Dec 2012 07:59 AM PST 
It is the level of intellectuality that comes from decades of playing to the gallery, of pandering to the masses who have been deliberately manipulated to remain politically immature and intellectually challenged through being provided sub-standard education. And so to reach out to these masses, our so-called leaders appeal to the lowest common denominator. The Umno General Assembly has often come across as reality comedy. Its 'performers' unwittingly amuse us with their unintentionally comic turns. This year, they didn't disappoint. Wanita chief Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, whose family is embroiled in the National Feedlot Centre (NFC) scandal that cost her the renewal of her senatorship, says that for the upcoming general election, she is a winnable candidate. God help her. Indeed, God was invoked on several occasions throughout the general assembly, sometimes for the sake of seeking His help. President Najib Razak urged Umno members to pray hard to God in order to win the general election. "Let us pray so that with His blessings, we will continue to be the country's ruling party," he said. The subtext of that smacked of a loss in confidence. In fact, Najib's rhetoric in the past several months has been reflective of that. He has been practically begging his audiences to "give us another term", an appeal no Umno leader has ever stooped to. They had always taken it for granted that they would rule long-term. He has been persuading voters not to change the government, as if he were expecting them to. He has been bashing the Opposition parties at every available opportunity, to influence voters not to vote for them. At the general assembly, he even entertained the prospect of losing: "We can replace treasures or honour that are lost, but if we lose this fight, we will be left with nothing." He was of course exaggerating – because not winning Putrajaya doesn't amount to losing everything – but he was nonetheless acknowledging the possibility of defeat. No other Umno president before him has ever had to countenance that. Now Najib cannot bank on the confidence of the Umno of the past to carry him cockily to the general election; it has been too deeply mired in corruption and cronyism, and the rakyat have got wise to it. He even apologised at the general assembly for all the wrongdoings of Umno and the other parties in the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition. But, as they say, it may be a case of "too little, too late". And it certainly is of no use if the corrupt practices are still continuing. Why, for instance, has he not answered the allegations of businessman Deepak Jaikishan that for his help in facilitating a project deal, his family was paid by the latter, and that Deepak got involved in the case involving the murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu because he wanted to help Najib's family? Why did Najib leave it to Defence Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi to volunteer to reply to Deepak? This exposé, the NFC scandal and the question surrounding the RM40 million "political donation" received by Sabah Chief Minister Musa Aman have caused untold damage to Umno. It may not fully recover from the blows. Even so, there was much bravado flaunted at the general assembly. There was talk among Umno leaders of winning the general election with a two-thirds majority and recapturing all the four states now in Pakatan Rakyat's hands. They might have prayed to God first before they offered these predictions. Pahang Menteri Besar Adnan Yaakob even said to the media, "I tell you, DAP cannot win in Bentong. Cannot win! If DAP wins in Bentong, you cut off my ears and I'll jump into the Pahang river." Such haughtiness! Well, just to see if he will keep his word, the electorate should vote BN out of Bentong. Earless Adnan might be a more humble person after that! Hey, but the next day, probably feeling scared that his Bentong prediction might actually prove wrong, he did a flip-flop. That, however, made him even more laughable. He said he didn't mean "cut off my ears" literally. He said he was using figurative language. "Do you know figurative speech? In English language, we have figurative speech. We have simile, we have metaphor, hyberbole," he said. "So when I say cut off my ears, that means they (DAP) can never win ... not that if we (BN) lose, they (the Opposition) take the knife and cut off my ears literally." And why did he use "figurative language"? His reply: "… to let people learn English"! Hahaha! That got me rolling on the floor – because "cut off my ears" is not at all a figure of speech in the English language! Adnan doesn't know that and he wants others to learn English? What a clown! The epitome of the know-nothing who behaves like a know-all! Or a case of someone who's caught and simply tembak (shoots)! And since there's no such figure of speech, dear voters, please continue sharpening your knives. Meanwhile, enjoy the most hilarious, most misplaced joke that came out of the assembly – courtesy of Umno Youth information chief Reezal Merican Naina Merican, who said Umno is the party chosen by God to liberate the chosen land of Malaysia. Woweee! This is fresh! This is creative! This is … divine! He even said God's chosen people are the Malays living in Malaysia. But hang on! Doesn't "God's chosen people" traditionally refer to the Israelites? And the chosen land to the Nation of Israel? Jews, baby! Did Reezal make a boo-boo in associating with the enemy? Was he even aware of it? He said God is the true authority over all governments, the giver of power to those that He has chosen, so he must believe that Umno-BN will win the next general election. But what if it doesn't? Will he stop believing in God? What kooky thinking! Here's something Adnan could learn from in terms of the English language – an example of hyperbole. Reezal was probably trying to outdo his Umno Youth boss, Khairy Jamaluddin, by waxing so hyperbolic. The day before, Khairy quoted from Winston Churchill's famous speeches in his call to fight Pakatan Rakyat, but he obviously went overboard. He was comparing the next general election to World War Two. But come on la, brudder, they're not the same la. While Churchill's "we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets" and "we will continue hand in hand like comrades and brothers until every vestige of the Nazi regime has been beaten into the ground" are inspiring, Khairy's "we will debate them in Parliament, we will smash their arguments in coffee shops, we will expose their lies in cyberspace … we will lay this wretched Pakatan coalition into the ground!" sounds terribly frivolous. Schoolboyish even. The scary thing about all this comedy is that among the people spewing this rubbish are holders of high public office, and that some of the Umno Youth upstarts may one day become ministers. Even outside of the general assembly, you get the Chief Minister of Melaka, Ali Rustam, accusing Singapore of interfering in Malaysian politics simply because the briefing by French lawyers on the Scorpene investigations in France were recently held there. Worse, last week Deputy Defence Minister Abdul Latiff Ahmad disparaged the name of French lawyer William Bourdon by changing it to "Bodoh" (stupid). The jury may have no difficulty in deciding who was being "bodoh" in this case, but it showed the level of class and intellectuality among our so-called leaders. It is the level of intellectuality that comes from decades of playing to the gallery, of pandering to the masses who have been deliberately manipulated to remain politically immature and intellectually challenged through being provided sub-standard education. And so to reach out to these masses, our so-called leaders appeal to the lowest common denominator. They are the avatars of "the devil we know" – the phrase Mahathir Mohamad recently coined to describe Umno-BN – and they often exhibit the worst characteristics of politicians. The crucial question is: Do we want these types to continue leading the country? Do we want them to be the chosen ones, i.e. chosen by us? At the coming general election, do we vote them in – again? All I can say is, God help us if we do. * Kee Thuan Chye is the author of the bestselling book No More Bullshit, Please, We're All Malaysians, available in bookstores together with its Malay translation, Jangan Kelentong Lagi, Kita Semua Orang Malaysia. |
| PM Najib, words are sounds, example is thunder Posted: 02 Dec 2012 07:56 AM PST 
If he wants to, he has the power and authority to get to the bottom of this fiasco and find out what is the real problem. It is high time that he puts his foot down firmly on the issue if BNM is still grappling to find fault with GM. If there is any fault, BNM would have found it already by now. Dee Casey As I spent the afternoon reading Savana Sim's latest posting on 1st December 2012 (commemorating exactly the second month since the controversial raid by BNM on GM) with the article titled "Misfeasance in Malaysia" (http://on.fb.me/UypHFL) ... my thoughts shifted to PWTC where our PM, Najib Razak and his fellow UMNO members enter the final weekend to the UMNO's General Assembly making fiery speeches to exert their presence and relevance. The PM, undoubtedly now busy chasing for the critical mandate needed from both his party generally and members of the public particularly for the power to lead the country on for the next five years. He has made numerous promises to the people of this country and hence we all seen his slogan "Janji Ditepati" magnified (literally) to gigantic size everywhere. Of course he can afford to make all sorts of promises and make good some of them. After all, he is the Prime Minister, the Finance Minister and also the Minister for Women, Family and Community Development. Indeed he is a man who holds vast powers and hence we look up to him as a man with integrity and conviction to keep to his words and deeds. With this still in mind, I have gathered together some of his quotes which he made along the way since becoming PM: "I urge us to rise to the challenge of building a 1Malaysia. People First. Performance Now." (April 3: On assuming office as the sixth prime minister); "Umno should be seen, regarded and trusted as a party that is capable of looking after the lot of the people. Umno cannot be seen as a party which is only passionate about struggling for the interest of a small group. Instead, we want Umno to be seen, felt and fully trusted as a party that is inclusive and that puts the interests of the people before personal interests. Therefore, the perception that Umno is a party for people to "cari makan" (earn a living) must be erased and discarded." (15/10: maiden speech as Umno president in conjunction with the 2009 Umno General Assembly); "I have to make a decision in the interests of the BN. I am not merely the president of Umno; I am also the chairman of the BN. I am the prime minister not only for the Malays; I am the prime minister for all Malaysians." (1/11: opening Gerakan national Delegates' conference); "We will change for the better. I give you the commitment; we will change for the better. But I ask (that it should be) not only me. Do not just look at the prime minister; we all must reflect the change. We must be like the train. (When) the train is moving … it cannot be the locomotive alone … everybody else must work together." (1/11: opening Gerakan national delegates); "I have been saying privately, but I might as well say it publicly, that the thing I liked about President Bush's foreign policy is that he was very pro-free trade. Frankly I don't like the other policies, but I like his policy on free trade." (14/11: panel session at the Apec CEO Summit 2009); "The era of government knows best is over"; "We have to innovate. No nation can be successful unless they are involved in innovative and creative activities"; "The world is changing quickly and we must be ready to change with it or risk being left behind." (30 March 2010: unveiling of the NEM); and "Don't worry" (19 October 2012: PM's assurances to Genneva Malaysia Gold buyers).
In trying to hammer in his pitch for the New Economic Model (http://bit.ly/UyAujj) to the public and to achieve the transformation needed, Najib said there were eight strategic reform initiatives that would be focused on: - Re-energising the private sector to lead growth;
- Developing a quality workforce and reducing dependency on foreign labour;
- Creating a competitive domestic economy;
- Strengthening the public sector;
- Putting in place transparent and market-friendly affirmative action;
- Building knowledge based infrastructure;
- Enhancing the sources of growth; and
- Ensuring sustainability of growth.
PM Najib has called for Malaysians to be innovative, to stop playing safe and come out to be real entrepreneurs. We have seen people like Tony Fernandez of Air Asia doing just that when he emerged starting from scratch. Genneva Malaysia Sdn Bhd has done exactly that as well and the company has rapidly grown by leaps and bounds since then. What Genneva had accomplished would have put to shame any other home grown entrepreneur wished for under the umbrella of the government's Economic Transformation Programme (http://etp.pemandu.gov.my/) PM Najib was on the correct path when he advocated for the right to free trade and free entreprise. Sir, to don a laissez faire outfit, your leadership is required so that you are able reign in and put a check to all your men in the hierarchy of bureaucracy. No one in the government should be allowed to stifle the free market at his whims and fancy unless for a very good reason. In any abuse of the system such as that in the case of Genneva Malaysia Sdn Bhd (GM), it is grossly unfair to all concerned, even to the nation. Of the eight strategic reform initiatives which PM Najib has talked about, GM can already fit into at least five of them, those being as follows: - GM belongs to the private sector and it is contributing to and doing its part to chip in to the government's agenda calling for this sector to lead growth (in the area of gold trading);
- GM has developed a quality workforce nationwide, training skillful staff and consultants to handle gold trading and GM is the only one in the industry that has effectively put in place the government's aim of reducing dependency on foreign labour and yet achieving high income status within its community.
- GM is not only creating but actively pursuing and contributing vibrantly to the domestic economy;
- GM is not only enhancing but actively tapping into sources of growth in the gold industry; and
- GM is ensuring the sustainability of growth by combining forces as a regional player in the gold industry.
Turning the spotlight back to PM Najib, he is the Finance Minister. BNM is under the purview of his ministry. If he wants to, he has the power and authority to get to the bottom of this fiasco and find out what is the real problem. It is high time that he puts his foot down firmly on the issue if BNM is still grappling to find fault with GM. If there is any fault, BNM would have found it already by now. There is no more reason or excuse to dilly-dally. PM Najib, don't let a few civil servants dictate to you what you should or should not do. It is time for you to call a spade a spade. We Gennevians look up to you and truly hope that you say what you mean and mean what you say. So when you say "don't worry" many if not all will hold you to that promise. After all, it is only you who coined the slogan "Janji Ditepati". 
**Note from Admin: No permission required to re-post this in any media. |
| Misfeasance in Malaysia Posted: 02 Dec 2012 07:52 AM PST 
Savana Sim For the first time in the annals of the country an investigation by the authorities against a private limited liability company has drawn such a massive and united support for the company. Not one single sustainable complaint has been made by anyone claiming to have suffered at the hands of the company. This is indeed a historical and dramatic phenomenon. Consider these figures: - Sixty thousand plus (60,000+) people have bought gold from Genneva Malaysia Sdn Bhd (GM)
- There are about six thousand (6,000+) consultants.
- The GM supporters on Facebook have drawn nearly five million (5,000,000) readers. These are inclusive of local and global visitors to the site.
- The odds of each of the above 66,000 people having four or five friends, relatives and dependents multiplies the directly involved to nearly 400,000 bodies. And these can geometrically multiply, especially to the young and impressionable voters of tomorrow.
The most amazing feature of this situation is the remarkable silence of those who have an opportunity to speak up for a good cause. Good men need to stand up. So far there has been none except perhaps one, albeit retired. Surely the reverence owed to this voice of wisdom needs some serious attention. The more exasperating (and helpless) is the media frenzy that has GM convicted even before the alleged speedy investigations are completed, allowing publications of articles based on half truths, incorrect facts and innuendos that boggles one's imagination. Does not this situation cry for an explanation? Is the dictatorship of the civil service to be a feature of the future of the country? Does one have to resort to the expensive and drawn out remedies that the courts offer as the only resort? Why are none of our elected representatives coming to the aid of the GM community? Perhaps they have not familiarized themselves with all the facts. Perhaps what follows may assist in their understanding the situation more accurately. Historical Facts - GM has obtained written approval from the Ministry of Domestic Trade to buy and sell Gold.
- A letter from Bank Negara stating that gold trading and gold as an asset does not come under the purview of BNM.
- GM conducts AMLA seminars with mandatory attendance, a compulsory prerequisite for an individual to be accepted as a consultant.
- Adherence to the principles of Syariah has been approved, policed and audited by the relevant Syariah authorities.
- It was the GM management and The Gold Bullion Entrepreneurs Association of Malaysia (GBEAM) that sought guidelines for the gold trade from the deputy finance Minister as a result of which a task force was established.
- Correspondence with the Prime Mister's office resulted in the PM instructing the Governor of BMN to look into gold trade business.
Current Facts - Not a single case of default in the delivery of physical gold, payment of Hibah or commissions has been lodged anywhere against GM – a record that was only interrupted abruptly by the raid on GM by the authorities.
- The raid was on "suspicion" but there was no explanation whatsoever of the basis fro this alleged suspicion. Could this absence of explanation be because there is none?
- All GM personnel have been interviewed ad nauseam and have responded to all enquiries made by the investigators in the first week of October 2012.
- To date there has been no cause, claim or disclosure of any contravention of any law by GM. Only total silence.
- One person of high rank and in authority has claimed that a figure of ten billion Ringgit is involved. This figure has been pulled out of a hat as there is no basis at all for this claim. It is too preposterous to merit a denial but an untruth like this cannot be left uncorrected.
- Another official has claimed in Parliament that the seizure of assets in the case of Genneva Sdn Bhd was to protect the public while investigations are being completed. It is four years since and the saga is still ongoing. In the case of GM the public is not being protected but rather being made to suffer "whilst investigations are being speedily completed". Nearly two months have vanished and the "speedily" is not so speedy after all.
- Obviously the raid was planned and preordained because media representatives were already at the offices of GM even before the raiding party arrived.
- Why the need to seize assets, office operational material and computer equipment if it is only a question of investigations – that too based on suspicion?
Obvious Inferences - Somebody cried wolf and everybody jumped onto the wagon without any care or concern for the consequences and the affect it would have on the lives and livelihood of nearly 66,000 people.
- Apparently the authorities did not take into consideration how massive and total the support would be for GM but proved to be real, huge and dramatic.
- This case has drawn global attention not only in reference to this case but has instigated the global society look at all the negatives in this country. This unwarranted grim perception of the country is self inflicted.
- For the people of GM these have been trying times but because of GM's past performance all have remained loyal. That so many people remain loyal cannot be without good reason. GM has performed and delivered. Surely so many cannot be all wrong.
- The entire Genneva community is also waiting to see who their friends are and who their enemies are. Fence sitters and neutrals must understand that now is the time, if at all, to speak up – be it for or against. Once the outcome is known, then it will be too late to take sides.
- Huge numbers of people have been able to generate economic wealth, change their life styles, support children at school, cater for retirement and old age, meet medical expenses and cost of living. It is these people who are most affected. For all those who preach plaudits about concern for the Rakyat, their welfare, justice and fair play, now is the time and the opportunity to stand up and be counted.
- Does the conduct of the GM management display the characteristics of a group of people intent on running the operations legitimately or does it show a conspiracy to hit, loot and run away?
Expectations - If GM has not violated any known law, is it not right and just to announce this fact to the public and allow GM to resume operations, if for no other reason but to settle and assuage the concerns of all existing customers and consultants?
- If no law is violated why the public must be made to suffer for the misjudgement and baseless suspicions of over enthusiastic civil servants?
- Is it too much to expect the often self-claimed politicians who constantly claim to be champions of the Rakyat speak up for the GM community?
- If the authorities are in earnest about the trade being operated properly why this crucifixion of good people? Instead why not complete the investigations speedily as promised, issue appropriate guidelines and let the GM community get on with their lives?
UPDATE - Eye-witnesses report: The three government departments came in petrol cars 1:40pm. Reporters started from 2:50pm onwards. GMSB lawyer came about 3:25pm. More reporters arrive at about 4:10pm. Lawyer left 6:20pm. TV crews came 10+pm. Gold carted close to midnight. — Genneva Malaysia Supporters 
Please inform your Member of Parliament. Contact numbers and email, http://bit.ly/WW7KUa • Read Genneva Gold 101 for Dummies - http://on.fb.me/UHMz3L • For Genneva Critics Reading Pleasure - http://on.fb.me/V5Gjkq • More Notes - http://on.fb.me/VegfUE — Genneva Malaysia Supporters http://www.facebook.com/GennevaMalaysiaSupporters |
| Karpal: Pakatan can be wrong too Posted: 02 Dec 2012 12:07 AM PST 
(The Star) - The DAP must speak up when Pakatan Rakyat does something wrong, said party chairman Karpal Singh. He cited the recent demolition of a Hindu altar in a house in Taman Seroja in Bandar Baru Salak Tinggi last week and the Kelantan municipal council by-laws prohibiting women from cutting men's hair in the state, saying both were wrong. "The DAP's principles since its early days remain intact. We must point out when Pakatan is wrong," he said. Describing the Sepang Municipal Council (MPSP)'s action to demolish the altar as a "complete abuse of power", Karpal said Pakatan must be sensitive to what is dear to the people. He said Pakatan must not make mistakes and provide Barisan Nasional with "cannon fodder" to attack it. "I've taken off my coat and I'm ready for battle. There's no doubt in my mind that we will retain Penang and win back Perak," he declared. Karpal, who is the Bukit Gelugor MP, "guaranteed" that the DAP would defend and win 19 state seats. "We have high hopes that PKR will win more than nine seats with PAS holding on to what it has (in Penang)," he said at the party's annual state convention here on Sunday. In his speech, state party chief Chow Kon Yeow said the Malays would remain in power (in their own land) if Pakatan took over Putrajaya. He said the coming general election was the most important for the country as it would determine the nation's future direction. "The latest prediction is that Barisan will win 120 seats compared to 100 to Pakatan if the election is held now. "We are ready to face Umno and Barisan but we must use the coming 50 to 100 bonus days' to double our efforts," he said. He warned that Islamic issues such as calls for PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang to be the prime minister if Pakatan comes into power, must be handled well. The debates at Sunday's meeting saw the proposal for DAP to adopt a one-man one-seat policy being fiercely debated by its delegates. Taman Alma DAP branch head David Marshall, who is also DAP Socialist Youth (Dapsy) executive council member, said central executive committee (CEC) should not prevent party leaders from discussing the policy. "The state committee members should explain their stand on the issue," he said. In a hastily staged press conference later, Chow said the policy had been raised numerous times in the CEC and national congress. "CEC will table a resolution on the policy during the 16th National Congress to enable delegates to decide on whether to endorse or otherwise on this matter," he explained. |
| The journey in life is never a straight line (PART 9) Posted: 01 Dec 2012 07:17 PM PST 
My father now had no choice but to buy me that motorcycle he had promised me. And I became the 'King of the Road'. My father received countless complaints from the police and I crashed 12 times during the first two years. My father was so pissed he told me if I want to race then go race in the Malaysian Grand Prix. And in 1968 I did, with my father as my 'pit crew' and timekeeper. NO HOLDS BARRED Raja Petra Kamarudin I had my first girlfriend when I was nine. Well, it was not actually a girlfriend in the hold-hands sort of way. It was more like I would hand her a love letter in class and she would hand it to the teacher. If you were to ask me when I would consider as my most embarrassing moment in life, I would probably have to reply that that would be when my teacher showed my love letter to another teacher and they both looked at me and giggled. I was in the Alice Smith School at that time (then behind the Agong's palace and near NAAFI) and the girl of my dream was Sarah Chin. Alice Smith was a Kwailo school and there were only three Asians in that school, two Chinese and one Chap Chong Kui, me. Invariably, my parents were informed about my 'indiscretion'. I still remember the beam on my father's face as he told my mother, "That's my son," and she responded with, "A chip of the old block, for sure." It was then that I received my first lesson in philosophy: right and wrong are subjective and mere perceptions. Actually, my father was more buddy than dad to me. For example, when I raced in my first Grand Prix in 1968 (the Malaysian Grand Prix), my father was my timekeeper. As I did my practice laps, he would record each lap with a stopwatch. In another incident, my class teacher in VI (Victoria Institution), Miss Siew, who also taught us English, complained to my father that every day I sleep in class. There was not a single day she did not catch me sleeping. My father came home to tell me about the meeting he had with Miss Siew and about her complaint regarding me perpetually sleeping in class all day long. "Miss Siew is so pretty," said my father, "I just can't understand how you can sleep when she teaches." I never did understand the relationship between the first part of that statement and the second part. When I took Marina (now my wife) out on our first date, my father chauffeured the car to take us to the dance (since I was only 17 and did not yet have a driving licence -- although I already had a motorcycle licence). He insisted that I sit behind with Marina, who was then 14, like how it should be when you are chauffeur-driven to a dance and are on your first date. He then fetched us after the dance and when we reached Marina's house in Brickfields he stopped the car on the corner and did not drive right up to the house. Marina got out of the car and after the usual exchange of pleasantries she was about to close the car door and walk off when my father said to me, "You are not going to allow her to walk all alone are you? Go walk her to the door." I was too dumb to realise that my father was giving us some privacy so that I could attempt a good night kiss or something like that. It did puzzle me at first as to why he stopped the car so far from the house. Anyway, I was not really too interested in girls after that very embarrassing disaster involving the love letter. My real passion was motorcycles. I rode my first motorcycle when I was ten, a Honda Cub 50cc. This was when I visited my grandfather during the school holidays, who was then the Governor of Penang. I blasted down the Residency grounds and my grandfather was furious. He called motorcyclists 'temporary citizens', probably meaning they die too early. I kept bugging my father to buy me a motorcycle and after constant nagging he said he would get me one only if I were to pass my LCE (form three) exams. I don't think he expected me to pass my LCE exams because the headmaster, Murugesu, had written in my report card 'the least likely to succeed'. Furthermore, other than perpetually sleeping in class, I failed all my monthly tests and trial exams When the results came out and were displayed on the notice board, my father scanned through the list of 'fails' but could not find my name. He then looked at the 'C' list and still could not find my name. The 'B' list also did not reveal my name. "Did you sit for the exam or not?" my father asked me. I then asked him to look at the 'A' list and he gave a grunt that sounded like 'hmph' or something like that. However, lo and behold, my name was on the 'A' list. "How the hell did you do that?" my father asked, "Did you cheat?" He could not understand how, from primary school right up to form three, my school reports were so bad and yet I passed both my 11-plus (standard six) and LCE exams and got 'A' on both occasions. It was then that my father probably realised that I was not one for academic excellence but put me through the test and I will sail through with very little effort. My father now had no choice but to buy me that motorcycle he had promised me. And I became the 'King of the Road'. My father received countless complaints from the police and I crashed 12 times during the first two years. My father was so pissed he told me if I want to race then go race in the Malaysian Grand Prix. And in 1968 I did, with my father as my 'pit crew' and timekeeper. In 1968 I was already 'going steady' with Marina and she refused to support me or go see me race. In fact, she was very angry with my father for encouraging me. When I crashed and broke my left wrist my father drove to Marina's house to inform her that I was in the University Hospital. Marina refused to go see me in hospital and my father had to beg her, "Please lah. He is in great pain. Go visit him in hospital." Marina finally agreed but only so that she could gloat and tell me, "I told you so." Until today, "I told you so" is my favourite phrase, in case many of you have not realised this by now. Marina was fiercely anti-motorcycle. It took a year before she would agree to climb onto the back of my motorcycle. She realised that to love me means you have to also love my motorcycle. Our wedding vows were probably the only one that went "To love, honour and obey Raja Petra Kamarudin and his motorcycle and till death do you part." I suppose Marina's main concern was that the 'till death do you part' part of that vow may come earlier than planned if you only know two speeds -- full speed and full stop. Actually, Marina and I met quite accidentally, almost literally, when I almost knocked her down with my motorcycle. I was tearing down the road at full speed and she was running across the road to catch her school bus. I hit the brakes and skidded while missing her by inches. She let fly with a few choice four-letter words (and I don't mean U-M-N-O) and I shouted, "Stupid girl! Nak mati ke?" I suppose most people will relate their story of love at first sight while ours was love at first fight. TO BE CONTINUED |
| Najib: Dr M still watches over me Posted: 01 Dec 2012 04:45 PM PST 
Zurairi AR, The Malaysian Insider Datuk Seri Najib Razak appeared today to admit that Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad still wields a strong influence over the Barisan Nasional (BN) administration, pointing out that the country's longest serving prime minister is "watching over him". While launching the People's Progressive Party (PPP) annual general meeting (AGM) here, Najib congratulated Dr Mahathir for Vision 2020, a blueprint for Malaysia to reach the status of a developed nation which was launched by the latter in 1991. "He got the easy task, (but) I got the difficult task," the Najib joked. "He announced ... made the vision, (but) I had to fill up his vision. Because he's still watching over me." Dr Mahathir was also mentioned by PPP president Datuk Seri M Kayveas in his opening address, who thanked the former prime minister for his contribution to the nation. Kayveas described Dr Mahathir as a "priceless pearl" and the architect of modern Malaysia, whom he credited for PPP's rise to relevance. "It is not wrong for me to say PPP was given recognition and solid support during Tun's time until it became a stable party (up) from the dark ages," Kayveas told the hall filled with around 4,000 PPP members here. Buoyed by praise from Najib and Kayveas, Dr Mahathir emerged from the event today boasting that BN would snap up the two-thirds parliamentary majority it is gunning to win in the next polls. "I think today we could see PPP for example ... the spirit is very good," Dr Mahathir told reporters on the sidelines of the PPP assembly today. "You can see it, you can feel it. I'm sure we'll do much better than the last (election), and we may even get the two-thirds majority." The veteran statesman has remained in the public eye since his exit from the forefront of Umno politics in October 2003, but has been more prominent in the spotlight of late, seemingly in his attempt to shore up support for BN ahead of the polls. But the outspoken Dr Mahathir has made it known that he was campaigning to keep Umno and BN alive, even though it meant trumpeting policies by Najib that he has oftentimes admitted he disagreed with. Opposition leaders have been criticising Umno and Najib for fearing Dr Mahathir's influence and therefore, refusing to shut him up, and have warned that the former prime minister's sometimes radical remarks may frighten off Najib's middle ground support. Critics also have pointed to Dr Mahathir's apparent endorsement for Malay right-wing group Perkasa, oftentimes described as an outlet for Umno conservatives to spew pro-Malay and pro-Islam extremism, which has been curbed in the party, as Najib tries to garner centrist votes. Dr Mahathir's influence in Umno has been seen as just the right balance that Najib needs to keep Umno's conservative bloc of supporters in BN's fold. As such, Najib has not once criticised Dr Mahathir, likely learning from his predecessor Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's past. READ MORE HERE |
| Musa Hassan’s motives Posted: 01 Dec 2012 04:37 PM PST 
Some notable retired senior officers have joined PAS, including former Bukit Aman CID chief Fauzi Shaari, former chief secretary for the ministry of land and cooperative development Nik Zain Nik Yusof, former solicitor-general Mohd Yusof Zainal Abiden, and former TUDM officer Mohd Nazari Mokhtar. Lim Sue Goan, Sin Chew Daily The policy speech by the Umno president at the annual general assembly is often a kind of political show the entire nation closely watches. Unfortunately, this year's show has been hijacked by former IGP Tan Sri Musa Hassan. Even as Najib Razak hit out hard at Pakatan Rakyat and tabulated the accomplishments of the Barisan Nasional government, Musa Hassan's shocking revelation has nevertheless exposed the administrative weaknesses of our government agencies. Musa Hassan is no ordinary retired civil servant, and as such the government should seriously consider setting up an independent panel to probe his accusations which must not be downplayed as immaterial or be trifled with. If Musa Hassan's accusation that politicians have intervened in police affairs is true, the operation of the police force will be adversely affected and its integrity eroded. The police force is tasked with the responsibility of keeping the social order intact and, therefore, must exercise its professionalism to achieve this in the absence of political intervention. Musa said when the police were about to arrest some heavyweight suspects, they would often receive calls from those in power. If the country's laws cannot be justly upheld, how do we expect the public to have faith in our law enforcement? The Malaysian police force should be an unbiased enforcement institution. If it fails to operate independently, it would be very difficult for it to carry out its duties during the upcoming general election. Musa Hassan also exposed links between senior police officers and illegal gangs, an accusation that would jeopardise the integrity of the police force. When police discipline is involved, things will suddenly become very sensitive. Because of Musa Hassan's previous objection to the setting up of the Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission (IPCMC), the issue of police misconduct remains unresolved to this day. The MACC investigations and subsequent charges against Musa Hassan and former CID chief Ramli Yusof are nothing we can be proud of. The police force must strive to improve its image instead of persistently rejecting supervision. If a split takes place at the top ranks of the police force, how do we expect them to set a good example for their subordinates? Thirdly, Musa Hassan also queried the reliability of the police's crime data, and this has begun to arouse public suspicion. Well familiar with the modus operandi of the police force, Musa Hassan highlighted the fact that some police officers have resorted to converting unresolved cases to "no further action" cases in a bid to achieve the government's crime reduction targets. Without true and genuine figures, the minister will be kept in the dark and thus wrongly assess the actual crime situation in the country. This August, the Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI) received a letter said to be from an anonymous police officer making the same accusations. As such, it is imperative that the police's crime figures be appraised by an independent third party institution with the hope the root cause of the problem could be identified. Fourthly, why do some senior civil servants continue to slam the government after their retirement? Some notable retired senior officers have joined PAS, including former Bukit Aman CID chief Fauzi Shaari, former chief secretary for the ministry of land and cooperative development Nik Zain Nik Yusof, former solicitor-general Mohd Yusof Zainal Abiden, and former TUDM officer Mohd Nazari Mokhtar. The BN government has been taking very good care of our civil servants; the defection by any of them could deal a serious blow on Umno. |
| PAS should accept public rejection of its puritanism Posted: 01 Dec 2012 04:26 PM PST 
Even more troubling is that both parties failed to rebut firmly such proposed interference by PAS. Far from blaming Barisan Nasional for raising these embarrassments to Pakatan Rakyat, the coalition must look within itself to make peace with modern social realities, particularly as a general election approaches. The Star ALL sane and responsible people understand the need to live by certain ethical values and moral standards. Malaysians, generally, have never been an "anything goes" people. But at the same time, many of us also realise that these values and standards tend to be subjective, being personal or communal in scope, limits and interpretation. All modern societies are heterogeneous spaces with myriad tastes and expressions, afforded between the rights of citizens and the laws of the land. However much we may sometimes wish to see our values and standards apply throughout society, beyond what is commonly provided for by societal consensus and existing laws, formal codes that set the limits still need to undergo due process in being fashioned by enlightened minds and fettled by mature policymakers. That means we must avoid imposing our values and standards on others beyond what is deemed acceptable by society at large. When imposition involves political application, and more so the actualisation of a particular group's supposed norms on the whole country, we need to be doubly circumspect. That is why the PAS edict in Kelantan barring hairdressers of one gender from attending to clients of another is so troubling. The worst is assumed in the business relationship between all vendors and customers without any basis whatsoever, incurring business losses to many innocent parties through unjust fines and unwarranted prohibitions. Such unreasonable strictures apply on various fronts, including entertainment and sports. At the recent PAS party conference, there was self-criticism over a perceived failure to "set policies" for PKR and DAP on these issues. Even more troubling is that both parties failed to rebut firmly such proposed interference by PAS. Far from blaming Barisan Nasional for raising these embarrassments to Pakatan Rakyat, the coalition must look within itself to make peace with modern social realities, particularly as a general election approaches. PAS has ventured overzealously into similar issues before and had been rejected roundly by the people. It should accept the unpopularity of its stand and seek to revise it, renounce it or just forget it. We understand that PAS now wants to press the Information, Communications and Culture Ministry for tighter curbs on future music concerts. It should try an independently monitored referendum on the subject instead, and see how the public respond. |
| Deepak: I will not be silenced Posted: 01 Dec 2012 04:13 PM PST 
However, the carpet trader says he agreed to "sit still" for the last day of the Umno AGM after a meeting with a high-ranking Umno supreme council member. Teoh El Sen, FMT Deepak Jaikishan claimed that there was an attempt by a high ranking Umno man to 'silence' him following the various the interviews the carpet trader has given in the past few days. Late Friday night, Deepak said he received a call by a "senior Umno supreme council member" asking him to meet at the Grand Dorsett Hotel in Subang. The man, who he refused to name, seemed aggressive, Deepak claimed. Deepak said that he subsequently agreed to meet the person, but brought along some extra protection for his safety. The meeting was also attended by a few pro-government bloggers, and Deepak said he was told not to make any more noise, at least until the end of the Umno AGM which was yesterday. "They told me that I am under surveillance…I was given a caution because yesterday was their closing ceremony. They practically warned me not to have a press conference until they finish their convention," he told FMT. "I told them you cannot stop me from having press conferences… even if I have to go to the Istana Negara, I would do it. If they really force me… I would go in front of the palace and petition the King lah," he said. However, Deepak said he agreed to "give due respect" and cancelled all his media interviews he had lined up for Saturday. He added that he originally thought he would be in danger but when he met the Umno man, "they were very civil". When asked to reveal the names of the individuals he met, Deepak said:"Oh, then I'll be in serious trouble. Then it would be messy." But he added:"I'm not afraid. If I am afraid I wouldn't have come this far. I'm not under any political umbrella or anything." Asked if he was offered anything for his cooperation, Deepak said:" They offered me nothing. This is not something I would negotiate." He said that he would be giving more press conferences to explain things in full soon. Fall-out with Najib's family
In the past week, Deepak has resurfaced after a period of silence, giving several media interviews in which he claimed he regretted getting private investigator P Balasubramaniam to retract his first statutory declaration (SD) concerning murdered Mongolian national Altantuya Shaariibuu. READ MORE HERE |
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