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WIKILEAKS: AMBASSADOR'S JANUARY 29 MEETING WITH EDUCATION MINISTER HISHAMMUDDIN

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 01:00 AM PDT

The country's "racial splits are now more pronounced," and Malays still do not feel on par with other races. At times, the Malay youth became overly emotional regarding matters of race and religion, and needed to "release pressure," as they did during the November 2006 UMNO General Assembly (which featured heated racial rhetoric that was broadcast on national television).

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KUALA LUMPUR 000209

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/05/2017

TAGS: PREL, PGOV, KISL, KPAO, MY

SUBJECT: AMBASSADOR'S JANUARY 29 MEETING WITH EDUCATION MINISTER HISHAMMUDDIN

 

Classified By: Ambassador Christopher J. LaFleur for reasons 1.4 (b and d).

Summary

1.  (C) Education Minister and UMNO Youth chief Hishammuddin responded favorably to the Ambassador's call to expand dialogue between the Embassy and Muslim Malay youth during their January 29 meeting. 

Hishammuddin described the Malaysian political scene as "volatile" due to the increased racial divide and Malay insecurity over their relative economic status and the role of Islam.  Malay youth would continue to vent their emotions publicly, as they did during the 2006 UMNO General Assembly, but those on the receiving end, whether ethnic Chinese or the U.S. Government, should look beyond the rhetoric to the bigger and longer term picture. 

In any event, the Malaysian Government would never allow anti-U.S. sentiment to get out of hand.  Hishammuddin strongly endorsed the U.S. English language assistant program and hoped that this could be expanded nationwide.  End Summary.

2.  (C) The Ambassador, accompanied by polchief, called on Hishammuddin Tun Hussein, Malaysia's Education Minister and head of the UMNO party's youth wing, on January 29 and explored opportunities for expanded dialogue with the influential UMNO Youth. 

The Ambassador explained our interest in conveying the U.S. perspective on issues of common concern, while acknowledging that U.S. and Muslim Malay views will differ on some important topics, like aspects of Middle East policy.  UMNO constituents and the U.S.-Malaysia relationship would benefit from direct information from the U.S. Embassy, rather than relying on sometimes inaccurate media reports. 

Hishammuddin, accompanied by UMNO Youth Secretary General Abdul Rahman

Datuk Hj. Dahlan and his personal Ministry senior staff, welcomed the Ambassador's call for expanded dialogue.  The Embassy and UMNO Youth would need to determine appropriate topics to address given UMNO Youth's sensitivity and "immaturity," avoiding, for example, the Middle East, but perhaps addressing the subject of Islam in some fashion.

3.  (C) Hishammuddin described the Malaysian political scene as "volatile beneath the surface."  The Minister, assuming a friendly and frank manner, went on to explain, "this is a difficult period for the psyche of the Malays, particularly because there is uncertainty about the role of Islam."  In the context of rapid development, the Malays had doubts about the foundation of their own country. 

The country's "racial splits are now more pronounced," and Malays still do not feel on par with other races.  At times, the Malay youth became overly emotional regarding matters of race and religion, and needed to "release pressure," as they did during the November 2006 UMNO General Assembly (which featured heated racial rhetoric that was broadcast on national television).

Naturally, there would be a reaction to such venting.  In the case of the UMNO General Assembly, it was a shame, Hishammuddin added, that the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA, UMNO's partner in the coalition government) had not been strong enough to manage the reaction. 

As a result, Hishammuddin admitted that UMNO still would not allow him to carry out public activities in ethnic Chinese areas.  The Minister confided that, in the wake of the controversial UMNO General Assembly, Prime Minister Abdullah had acknowledged his decision to allow a live, national television broadcast of the event as his worst decision in 2006.

4.  (C)  Hishammuddin argued that MCA and other non-Malay political partners needed to understand the emotional background behind Malay frustration and look beyond the heated words.  The Malay relationship with the U.S. featured "the same dynamic," and from time to time the U.S. would be the object of emotional public criticism. 

"This will never get out of hand, the government will not allow it," Hishammuddin assured the Ambassador, but the U.S. would need to adopt a long-term view similar to that of UMNO's national coalition partners.

5.  (C) On the subject of Islam, Hishammuddin said, "the moderates don't speak out" and described Prime Minister Abdullah's "Islam Hadari" concept as an attempt to provide a useful platform for moderates.  While most Malays were not extreme in their views of Islam, "if you push us, we have no other choice," and the younger generation will begin to look to "tyrants" like Saddam Hussein as role models.

6.  (U) The Ambassador raised the U.S. English Language Assistant program, now in its second year with some 13 American assistants and one English Teaching Fellow deployed in the state of Terrangganu.  The Education Minister applauded this program and said he would like to expand it into a national effort, coordinated through his office. 

The focus should remain on assistance and training of Malaysian English language teachers.  Hishammuddin said he fully supported increased exchanges between Malaysians and Americans at all levels, and he particularly valued the International Visitor Program.

7.  (C) COMMENT:  Hishammuddin, the son of Malaysia's third Prime Minister, Hussein Onn, has the pedigree as well as the personal standing to be a future prime minister. He is now punching important tickets on the way to that goal by holding down the Education and UMNO Youth jobs.

Hishammuddin is reported to be a strong Abdullah supporter and a key political ally of the Prime Minister's son-in-law and Deputy Youth Chief, Khairy Jamaluddin.  If and how Hishamuddin and Khairy will reconcile their prime ministerial ambitions remains to be seen.

We welcome the opportunity to interact more with UMNO Youth, which continues to brandish the banner of Malay nationalism and remains highly critical of the U.S. We intend to follow-up strongly on the English teaching program.  We welcomed the opportunity to meet with Hishammuddin, who, like his other cabinet colleagues, is not always easy to pin down.

LAFLEUR

 

The honeymoon period is the best time

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 07:39 PM PDT

The Malaysian voters are a very generous lot during the honeymoon period (like 1955, 1964, 1974, 1978 and 1982) but will punish the ruling party when there is internal strife (like 1969, 1990 and 1999). So, when Malaya saw independence, when Malaysia was formed, when Malaysia had a new Prime Minister and the Prime Minister was still in his honeymoon period, etc., the ruling party would do well. When the ruling party is facing internal strife or the honeymoon was over, it suffers. 

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

In 1955, during the first municipal elections to be held in Malaya, the Alliance Party won all but one of the 54 seats contested. This was due to the Merdeka euphoria.

In 1957, Malaya gained independence or Merdeka.

In 1959, two years AFTER Merdeka, during the first parliamentary elections to be held in Malaya, the Alliance Party won only 74 of the 104 seats and 52% of the popular votes. The ruling party lost 30 seats whereas two years BEFORE Merdeka it lost only one.

In 1963, Malaysia was formed, and in 1964 the Alliance Party recovered. The ruling party won 89 of the 104 seats contested and almost 59% of the popular votes.

In 1969, the Alliance managed only 95 of the 144 seats. The popular votes also dropped to below 50%. The Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, was forced to resign soon after that.

In 1974, soon after Barisan Nasional was formed, the ruling party won 135 of the 154 seats. The popular votes also increased to almost 61%. But this time it was under a new Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak -- the second Prime Minister of Malaysia.

In 1978, the ruling party won only 130 of the 154 seats contested. The popular votes dropped to almost 57%. This was under the third Prime Minister, Tun Hussein Onn, who had taken over more than a year earlier (he waited too long to hold the election).

In 1982, the ruling party won 132 of the 154 seats and almost 61% of the popular votes. This was also under a new Prime Minister, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad -- the Fourth Prime Minister of Malaysia, who took over only a few months before the elections.

In 1986, the ruling party's performance declined slightly. It won only 148 of the 177 contested and less than 56% of the votes.

In 1990, the election held after the Umno crisis -- that resulted in the split into Umno Baru and Semangat 46 -- the ruling party's performance declined further to 127 of the 180 seats and about 53% of the popular votes.

In 1995, the ruling party recovered and won 162 of the 192 seats and almost 65% of the popular votes, partly because the opposition was in chaos. Semangat 46 closed down soon after that and most of its leaders/members rejoined Umno.

In 1999 (due to another split in Umno and the formation of Parti Keadilan Nasional) the ruling party's performance declined to 148 of the 193 seats and only 56% of the popular votes.

In 2004, the ruling party recovered and won 198 of the 219 seats and more than 64% of the popular votes. This was under a new Prime Minister, Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who took over only a few months before the election.

In 2008, the ruling party won only 140 of the 222 seats and only 52% of the popular votes. Tun Abdullah was forced to resign soon after that.

The Malaysian voters are very a generous lot during the honeymoon period (like 1955, 1964, 1974, 1978 and 1982) but will punish the ruling party when there is internal strife (like 1969, 1990 and 1999). So, when Malaya saw independence, when Malaysia was formed, when Malaysia had a new Prime Minister and the Prime Minister was still in his honeymoon period, etc., the ruling party would do well. When the ruling party is facing internal strife or the honeymoon was over, it suffers.

Najib Tun Razak took over in 2009, more than two years ago. He should have called for a general election while he was still enjoying his honeymoon like what Tun Razak Hussein, Tun Hussein Onn, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi did.

Now, the honeymoon is over. People do not love Najib as much as they did when he first took over as Prime Minister back in 2009. And, as the statistics above have shown, once the honeymoon is over, you no longer get the peoples' support.

Najib would have done better if he had called for the 13th General Election back in 2010. If he waits till 2012 or 2013, he is going to suffer (by then he would have been PM for three or four years respectively). And the longer he waits the worse it will be for him.

For the opposition, it is better that the general election is called later rather than sooner. In fact, if the election is held now, it will be a 50:50 situation. Both the opposition and the ruling party will face an uphill task.

Back in 2010, the opposition would not have performed so well. The ruling party would have been able to regain some ground it lost in 2008. In 2012 or 2013, the opposition will be able to perform better.

So, time is on the side of the opposition and the longer the time, the better. Time is not in Najib's favour and the longer the time, the worse it is for him.

That is what the statistics show and statistics do not lie.

 ** Sabah and Sarawak not part of the Federation yet

 

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

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Cable: Hisham blamed MCA for not containing Umno fallout

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 01:00 PM PDT

 

By Shannon Teoh, The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 31 — Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein had suggested in 2007 that MCA was at fault for being too weak to manage the reaction of non-Malays to the racially-charged rhetoric of the 2006 Umno general assembly.

Hishammuddin — who was the Umno Youth chief then — had told diplomats from the United States that Umno's race rhetoric was necessary to vent the frustrations of the Malays, according to a leaked US cable released on Malaysia Today.

According to the diplomatic note sent to Washington, Hishammuddin had also told the US ambassador here that Washington should expect similar anti-US rhetoric occasionally, but that those on the receiving end of these attacks should not fear as the government would not allow it to get out of hand.

"The country's 'racial splits are now more pronounced,' and Malays still do not feel on par with other races. The Malay youth became overly emotional regarding matters of race and religion, and needed to 'release pressure,' as they did during the November 2006 Umno General Assembly (which featured heated racial rhetoric that was broadcast on national television).

"Naturally, there would be a reaction to such venting.  In the case of the Umno general assembly, it was a shame, Hishammuddin added, that the MCA had not been strong enough to manage the reaction," said the cable leaked by whistleblower site WikiLeaks and published today on the Malaysia Today news portal.

According to the wire that appears to have been written by then ambassador Christopher Lafleur in early 2007, Hishammuddin argued that other parties in Barisan Nasional (BN) needed to understand the emotional background behind Malay frustration and look beyond the heated words.

"The Malay relationship with the US featured 'the same dynamic,' and from time to time the US would be the object of emotional public criticism.

"'This will never get out of hand, the government will not allow it,' Hishammuddin assured the ambassador, but the US would need to adopt a long-term view similar to that of Umno's national coalition partners," Lafleur wrote.

 

READ MORE HERE.

Stop papering over cracks

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 12:57 PM PDT

By Charles Santiago, FMT

As the nation marches towards its 54th Merdeka celebrations, the Umno-led Barisan Nasional coalition government continues to lead the nation with no accountability. Not even a semblance of it lurking in the shadows.

Umno's leadership has failed the people making it unlikely that Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak's bruises would disappear anytime soon.

Najib's self-styled unity slogan, 1Malaysia, and public claims of a united nation only go to show the premier's disconnect from ground reality.

What is worse is that the simmering racial and religious tension in the country is carefully engineered by Najib & Co.

In Malaysia, stirring racial and religious sentiments have become fashionable ways of ensuring the ruling elite's continued hold on power.

Playing up issues of apostasy, indulging in smear campaigns against opposition politicians, openly playing double standards, using the police to instil a climate of fear among the people, engaging in backdoor deals to win the next election are some of the crucial issues gripping the nation.

But just like over the years, we see the government preparing an ambiance of pomp and glamour to usher in the country's 54th year of independence from British rule. Najib has even thought out a costume and colour theme for the celebrations.

It is delusions to believe that a fusion of dances and colourful parade would make brewing discontent on the ground go away. Najib must know, by now, that this is no child's play.

Getting out of control

Come Merdeka Day, we would watch the Malays, Chinese and Indians taking part in the parade, as a sign of unity and mutual respect for each other. And yet this neat juxtaposition is misleading.

In reality, we have seen some leaders promising bloodshed over unverified allegations of proselytisation by some churches.

These vile-mouthed villains have no qualms reading out statements which stoke racial sentiments outside police stations.

While the government acts with lightning speed to nab opposition politicians and human rights activists for alleged illegal gathering, they ignore the ramblings of these political leaders.

Government-owned print and electronic media are given a free hand to further fan racial flames in the country.

Opposition newspapers and alternative media have to resort to self-censorship or have their publishing licenses revoked. The online media are constantly harassed for writing the truth.

Government channel, RTM1, has falsely linked myself and my colleagues Ean Yong Hin,  Boo Cheng Hau, Tan Kok Wai, and Parti Sosialis Malaysia's Dr Nasir Hashim to a Facebook group called the "Murtads in Malaysia and Singapore".

Checks with my Facebook friends have shown that many were added to the group as the administrator of these groups do not need permission before doing so. But the irresponsible reporting by the television station caricatures the extent of dirty politics in the country.

Government leaders certainly know stirring racial sentiments could get out of control. The nation had borne witness to the riots of 1969 and 2001. But potentially damning issues are fashioned by Umno leaders to frighten the Malays and bring them back to the party fold.

Blatant cover-ups

After all, Umno and BN leaders are adamant about winning the next general election at all cost.

The government's only concern is about winning the four states ruled by the opposition and ensuring two-thirds majority in Parliament.

In order to see that materialize, government's leaders are injecting venom into our political veins without caring two hoots about the consequences of their actions.

Playing up racial sensitivities is not their only devious plan. It is also registering permanent residence (PR) holders and illegal immigrants to shore up its voter bank.

The Election Commission is nonchalant about revamping the electoral system and is aligned with the government, raising questions about the integrity of the electoral body.

Although the EC and government are waltzing together, locked in each others' arms, the people are getting fed-up with decades of abuses which are ingrained in the electoral system.

Their dissatisfaction was candidly marked when tens of thousands of people defied police orders and rallied on the streets, despite the presence of stern-looking cops and baton-wielding anti-riot policemen, to call for free and fair elections on July 9.

 

READ MORE HERE.

Six shortlisted for RM1.5bil school Internet contract

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 12:46 PM PDT

By B K Sidhu, The Star

PETALING JAYA: Six companies are in the running for the RM1.5bil five-year contract to provide Internet access and a virtual learning module (VLM) platform for the 9,924 schools in the country under the 1Bestarinet project, sources said.

The six are said to be Celcom Axiata Bhd, Jaring Communications, Maxis Bhd, YTL Communications, Multimedia Synergy Corp and both Telekom Malaysia Bhd/Time dotCom Bhd, which submitted a joint bid.

The access job comes with an option to extend the contract period for another five plus five years, totalling 15 years, and this would include installation, maintenance and provision of a VLM.

Though the Government is looking at RM4.5bil as the absolute sum for the 15-year contract, those in the know claim the bids received thus far ranged from RM2bil to RM6bil. At RM4.5bil, it works out to RM1.5bil for every 5 years or RM300mil for each year.

A decision on the winner is expected sometime in the middle of next month, sources said, adding that the Government should insist on proof of concept before deployment to avoid issues and problems arising later. The plan is to roll out access to at least 7,000 schools by Jan 1, 2012.

The poser now is which company should win the 15-year contract.

"Even before 1Bestarinet came about, some of the parties vying for the contract have been lobbying for it. Whatever the decision, it should be based on merits and the focus should be on deliverables as we cannot afford a repeat of the Schoolnet episode. Choose those that can deliver, those that have the financial muscle, the capacity and capabilities and not those that compromise on quality for profits," said a source.

"The last thing we want is our future generation being deprived of basic Internet access because of some companies which can't have enough profits from the project and the Government is committed because the contract would be binding for 15 years,'' added the source.

IBestarinet came about as a result of the Pemandu national key economic area lab series as there is a need to provide Internet access to all schools in the country since the earlier project to wire up schools, Schoolnet, did not meet the objectives set.

To recap, Schoolnet was born in 2004 to wire up schools using wireless or fibre technology but it had major constraints and did not live up to expectations in terms of speed and capacity, and also due to lack of specifications and integration.

Hence, in May this year, the Education Ministry called for a tender bid for the wiring up of all schools under the 1Bestarinet project and in the tender's posting it was clearly stipulated that the tender was open to all local companies with preference given to bumiputra tender bids registered with the Finance Ministry under some codes stipulated.

This tender bid which opened on May 5 saw over 80 companies collecting the tender documents. At its closing on May 31, it is said that only 19 companies submitted their bids. The six shortlisted are from the 19 that submitted bids.

Given its past experiences with Schoolnet, the ministry had spelt out certain conditions for 1Bestarinet. It wants the future network to be scalable to cater for growth and to evolve with technological evolution. It should have a VLM which will allow teachers and students, among others, to have a platform to write plans and share ideas. The Internet speed has to be constant and cannot be based on "best effort.'' For urban areas, the access speed is 2Mbps to 10Mbps, and for rural and remote schools 1Mbps to 4Mbps. All sorts of technologies can be used, be it fibre or wireless technologies including Vsat, wireless, WiFi, but the link to the school should be via fibre.

"The Education Ministry will also have an inbuilt checking mechanism to ensure that the vendor delivers as per specifications,'' said a source.

Malaysia policy a deterrent: refugee

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 12:41 PM PDT

By Alana Buckley-Carr, The West Australian

Habibullah may not agree with the Malaysia solution but his are exactly the words Immigration Minister Chris Bowen wants to hear: "No, I don't think I would get on a boat if I was sent to Malaysia."

With the High Court set to hand down its decision today into the lawfulness of the Gillard Government's Malaysia solution, Afghan refugee Habibullah said he would never have made the treacherous boat journey if he knew he would be sent straight back to Malaysia.

More than 330 asylum seekers have been in limbo on Christmas Island since the High Court issued an injunction this month, stopping the Government from sending boat people to Malaysia.

Yesterday, Mr Bowen's office refused to speculate on what plans were in place if the deal with Malaysia was found to be unlawful.

Habibullah, a 28-year-old father of two, was granted asylum last month after spending 15 months in detention on Christmas Island and at the Curtin detention centre.

He is now trying to have his wife and two daughters brought to Australia from Iran, where they have lived illegally for years.

In exchange for $US6000, Habibullah was given a false passport and began a series of flights taking him to Bali, before being taken to the rickety wooden boat off a small beach in the dead of night.

"When we got on the boat it was dark, we couldn't see the boat very clearly," Habibullah said. "The day after the sun rise, we saw the boat was very small, very old."

The former carpet weaver spent two months on Christmas Island before being among the first detainees to be transferred to the refurbished Curtin detention centre last year.

But conditions were far from ideal. He was never taken outside the centre in 13 months at Curtin and grew increasingly frustrated by changes in Government policy.

"One week there was one policy, the next week another policy," Habibullah said.

"They don't process cases in the order they arrived. Everyone gets angry when you are limited to a specific place where you can't go outside, especially when you don't know what will happen to you in the future."

It was only on July 20 that he was finally granted a protection visa, after having his first claim for asylum rejected.

He now lives in a modest house in Girrawheen and plans to continue his English studies, before studying law at university.

Tales from a leaking boat

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 12:26 PM PDT

 

By Soraya Lennie, Aljazeera

Aziz crammed into the cargo hold of a tiny fishing boat as it left the Indonesian port. He and the 17 other men aboard had their sights on Australia. Only four days in, it happened - the engine exploded, blowing acrid smoke into the cabin, choking Aziz and the other terrified passengers. The boat was adrift in the middle of the Indian Ocean, in the middle of an illegal voyage to seek asylum in Australia.

"We sat like this," Aziz says, hugging his knees to his chest. "We couldn't move, we were just [huddled together] shoulder to shoulder."

Finally, the Australian Navy spotted the small boat and three days later the men were at Australia's immigration processing centre on Christmas Island, just 360km south of Jakarta.

"It was very dangerous, very risky, how can you imagine it? It's so hard. You sacrifice your life, you could be a victim and every minute, it's possible you're going to drown in the sea," he adds.

And many do drown. Some die in the middle of the ocean, often days before immigration officials in either Indonesia or Australia notice. The latest incident occurred in December 2010, when a boat smuggling refugees crashed off Christmas Island, resulting in the death of some 48 people. But perhaps the worst tragedy took place almost a decade earlier, in October 2001, when more than 350 people drowned after their boat sunk at sea. Most were from Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran. Many were children, trapped in the sinking hull. Like the Christmas Island disaster, it sparked a bitter political spat as both sides blamed each other's policies for the tragedy.

The Australian government, headed by Prime Minister Julia Gillard, is under pressure to avoid these kinds of disasters. It's also trying to avoid a public backlash against any government perceived as soft on so-called "queue jumpers". In Australia, the issue makes and breaks politicians and wins and loses elections.

Playing politics

The former government of right-wing Prime Minister John Howard knew that best. August 26 will be the tenth anniversary of the "Tampa Affair", in which the Howard government sparked a diplomatic row with Norway when it refused permission for the Norwegian freighter MV Tampa to enter Australian waters. Its crew had rescued more than 400 asylum seekers from a sinking fishing boat heading to Australia. Just two months later, Howard's government famously - and wrongly - accused other asylum seekers of throwing their children overboard to secure Australian naval rescue and subsequent passage to Australia. Only one month later, Howard sailed to victory in the federal election on a platform of border security.

Between 1999 and 2001, Howard reintroduced Temporary Protection Visas and signed the "Pacific Solution", a policy in which asylum seekers were transferred to the tiny Pacific island nation of Nauru for processing. That government's treatment of refugees appalled the United Nations and human rights groups.

Despite the tough policy, the number of people arriving by boat increased sharply after the government introduced these measures. The numbers then plummeted and remained low until 2009. That year, more than 2,849 people arrived, compared to just 161 the previous year.

The opposition said that this spike was because Prime Minister Kevin Rudd scrapped many of Howard's policies in favour of a more humane approach. Some refugee advocates said that the spike in unauthorised arrivals reflected changes in global conflicts. But as Gillard took over, under pressure after an embarrassing and damaging leadership spill, she put a temporary freeze on processing the claims of Sri Lankan and Afghan refugees, pending a review. At the time, she said that the reality that confronted Howard's government confronted her own as well.

On Friday, Australia formally struck a deal with Papua New Guinea under which asylum seekers detected in Australian waters can be sent to PNG's Manus Island. It too was part of Howard's Pacific solution. The deal follows the Gillard government's arrangement with Malaysia. Dubbed the "Malaysian Solution", her government will send 800 asylum seekers to Malaysian transit centres while the immigration department processes the claims.

In return, Malaysia will send 4,000 genuine refugees to Australia. The Gillard government says that the arrangement "demonstrates the resolve of Australia and Malaysia to break the people smugglers' business model, stop them profiting from human misery, and stop people risking their lives at sea".

But Amnesty International is critical. "Although the Australian Government is very close to sending people there (to Malaysia), there are a lot of details to be decided, like who's going to look after unaccompanied minors? It's very worrying," says Dr Graham Thom, Amnesty International's Refugee Coordinator.

Thom says that the proposed scenario is far from ideal. The refugees will be housed in a temporary facility set up by the Australian government. It is significantly different from Malaysia's own detention centres, which Dr Thom describes as horrible and appalling. After a period of up to 45 days, they will be permitted to enter the community to live while their applications are processed.

But Amnesty International is concerned that Malaysian authorities will still arrest the refugees and send them to their own detention centres, where Amnesty says disease, assault and mistreatment are rife. Moreover, Thom says that the proposed people swap undermines Australia's standing at the UN and in the international community.

"We are a convention country, we put up our hand to protect people. So for us to be removing people to a non-convention country is a very serious breach of our international obligations. Secondly, it's even more worrying that country is Malaysia, which has a very poor record," says Thom.

But the deal is stuck in its tracks. At the eleventh hour, the High Court granted a two-week injunction against sending anyone to Malaysia on the grounds that it may not be legal. It began hearing the case on August 22. Lawyer David Manne, Executive Director of the Melbourne-based Refugee and Immigration Legal Centre, filed the injunction. He is representing the first 42 asylum seekers awaiting deportation to Malaysia under the people swap. Among them are six children. Mr Manne argues that Immigration Minister Chris Bowen is the legal guardian of the underage asylum seekers and is therefore legally bound to protect them. He is also arguing that the situation in Malaysia is not satisfactory.

Bowen told Fairfax Media as he announced the arrangement, "I expect protests, I expect legal challenges, I expect resistance." He has received all three. But Bowen contends that the government is well within its rights to send people to a third country and that the government has followed the law to the letter.

Will the 'Malaysian Solution' work?

The new proposal has disappointed refugees who have now settled in Australia. Many of them arrived undocumented by boat and, after having their applications for asylum approved, consider themselves lucky to be permanent residents, if not citizens. Hamood is one of them. He says he would not have travelled unauthorised to Australia if the Malaysia deal were in place as he fled Kuwait. No, he shakes his head resolutely, "I would have gone to a country that I knew would accept me."

His friend, Ghanem, fled instability in Iraq at the same time. He sold his car, begged and borrowed in order to pay a smuggler to get him and his younger brother to safety. After ten hellish, sleepless days at sea, aboard a leaking boat with a smoking engine, they made it. They spent nine months in detention, but are now trying to settle into a new life. He agrees with Hamood - if the Malaysia deal were on the table then, he would never have risked it.

"At the time, we were travelling as refugees. It was not a matter of choice. When we arrived in Malaysia we were told you can go to Australia. We didn't have the opportunity to check up on the country, or the politics, or the living standards. Of course now if you know the government is not accepting refugees, what are you doing to do? Of course people will stop coming, or at least the numbers will reduce." And that's the goal of Gillard's Malaysia deal.

Nasim Gulzari was a shopkeeper in Afghanistan when the Taliban took over his village. He fled in 1999. Through a people smuggler and a fake Pakistani passport, he made it onto a boat and eventually into Australia. It cost him eight thousand dollars for a chance at a new life.

Although he may have arrived illegally (at least according to the Australian governments interpretation of International Law), Gulzari says that the government has the responsibility to protect its borders. He, too, strongly believes the Malaysia deal will work: "The boats will stop certainly, in a couple of months they'll see the results." But like many others, he doesn't think that the Malaysia deal is the most humane approach. "People have to flee. In my opinion, these asylum seekers deserve to be treated properly."

Gulzari, his wife Wazir, and their five children have settled in the Goulburn Valley, in Northern Victoria, and proudly display an Australian flag among family photographs in their lounge room. What they have is what those crossing the sea want.

Others, however, doubt that the "Malaysian Solution" will have the intended effects. Aziz, from Afghanistan, believes that the chance at a better life is worth the risk of Malaysian detention. Will the Malaysian deal work? "Honestly? No, never. Why? Because people are living in very bad situations in their home country. When they reach Christmas Island, the government assesses their health, gives them food, they're safe at least. In Malaysia, no matter how bad it is there, they'd prefer it. Because eventually, they'll be processed. They'll never stop the boats."

He admits that he and Gulzari are queue jumpers, but asks those who have never been in his position, "If your house is on fire, it's not a choice to wait behind people queuing to get out the doors. You'd jump out the window to save your life. Wouldn't you?"


 

Iranian Exiles Flock East, to Multiethnic Malaysia

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 11:54 AM PDT

By John Krich, TIME

Above the outdoor cafés of this city's trendiest suburb, some 60 exiles are busily dubbing Brazilian soap operas, Japanese cartoons and American music videos into Farsi. They work for GEM-TV, a privately owned, Dubai-based bootleg satellite station that beams the modern world into Iran from a broadcast station in Malaysia. This Southeast Asian nation is becoming, in the words of GEM-TV host Abed Randamiz, "famous as a place to jump" from Iran's harshly religious regime. "It's the best of three countries that freely give us visas," Rangamiz says with a shrug. "The others are Turkey and Turkmenistan."

The Iranian influx is small but growing fast. At present, there are about 60,000 Iranians, studying, working or waiting for visas in this relatively easygoing, multiethnic Muslim-majority country. Iranians hold shares in an estimated 2,000 Malaysian businesses and occupy about 15,000 spots in Malaysian universities. Tourist arrivals from Iran jumped 14.3% to 116,000 last year. And, observe new arrivals, words of Persian origin, such as dewan for hall and anggur for grapes, have long been part of the Malay language. Most Iranians in Malaysia bask in the comforts of a life free from ideological pressures and from, in one exile's words, "bribing the police every time you want to have a party." Malaysia has become the base for frequent "Persian Disco Nights" and glitzy concerts by famed singers — one earlier this year included a rallying cry against the current regime — during the Iranian New Year in March.(Read about Malaysia's new journey beyond race.)

But life there isn't without hassles. Many, including Ali Manafi, a radio anchor who recently fled Iran at considerable risk, are exhausted by religious rules. "Spirituality should be personal," he says. "Here there are too many mosques and imams." Few Malaysian mosques welcome Shi'ite Muslims, leaving Iranian Shi'ites to worship at their embassy. Iranian activists have also faced rough treatment for political protests. Five Iranian student leaders were arrested for carrying candles in a memorial for protesters killed in Iran. In 2009, a protest of Iran's recent elections outside the U.N. led to tear gas. However, most activists say they try to stay away from Malaysia's current unrests — though they are quietly pleased that the recent July 9 demonstration, in which 1,400 Malaysians were arrested, took place on the 12th anniversary of one of Iran's largest protests.

Iranians say locals often assume the worst of their community. The highly publicized arrest of 15 Iranian drug smugglers last year — and several others since — hasn't helped. "Iranians are dirty-minded people — they come here to drink and take drugs and wear their shirts open like women," scoffed one Malay cab driver. Indeed, Ali Reza, an Iranian teacher, says he sometimes tells locals he hails from the invented country of "Kerkovia" to avoid discrimination. Of course, prejudice goes both ways. "We bring 2,500 years of culture, but here 100 years ago they were still in the trees with the monkeys," says GEM-TV's Randamiz.

Safineh Motlaq, a photojournalist who explains Malaysian culture to Iranians in a local magazine, Monograil, says mutual understanding will take time. "In Iran, we follow everything about the U.S. and Europe, but Asia is completely unknown. So people tend to isolate themselves here." She, for one, calls Malaysia "the closest I've found to a utopia." Moved by her seven years there, Motlaq published a photo book, A Given Path, about the rituals of Malaysia's three main ethnic communities — Chinese, Indian, Malay — with Marina Mahathir, daughter of Malaysia's former Prime Minister, writing the foreword.(Read about the teargassing incident in Kuala Lumpur.)

Siamak Rezvan, 40, has, like many Iranian professionals, started his own business, Yummy Restaurant, switching the menu from burgers to kebabs. He's working in Malaysia to put his 15-year-old son in an international school. Business is slow and his job applications were turned down because employers favor locals, but he's happy to be in Kuala Lumpur. "This is the place where we can have a normal life without fear," he says. However, Rangamiz, ever the exile, scoffs in his recording booth: "Malaysia my second home? Most of us, we don't even have a first home."

Read about Malaysian Muslims and Christians argue over the word Allah.


Three firms shortlisted for nuclear power PR campaign

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 11:45 AM PDT

By Melissa Chi, The Malaysian Insider

The government is searching for a public relations agency to help build public support for nuclear power, as part of a plan to make the country ready for an alternative energy source by 2013.

The Holmes Report, a New York-based publication that serves the public relations community, reported this week that the Malaysia Nuclear Power Corporation (MNPC), a government body formed in January to spearhead the deployment of nuclear energy, is understood to have shortlisted three firms for the sensitive project.

"It is understood that a formal pitch is yet to take place. A source involved in the process said that fees had not been confirmed, but were expected to be in the seven-figure range," the report said.

The invitation for an international public relations effort to boost support for nuclear energy could spark controversy after the recent row over reports that Putrajaya paid RM58 million to FBC Media to burnish its international image on various international broadcast channels.

British media regulator Office of Communications (Ofcom) is probing programmes made by FBC Media for the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)

It is understood Putrajaya has now ended its contract with FBC Media after an exposé revealed Malaysian leaders routinely appeared in paid-for interviews on global television programmes on CNBC.

The Malaysian Insider understands that the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) terminated FBC Media's contract earlier this month, just months after another public relations firm, APCO Worldwide from the United States, met an ignominious end for alleged links to Israel.

Global broadcasters, including CNN and CNBC, have been scrambling to contain any potential fallout after allegations of impropriety surfaced following the exposé by whistleblower Sarawak Report.

The latest plans to launch a publicity campaign for nuclear power also comes in the midst of public concern about nuclear safety, spurred by the ongoing crisis at the nuclear plant in Fukushima, Japan.

According to briefing notes obtained by the Holmes Report, public relations counsel is being sought to ensure that stakeholders are able to make an informed decision about the proposed plan by that date.

"The bottomline: Malaysia has to be nuclear-ready and get [the] mandate of the public by 2013, when the government will make the final decision and reveal the site," reads the brief, according to the report.

The Holmes Report also said boosting public support for nuclear power to above 50 per cent is a priority, along with managing concerns and issues.

 

READ MORE HERE.

Konspirasi Shafee-JPM dalam kes Anwar Ibrahim

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 01:58 AM PDT

http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/images/uploads/mugshots/muhammad-shafee-abdullah2-april2.jpg

Konspirasi yang terbaru ni sama seperti konspirasi memburukkan Raja Petra Kamarudin beberapa tahun dulu.

By Ahmad Gaza

Salam kawan kawan.

Dalam musim bermaaf-maafan ini, saya nak ceritakan konspirasi peguam Umno tersohor, Shafee Abdullah, dengan penasihat media Jabatan Perdana Menteri, Jalil Hamid, dalam liputan kes liwat Anwar Ibrahim.

Walaupun falsampah politik saya tak selari dengan Anwar Ibrahim, saya sebagai wartawan Malaysia muak dengan konspirasi konspirasi untuk menggunakan media untuk menjatuhkan ahli politik.

Sudah lama dah. Dari zaman Utusan Melayu di ambil alih 1961 sampai sekarang. 50 tahun. Cukuplah Umno dan Umno Baru. Sedarlah sikit.

Konspirasi yang terbaru ni sama seperti konspirasi memburukkan Raja Petra Kamarudin beberapa tahun dulu.

Kira-kira dua minggu yang lalu, Shafee Abdullah dan Jalil Hamid, yang baru ini kena kutuk pasal pelannya  memburukkan Bersih 2.0, telah berjumpa pengarang kanan media tempatan untuk cara-cara meliputi kes liwat Anwar Ibrahim.

Mereka mengutuk pendakwaraya yang tidak membantah ucapan politik Anwar Ibrahim pada permulaan pembelaannya dalam kes liwat aduan Saiful Bukhari Azlan. Yalah, Anwar Ibrahim berucap mengutuk kerajaan dan apa yang dia panggil konspirasi terhadapnya.

Pendakwaraya diam sahaja. Tidak membantah dan membenarkan dia bercakap.

Shafee Abdullah tidak tahan lagi. Walaupun dia tidak ada hak atau kepentingan dalam kes ini kecuali untuk anak guamnya Umno, dia terus memanggil pengarang-pengarang kanan untuk satu mesyuarat.

Dan sebelahnya, penasihat media Perdana Menteri, Jalil Hamid. Dulu orang Bernama, lepas tu Reuters, lepas tu Suruhanjaya Sekuriti. Sekarang bertempat di National Communications Team di Mid Valley. Ini semua maklumat yang dari sumber-sumber sahih seperti A. Kadir Jasin, yang dulu penasihat Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Kira Goebbels Senior dan Goebbels Junior lah.

Dalam mesyuarat yang diadakan di Le Meridien Hotel, Shafee memberitahu dan mengarahkan pengarang-pengarang kanan media tempatan cara-cara dan isu-isu yang patut di utarakan dalam media masing-masing. Yalah, cara nak mencerca dan mengutuk Anwar Ibrahim.

Antara yang dalam mesyuarat itu adalah si penemuramah Raja Petra Kamarudin dari TV3. Yang bergelar Datuk. Yang sekarang ini terjebak dalah kes gangguan seksual. Ini kuasa Allah. You burukkan orang, you kena nanti.

Tapi saya nak tanya. Apa kuasa Shafee Abdullah dalam kes ini. Apa peranan Jalil Hamid dalam kes ini. Mengapa mereka ada kuasa memanggil pengarang-pengarang kanan dan memberitahu mereka apa yang patut di buat dalam liputan kes liwat Anwar Ibrahim.

Read more at: http://ahmatgaza.blogspot.com/2011/08/konspirasi-shafee-jpm-dalam-kes-anwar.html

EXXONMOBIL Scandal Starring Mirzan Mahathir

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 01:32 AM PDT

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjFCNmUvZFSi9c_1f9NL-r6qgQyWbqbrnvqEVO_EI4OQwmy1mWKgqkUlLkErhSYsBUPYzS6NJ-_RiyP4IKVvXTwsuu_RuhpnBn5CMfiQbXuOqJK-bOnhmyu-TqIEMohD9ZdPva-T2wM0h_L/s320/arak+mirzan.jpg

Mahathir Mohamad on the one hand is using Ibrahim Ali to stoke up the Malay sentiments' anti-drinking, anti-everything for his return to power, while on the other using his son Mirzan to buy Esso Malaysia using San Miguel's beer drinking money.

By JO & M.Nathan

I am so utterly disgusted with the BN government for its inability to engage Esso Malaysia for the rakyat. I am further disgusted with the hypocrisy of Mahathir Mohamad on the one hand using Ibrahim Ali to stoke up the Malay sentiments' anti-drinking, anti-everything for his return to power, while on the other using his son Mirzan to buy Esso Malaysia using San Miguel's beer drinking money. Worse still, he is exploiting the tax incentives reserved for us the rakyat, the unimportant Malaysians.

If you remember, Mirzan surfaced as a director of Petron, San Miguel's beer company as the parent. Now he is using his brotherly influence on Muhkriz as the Minister of MITI to get the FIC approval and whatever else needed, for a deal which no decent government would ever allow.

Yesterday, the Domestic Trade Minister Sabri even said Malaysia cannot do anything about it. What a statement. The point is these Ministers are put there to safeguard our interests, not to spend time mixing with singers and artists so that his son Dafi can cut another album or so. Ministers need to protect the welfare of the rakyat especially when 80% of Esso customers are Muslim and do not want to have to change their lifestyle or travel another 25 km to pump petrol at another station that is halal, just to line Mirzan's pocket. For Mirzan everything can, for us unimportant Malaysians everything cannot.

Back to Mahathir, how can we the rakyat even think of allowing this Mahathir-Mirzan-Muhkriz beer for subsidy petrol scandal to occur? In the internet, so many people are complaining that even the minority shareholders are up in arms and considering a class action suit against Exxon-Mobil for the utmost disregard for minority shareholders.

We expect Exxon-Mobil to uphold the highest and most stringent standard of professionalism and integrity, whether it is in the USA or in another third world country such as Malaysia. But obviously our BN government doesnt seem to think that is important. It seems to think that what is good for Mirzan must be good for Muhkriz, and therefore it is good to rip off all of us normal Malaysians, and we must just swallow.

I wonder why the goverment has not hauled up Esso staff Mr Stafford T. Kelly who made several announcements on the manner in which he felt Exxon-Mobil divested San Miguel. The funny thing is, his valuation exercise was done in a highly irregular manner leaving us minority shareholders to question what is actually behind this deal, and who in Exxon-Mobil is benefitting personally from this deal?

First, everyone knows that the assets in Esso Malaysia are part of a listed company and thus require close scrutiny. It is precisely because of this we are shocked that Mr Stafford told the reporters that the decision to sell the Esso assets (at USD280 million valuation for the whole 100%) cheaper than the Mobil equivalent (at USD 400 million) have been sanctioned and approved by the Government of Malaysia tacitly.

One only has to examine whether the sales of the assets are mutually exclusive. Judging from the newspaper report, it is a packaged deal and not mutually exclusive. It is then very curious that the sales of the assets are cross-subsidized using the unlisted ones in Mobil to be subsidized by the listed Esso shares in Malaysia.

This is against the law but Mr Stafford knows the Mahathir children will follow the footsteps of the father to cheat all Malaysians. Since he has taken care of Mirzan (where do you think the difference of USD 400 and 280 million went?) he does not have to worry who he steps on. That is why the Bursa is so quiet even though this is clearly criminal. 

Second, it is obvious Mr Stafford has botched up the entire bidding and valuation exercise when he can announce to the world (and all of Malaysia) that the deal to his preferred partner San Miguel is final even before the Malaysian authorities have a chance to consider the Foreign Investment Committee ruling. Obviously he knows something we don't.

He must know that it will just be Mukhriz telling his puppet Minister Mustapha to sign on the dotted line. Strangely, he is trying to rush something which needs due process, and behaving so arrogantly as if EXXON is more important than the interests of the rakyat under the BN government. If this is the case, I urge all Malaysians to vote them out this PRU-13.

Third, Mr Stafford goes on to say that the tax incentives benefitted from Malaysia for the Esso refinery will be passed to San Miguel (read as pass on to San Mirzan or maybe one or two more of Mahathir's children since he is after all THE ADVISOR to Petronas) simply because he says so - on the reasoning that San Miguel is going to invest some money into rehabilitating the refinery.

Come on, give us a break. We dont need Mirzan to use his ill gotten money as equity and then borrow to the hilt from the local banks and enjoy the subsidy by trying to say as though San Miguel is doing us, the rakyat, a favor. And then use the profits to fund Ibrahim Ali and make the non-Muslims look bad. Shame on you.

Let me remind you that we only have to ask the question in open court - where did the tax benefits given by the Malaysian government to Esso Malaysia finally accrue to? It will become obvious that this will lead to a bigger scandal than BP's Gulf of Mexico burst oil-wells.

No American or French journalists take lightly individuals or corporations who evade tax. Also, Mr Stafford has no feel on whats on the ground as it is not about how much who is going to invest in the refinery as it is an afterthought (not to mention that it has been picked up as an attempt by Exxon to try to openly bribe the authorities as if Malaysia is so starved of Foreign Direct Investment). By jove, this will go to court, and Mahathir and the children after PRU-13 can hide behind a cage as they give their statements.

Fourth, the Foreign Corrupt Practice Act (FCPA) specifically prohibits any employee from concealing information from the tender committee be it in the form of shredding or disposing of evidence which would clearly show that the entire tender exercise was skewed to favor San Miguel. This is evident in the inability of EXXON-MOBIL to explain how a single executive like Mr Stafford was allowed to make such decisions which contravenes not only the laws of good ethical corporate governance, but also the follow up cover up and announcements of trying to justify his pick of the winner by saying that San Miguel will then invest heavily in the refinery. Who cares? A simple check on the phone numbers most called by the San Miguel local team will reveal and clearly show the trail to the EXXON-Mobil nest and of course to Mirzan and his 012345678 special number.

The same fate that bestowed Mubarrak and Gaddafi is awaiting Mahathir. And it would be silly of Mr Stafford to count on that rather than on good clean corporate governance which is what Exxon-Mobil has been built upon. For us simple Malaysians, I think we should stand up and say that if after all these years of benefitting from our subsidy as a foreign company in Malaysia, the least you can do if you want to exit is to do so graciously, and not so bloody arrogantly, not caring for the minority shareholders, and in the process, make a mockery of our government.

I used to be a long-time BN supporter. No more because I can see that this is not a government that will protect the interests of us the rakyat. Even as I read how the Muslim dealers have protested against this, everything is falling on deaf ears.

Esso Malaysia is supposed to be a blue-chip company, not material for a future B-grade movie with San Miguel booze starring Mr Stafford and Mirzan, tax evasion, shredding of evidence amid growing protests and boycotts in a country which is predominantly Muslim. Not to mention all of us minority shareholders will lose from the General Offer since we are getting a far lower valuation and subsidizing Mobil, and amortizing the big bucks which Mirzan wants to extract from us the unimportant Malaysians.

WIKILEAKS: AMBASSADOR'S JANUARY 29 MEETING WITH EDUCATION MINISTER HISHAMMUDDIN

Posted: 30 Aug 2011 01:00 AM PDT

The country's "racial splits are now more pronounced," and Malays still do not feel on par with other races. At times, the Malay youth became overly emotional regarding matters of race and religion, and needed to "release pressure," as they did during the November 2006 UMNO General Assembly (which featured heated racial rhetoric that was broadcast on national television).

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KUALA LUMPUR 000209

SIPDIS

E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/05/2017

TAGS: PREL, PGOV, KISL, KPAO, MY

SUBJECT: AMBASSADOR'S JANUARY 29 MEETING WITH EDUCATION MINISTER HISHAMMUDDIN

 

Classified By: Ambassador Christopher J. LaFleur for reasons 1.4 (b and d).

Summary

1.  (C) Education Minister and UMNO Youth chief Hishammuddin responded favorably to the Ambassador's call to expand dialogue between the Embassy and Muslim Malay youth during their January 29 meeting. 

Hishammuddin described the Malaysian political scene as "volatile" due to the increased racial divide and Malay insecurity over their relative economic status and the role of Islam.  Malay youth would continue to vent their emotions publicly, as they did during the 2006 UMNO General Assembly, but those on the receiving end, whether ethnic Chinese or the U.S. Government, should look beyond the rhetoric to the bigger and longer term picture. 

In any event, the Malaysian Government would never allow anti-U.S. sentiment to get out of hand.  Hishammuddin strongly endorsed the U.S. English language assistant program and hoped that this could be expanded nationwide.  End Summary.

2.  (C) The Ambassador, accompanied by polchief, called on Hishammuddin Tun Hussein, Malaysia's Education Minister and head of the UMNO party's youth wing, on January 29 and explored opportunities for expanded dialogue with the influential UMNO Youth. 

The Ambassador explained our interest in conveying the U.S. perspective on issues of common concern, while acknowledging that U.S. and Muslim Malay views will differ on some important topics, like aspects of Middle East policy.  UMNO constituents and the U.S.-Malaysia relationship would benefit from direct information from the U.S. Embassy, rather than relying on sometimes inaccurate media reports. 

Hishammuddin, accompanied by UMNO Youth Secretary General Abdul Rahman

Datuk Hj. Dahlan and his personal Ministry senior staff, welcomed the Ambassador's call for expanded dialogue.  The Embassy and UMNO Youth would need to determine appropriate topics to address given UMNO Youth's sensitivity and "immaturity," avoiding, for example, the Middle East, but perhaps addressing the subject of Islam in some fashion.

3.  (C) Hishammuddin described the Malaysian political scene as "volatile beneath the surface."  The Minister, assuming a friendly and frank manner, went on to explain, "this is a difficult period for the psyche of the Malays, particularly because there is uncertainty about the role of Islam."  In the context of rapid development, the Malays had doubts about the foundation of their own country. 

The country's "racial splits are now more pronounced," and Malays still do not feel on par with other races.  At times, the Malay youth became overly emotional regarding matters of race and religion, and needed to "release pressure," as they did during the November 2006 UMNO General Assembly (which featured heated racial rhetoric that was broadcast on national television).

Naturally, there would be a reaction to such venting.  In the case of the UMNO General Assembly, it was a shame, Hishammuddin added, that the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA, UMNO's partner in the coalition government) had not been strong enough to manage the reaction. 

As a result, Hishammuddin admitted that UMNO still would not allow him to carry out public activities in ethnic Chinese areas.  The Minister confided that, in the wake of the controversial UMNO General Assembly, Prime Minister Abdullah had acknowledged his decision to allow a live, national television broadcast of the event as his worst decision in 2006.

4.  (C)  Hishammuddin argued that MCA and other non-Malay political partners needed to understand the emotional background behind Malay frustration and look beyond the heated words.  The Malay relationship with the U.S. featured "the same dynamic," and from time to time the U.S. would be the object of emotional public criticism. 

"This will never get out of hand, the government will not allow it," Hishammuddin assured the Ambassador, but the U.S. would need to adopt a long-term view similar to that of UMNO's national coalition partners.

5.  (C) On the subject of Islam, Hishammuddin said, "the moderates don't speak out" and described Prime Minister Abdullah's "Islam Hadari" concept as an attempt to provide a useful platform for moderates.  While most Malays were not extreme in their views of Islam, "if you push us, we have no other choice," and the younger generation will begin to look to "tyrants" like Saddam Hussein as role models.

6.  (U) The Ambassador raised the U.S. English Language Assistant program, now in its second year with some 13 American assistants and one English Teaching Fellow deployed in the state of Terrangganu.  The Education Minister applauded this program and said he would like to expand it into a national effort, coordinated through his office. 

The focus should remain on assistance and training of Malaysian English language teachers.  Hishammuddin said he fully supported increased exchanges between Malaysians and Americans at all levels, and he particularly valued the International Visitor Program.

7.  (C) COMMENT:  Hishammuddin, the son of Malaysia's third Prime Minister, Hussein Onn, has the pedigree as well as the personal standing to be a future prime minister. He is now punching important tickets on the way to that goal by holding down the Education and UMNO Youth jobs.

Hishammuddin is reported to be a strong Abdullah supporter and a key political ally of the Prime Minister's son-in-law and Deputy Youth Chief, Khairy Jamaluddin.  If and how Hishamuddin and Khairy will reconcile their prime ministerial ambitions remains to be seen.

We welcome the opportunity to interact more with UMNO Youth, which continues to brandish the banner of Malay nationalism and remains highly critical of the U.S. We intend to follow-up strongly on the English teaching program.  We welcomed the opportunity to meet with Hishammuddin, who, like his other cabinet colleagues, is not always easy to pin down.

LAFLEUR

 

Muhyiddin rubbishes Anwar’s claim of voter swing to Pakatan

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 09:41 PM PDT

(The Malaysian Insider) - Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin poured cold water on Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's claim today that the prime minister's sliding popularity based on a recent poll signified a voter shift to Pakatan Rakyat (PR).

He also played down the survey from independent pollster Merdeka Center, saying the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government did not take the survey results as "too serious" because the findings depended largely on its sample size.

Merdeka Center yesterday released the results of its survey, which showed a six-point dip in the approval rating of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak; from 65 per cent in May to 59 per cent.

PKR adviser Anwar appeared delighted with the latest rating, saying the indicated drop in support for Najib showed voters were moving towards the opposition PR pact.

"That's not necessarily true," Muhyiddin said, responding to Anwar's remark made earlier today at the Hari Raya Aidilfitri open house of Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim.

Muhyiddin, who is BN deputy president, was quick to highlight that his political rival had his own situation to deal with, though he did not elaborate.

The vocal Anwar, however, appears to have been distracted in the past few months and has been keeping a much lower profile as he turns his attention to his ongoing Sodomy II trial, which is to resume on September 19.

"I think Datuk Seri Anwar has also got his own situation," Muhyiddin said at Najib's open house here on the first day of the Muslim holiday.

"What's important is not the survey, but what we do from now on."

READ MORE HERE

 

Malaysia should change PMs like Japan, says Zaid

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 09:38 PM PDT

(The Malaysian Insider) - Kita president Datuk Zaid Ibrahim has suggested Malaysians try changing prime ministers, even as Malaysia faces slower growth prospects next year.

Japanese Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda was confirmed today as the country's sixth prime minister in five years after he outmanoeuvred rivals at an internal party ballot yesterday.

"Japan still an economic power. Despite changing PM every year. We should try it here," Zaid, the former de facto law minister, said in a tongue-in-cheek post on micro-blogging site Twitter.

This comes after a Merdeka Center poll released yesterday showed that Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak's approval rating has fallen to 59 per cent after steadily sliding from a high of 72 per cent in May last year.

Najib, who came to power in 2009 with a low 34 per cent approval rating, is under pressure to reign in a ballooning budget deficit by slashing subsidies while trying to keep cost of living increases in check.

Rising inflation, which hit a two-year high of 3.5 per cent in July, was cited as the number one worry by 30.3 per cent of those polled by the Merdeka Centre earlier this month.

READ MORE HERE

 

Decide if Mat Sabu is an Islamist or communist, Guan Eng tells critics

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 09:35 PM PDT

(The Malaysian Insider) - Lim Guan Eng has challenged critics of Pakatan Rakyat (PR) colleague Mohamad Sabu to make up their minds over whether the PAS deputy president is an Islamic extremist or a communist.

The DAP secretary-general said that he had been detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA) in 1987 during the Operation Lalang clampdown along with Mohamad, who was then accused of being an Islamic fundamentalist.

"Now, they are saying he is supporting communism. Is there any credibility to these accusations?" he told reporters at the prime minister's Hari Raya open house today.

On Satuday, Umno-owned Utusan Malaysia quoted Mohamad as saying that the communists who attacked the Bukit Kepong police station during the pre-Independence communist insurgency were heroes.

The newspaper accused him of disparaging the country's armed forces and expressing support for communists but Mohamad, popularly known as Mat Sabu, has since denied the report and accused the Malay-language daily of fabricating the quote.

READ MORE HERE

 

Dr M says PAS reveres communists

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 09:31 PM PDT

(The Malaysian Insider) - Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad has accused PAS of idolising communists and disparaging the founding fathers of Malaysia and Umno.

The influential former prime minister told reporters today that recent comments by PAS deputy president Mohamad Sabu "is part of efforts to disparage leaders of old maybe because they are related to Umno and to idolise communists."

"I did not expect this to happen but unfortunately the ones who are pushing this trend is PAS. This trend has continued up to the point where they are idolising communists who killed so many of our security personnel," he said at the prime minister's Hari Raya open house.

Malaysia's longest-serving prime minister said that "there is no reason to say that communists fought for independence. They fought for independence only so they can takeover the country and turn it into a communist country."

"This is not a fight for independence. The ones who fought for independence are Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abduk Razak and others who ensured we are free from the claws of the colonists," he added, referring to Malaysia's first two prime ministers.

He also claimed that "children in schools have been taught that Tunku Abdul Rahman is a traitor to the nation."

Although Dr Mahathir has not always seen eye-to-eye with Malaysia's first prime minister, both have been strident opposers of the communist movement in the country.

On Satuday, Umno-owned Utusan Malaysia quoted Mohamad as saying that the communists who attacked the Bukit Kepong police station during the pre-Independence communist insurgency were heroes.

READ MORE HERE

 

The honeymoon period is the best time

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 07:39 PM PDT

The Malaysian voters are a very generous lot during the honeymoon period (like 1955, 1964, 1974, 1978 and 1982) but will punish the ruling party when there is internal strife (like 1969, 1990 and 1999). So, when Malaya saw independence, when Malaysia was formed, when Malaysia had a new Prime Minister and the Prime Minister was still in his honeymoon period, etc., the ruling party would do well. When the ruling party is facing internal strife or the honeymoon was over, it suffers. 

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

In 1955, during the first municipal elections to be held in Malaya, the Alliance Party won all but one of the 54 seats contested. This was due to the Merdeka euphoria.

In 1957, Malaya gained independence or Merdeka.

In 1959, two years AFTER Merdeka, during the first parliamentary elections to be held in Malaya, the Alliance Party won only 74 of the 104 seats and 52% of the popular votes. The ruling party lost 30 seats whereas two years BEFORE Merdeka it lost only one.

In 1963, Malaysia was formed, and in 1964 the Alliance Party recovered. The ruling party won 89 of the 104 seats contested and almost 59% of the popular votes.

In 1969, the Alliance managed only 95 of the 144 seats. The popular votes also dropped to below 50%. The Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, was forced to resign soon after that.

In 1974, soon after Barisan Nasional was formed, the ruling party won 135 of the 154 seats. The popular votes also increased to almost 61%. But this time it was under a new Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak -- the second Prime Minister of Malaysia.

In 1978, the ruling party won only 130 of the 154 seats contested. The popular votes dropped to almost 57%. This was under the third Prime Minister, Tun Hussein Onn, who had taken over more than a year earlier (he waited too long to hold the election).

In 1982, the ruling party won 132 of the 154 seats and almost 61% of the popular votes. This was also under a new Prime Minister, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad -- the Fourth Prime Minister of Malaysia, who took over only a few months before the elections.

In 1986, the ruling party's performance declined slightly. It won only 148 of the 177 contested and less than 56% of the votes.

In 1990, the election held after the Umno crisis -- that resulted in the split into Umno Baru and Semangat 46 -- the ruling party's performance declined further to 127 of the 180 seats and about 53% of the popular votes.

In 1995, the ruling party recovered and won 162 of the 192 seats and almost 65% of the popular votes, partly because the opposition was in chaos. Semangat 46 closed down soon after that and most of its leaders/members rejoined Umno.

In 1999 (due to another split in Umno and the formation of Parti Keadilan Nasional) the ruling party's performance declined to 148 of the 193 seats and only 56% of the popular votes.

In 2004, the ruling party recovered and won 198 of the 219 seats and more than 64% of the popular votes. This was under a new Prime Minister, Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who took over only a few months before the election.

In 2008, the ruling party won only 140 of the 222 seats and only 52% of the popular votes. Tun Abdullah was forced to resign soon after that.

The Malaysian voters are very a generous lot during the honeymoon period (like 1955, 1964, 1974, 1978 and 1982) but will punish the ruling party when there is internal strife (like 1969, 1990 and 1999). So, when Malaya saw independence, when Malaysia was formed, when Malaysia had a new Prime Minister and the Prime Minister was still in his honeymoon period, etc., the ruling party would do well. When the ruling party is facing internal strife or the honeymoon was over, it suffers.

Najib Tun Razak took over in 2009, more than two years ago. He should have called for a general election while he was still enjoying his honeymoon like what Tun Razak Hussein, Tun Hussein Onn, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi did.

Now, the honeymoon is over. People do not love Najib as much as they did when he first took over as Prime Minister back in 2009. And, as the statistics above have shown, once the honeymoon is over, you no longer get the peoples' support.

Najib would have done better if he had called for the 13th General Election back in 2010. If he waits till 2012 or 2013, he is going to suffer (by then he would have been PM for three or four years respectively). And the longer he waits the worse it will be for him.

For the opposition, it is better that the general election is called later rather than sooner. In fact, if the election is held now, it will be a 50:50 situation. Both the opposition and the ruling party will face an uphill task.

Back in 2010, the opposition would not have performed so well. The ruling party would have been able to regain some ground it lost in 2008. In 2012 or 2013, the opposition will be able to perform better.

So, time is on the side of the opposition and the longer the time, the better. Time is not in Najib's favour and the longer the time, the worse it is for him.

That is what the statistics show and statistics do not lie.

 ** Sabah and Sarawak not part of the Federation yet

 

Malaysians mark independence in shadow of ethnic distrust

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 05:43 PM PDT

By Julia Yeow, M&C

As Malaysians mark the 54th anniversary of their independence, the usual pomp and pageantry comes at a time of increasingly tense ethnic and religious relations.

Malaysia prides itself on its thriving multicultural society and the freedom of religion against the backdrop of a majority-Muslim population, but racial tensions have always simmered under the peaceful surface of this relatively prosperous South-East Asian nation.

Ethnic Malays, who are almost all Muslims, make up about two-thirds of the population, while ethnic Chinese and Indians who are largely Christians, Buddhists and Hindus, constitute a large minority.

A survey conducted by independent polling group Merdeka Center this year revealed that the number of Malaysians who felt that ethnic relations were good had dropped to 66 per cent, from 78 per cent five years ago.

The poll also showed a particularly high level of distrust among Malaysians of different ethnic backgrounds.

'In our view, the survey findings reflect a significant shift in Malaysian public thinking - the optimism of the mid-2000s appears to have given way to increased insecurities and distrust, which is in part due to the current competitive political environment,' the centre said this month after its survey results were announced.

Race and religion have always been sensitive issues here, but interracial clashes in recent years have exacerbated the growing ethnic divide and non-Muslims increasingly complain of having their rights trampled on by a majority-Muslim government.

Last year, the Home Ministry appealed against a High Court decision to allow non-Muslims to use the word Allah to mean God, a ruling that had riled most Muslims.

The case led to at least eight churches being attacked, including one in the capital Kuala Lumpur city which was firebombed.

No casualties were reported in any of the attacks, but many observers noted that the incident brought to light the fragile and tense relationships within multi-religious Malaysia.

Despite Prime Minister Najib Razak's stated commitment to closing the racial divide since he took office in 2009, Malaysia's political, education and economic structures continue to be deeply entrenched along racial and religious lines.

Since its independence from Britain in 1957, Malaysia has been ruled by the National Front, a coalition of 14 race-based parties, all claiming to represent and fight for the cause of specific ethnic groups.

Adding to the constant reminder of ethnic division is the decades-old affirmative action plan, the New Economic Policy, which favours Malays.

The worrying level of ethnic tensions of late has been blamed largely on irresponsible politicians playing the race card.

Government policies on almost every area - from education to economic and electoral reform - continue to be 'articulated from an ethnic framework, rather than seeking to find commonalities,' said Denison Jayasooria, a lead researcher in ethnic studies in the National University of Malaysia.

'This articulation and the attempt to champion ethnic policies has had an impact on contemporary Malaysian society,' Denison said.

A poll conducted by the Merdeka Center in August also revealed that Najib's popularity has suffered, with his approval rating dropping 6 percentage points over a period of three months from May.

While the rising cost of living and continued concerns of a high crime rate were some of the major reasons for the drop, observers noted that Najib's handling of racial and religious issues in recent times may have also contributed to his lagging support.

His '1Malaysia' campaign, which aims to break down racial divisions and create a single, unifying Malaysian identity, has been criticised as hypocritical vote-grabbing after his ruling coalition suffered badly in the 2008 general elections.

'I don't believe in Najib's 1Malaysia. It's just lip service,' said Maria Hasan, an ethnic Malay Muslim journalist.

'The reality on the ground is that there is an increasingly wide racial divide,' she said.

Denison said that while Najib had put in place positive reform policies, he continued to 'remain silent' in addressing racially tinged statements coming from members of his ruling United Malays National Organisation.

But despite the grim outlook for ethnic and religious harmony, Denison said he remains hopeful that the growing number of moderate Malaysians would respond rationally to sensitive situations.

'In the long run, Malaysians will reject extremism of all kinds,' he said.

'The Malaysian spirit ... will draw us towards balance.'

 

WikiLeaks: 463 embassy cables from KL released

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 04:53 PM PDT

UPPERCAISE

WikiLeaks released 463 US diplomatic cables from its embassy in Kuala Lumpur on Friday, together with thousands of others from US embassies around the globe. Among those is a racy account of the sex scene in Hanoi in 2002, interesting for its historical valueas well as its journalistic style of writing ("Relax — the 'Thai' way" is one headline in the report).

The KL cables date back four years from last year, covering the two years before and after the 2008 general election. The breakdown by year: 2010 (21); 2009 (150); 2008 (136); 2007 (101); and 2006 (55).

Some of the more recent ones on Malaysian politics, Raja Petra Kamarudin, the Altantuya Shaariibuu case and the Najib Tun Razak government have been published at Malaysia Today, though an arrangement between Raja Petra and Julian Assange, main person behind WikiLeaks.

The 463 cables give a picture of the US State Department's main concerns. These fall broadly into four categories:

  • politics (assessments of the overall political situation and discussions with various politicians)
  • human rights — religious rights (Islam and relations with other religions); press freedom; women's rights, trafficking in human persons
  • economics and business — the state of the economy; intellectual property rights, free trade agreements, regional trading arrangements
  • security — arms exports; money laundering; nuclear non-proliferation; military co-operation

In addition, Anwar Ibrahim, Raja Petra Kamarudin and other bloggers, received individual attention.

READ MORE HERE

 

Malaysian PM takes a beating over reforms, inflation

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 04:05 PM PDT

Carolyn Hong, The Straits Times 

Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak's approval rating has dipped below 60 per cent, the lowest in a year, as he faces a public restless with the slow pace of reform and struggling with rising inflation.

The survey released yesterday by the independent Merdeka Centre said 59 per cent of those polled said they were satisfied with PM Najib's performance, down from 65 per cent in the last poll in May.

The centre's director, Mr Ibrahim Suffian, described this as a 'significantly reduced' approval rating.

Mr Ibrahim said the drop was due to increased concerns over the rising cost of living, as ordinary Malaysians begin to feel the rise in fuel and electricity prices.

Datuk Seri Najib's office did not respond to a request for comment.

The survey, which polled 1,027 Malaysians around Peninsular Malaysia this month, was conducted about a month after a Bersih rally where tens of thousands defied police orders and marched in the streets to demand electoral reforms.

Other recent controversies included a raid by the Islamic authorities on a church in Petaling Jaya, on suspicion that Muslims were being converted; opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim's ongoing sodomy trial; and claims of discrepancies in the voter roll.

In the survey, only 38 per cent of Chinese Malaysians said they were satisfied with Mr Najib's performance, compared with 69 per cent of Malays and Indians.

"A major part of the perception was shaped by how people feel the economy is performing, but at the same time, unending controversies such as the Christian issues, and poor handling of the Bersih and election reform issues appear to give the public a negative impression about how the government and leaders handle problems," Mr Ibrahim said.

Bersih, which means "clean" in Malay, is a civil society movement pushing for electoral reforms.

Mr Ibrahim said Malaysians may also see Mr Najib's attempts to stay above the political fray as an inability to address problems or to control his team members.

When Mr Najib took office in April 2009, he had an approval rating of just 44 per cent. That was higher than the 34 per cent among those polled a month before on whether they thought he would make a good prime minister.

Thanks to his attempts to bring about economic and government reforms, his approval rating climbed steadily over the next year, reaching 72 per cent in May last year.

Since then, his rating has dropped, after he appeared to backpedal on some of his promises, particularly on rolling back pro-Malay policies.

The six percentage point dip this time came even after Mr Najib made extensive efforts to engage directly with different groups of Malaysians.

Since he became PM, he has gone on numerous walkabouts in various parts of the country, and has personally made pledges to reform the government and economy.

The falling numbers are significant because he is expected to call a general election within the next year.

The survey also found that the percentage of respondents who felt that Malaysia was headed in the right direction had fallen to 51 per cent this month from 54 per cent in May.

Respondents said their top concern remained the economy, followed by social problems and political matters.

The Chinese remain the most pessimistic with only 31 per cent agreeing that the country was headed in the right direction, compared to 39 per cent of the Indians and 64 per cent of the Malays.

The respondents were also asked about the Bersih rally last month, when police used tear gas and water cannon to disperse protesters, and arrested over 1,000 people.

Almost half the respondents said they were dissatisfied with the way the government handled the Bersih rally, while the vast majority agreed with Bersih's proposals for reforms.

These proposals include the use of indelible ink, allowing foreign election observers, greater access for the opposition to the media, and cleaning up the electoral rolls.

 

Sweeping changes to MIC candidates list?

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 03:50 PM PDT

Party sources reveal that several top guns are expected to be dropped as candidates for the next general election.

(Free Malaysia Today) - MIC president G Palanivel is expected to make sweeping changes to the party's candidates list for the next general election, expected to be called within the next 18 months.

Party sources reveal that the new president, who took the helm of the MIC late last year, will drop several top guns and nominate news faces to fill in the vacant slots.

Sources say Palanivel has prepared a list of candidates to contest the nine parliamentary and 19 state assembly seat allocated to MIC under Barisan Nasional's seat sharing system.

This follows a call by Deputy Prime Minister and deputy BN chief Muhyiddin Yassin who recently asked all component parties to prepare their list of candidates for the next general election.

MIC is the third largest BN component party after Umno and MCA. The party's nine parliamentary seats are Tapah, Sungai Siput (both in Perak), Cameron Highlands (Pahang), Teluk Kemang (Negri Sembilan), Kota Raja, Kapar, Subang, Hulu Selangor (Selangor) and Segamat (Johor).

The party suffered its worst general election setback in 2008, retaining only three of the nine parliamentary seats.

Among those who lost their seats were then party chief S Samy Vellu and his former deputy Palanivel. Samy Vellu, the longest-serving MIC president prior to his retirement last year, lost in Sungai Siput while Palanivel lost the Hulu Selangor constituency.

However, the Hulu Selangor parliamentary seat came back to BN through a by-election last year.

For this by-election, the BN top leadership rejected Palanivel as a candidate and named former MIC information chief P Kamalanathan as the candidate. The reason given for Palanivel's rejection was because the ruling coalition wanted a "winnable" candidate.

Palanivel eyeing Cameron Highlands?

Party insiders reveal that the newly crowned MIC chief is now eyeing the Cameron Highlands parliamentary constituency replacing MIC vice-president SK Devamany, who is also deputy minister in the Prime Minister's Department.

"Palanivel intends to contest in Cameron Highlands… he considers it to be a winnable seat," said a party leader.

He said although Palanivel is Selangor MIC chief, he has yet to gather enough grassroots support in the state for him to contest one of the four parliamentary seats allotted to MIC in Selangor.

Another fear is that Palanivel will lose by contesting in Selangor as all the four seats – Subang, Kapar, Kota Raja and Hulu Selangor – are said to be "conquered" by Pakatan Rakyat.

"Palanivel was previously eyeing the Sepang parliamentary seat. However, the idea was dropped after Umno refused to swap the seat with the Kota Raja parliamentary constituency," said the party source.

Out of the nine parliamentary seats, only the Segamat seat looks like a good bet for MIC. Party deputy president and Human Resources Minister Dr S Subramaniam is expected to stay put to contest the seat.

"Based on this, Palanivel needs a safe seat which would ensure a BN win. If he losses and Dr Subramaniam wins, Palanivel would have to vacate the presidency and that would effectively end his political fairytale," said a party insider.

On another front, speculation is rife that M Saravanan, who is a deputy minister and MIC vice-president, will be shifted to the Kapar constituency. Saravanan, the Tapah MP, is also the Federal Territory MIC head.

It is learnt that Perak State Legislative Assembly speaker and state MIC deputy chairman R Ganesan is being groomed to replace Saravanan in the Tapah constituency.

The announcement by the Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement (MCLM) that it will field its candidate in Kapar will turn the largest parliamentary constituency in the country in terms of voters, into a hot seat.

"With MCLM in the fray, the Kapar seat would definitely be too close to call. Fielding a top gun like Saravanan would only brighten BN's chances of winning the seat," said a party insider.

Sources also reveal that incumbent Kapar MP S Manikavasagam of PKR will not contest the seat in the next general election.

READ MORE HERE

 

‘Hardly any reform in MCA’

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 03:45 PM PDT

'In the eyes of many MCA members, Chua is a liability to the party'.

(Free Malaysia Today) - In the second part of this interview, Stanley Koh talks about the relevance of MCA to the Chinese community and on other issues that may have an impact on the election performance of MCA, the second largest BN component party.

Koh is a seasoned observer of MCA politics, having been the party's head of research unit.

FMT: Why does MCA find it so difficult to convince the public that it is still relevant to the Chinese community? Is the rank and file still in a fighting spirit?

Koh: You know, there is a Chinese saying: 'Bu dao Huang He xin bu si'. This is derived from the old Chinese belief that when a person dies, the spirit will have to cross the Yellow River (Huang He), and when the person discovers that the nails on his finger and toes have dropped off, the final reality of death is imminent. This is not the first time that MCA has come so close to political death.

To many observers, Chua seems to be flogging a dead horse. There is also a Chinese saying about trying to save a dead horse as if it is alive.

Politics has never been an exact science. You cannot push Chua into a test tube in order to delineate the shades of his honesty and integrity.

Nevertheless, in the eyes of many MCA members, he is a liability to the party. They are saying in private that he has not lived up to his own pledges but is instead repeating the follies of Ong Ka Ting.

Chua's "humble ant" manifesto promised, for instance, professional management of the party's key assets, including editorial independence at The Star. However, the board of The Star recently chose Fong Chan Onn, a party leader, as its chairman.

Chua once accused Ong Tee Keat of abusing his tenure as president by surrounding himself with "yes men" and rewarding them with cars and chauffeurs. But isn't he doing the same thing?

A party veteran took pains to explain to me that a political leader must think of himself as a public trustee and must carry himself accordingly. In other words, integrity and honesty are essential qualities in party leadership.

When Ong Ka Ting stepped down, there was an almost audible sigh of relief among MCA supporters. There was probably no one who expected another leadership crisis.

To understand MCA's present predicament, we need to step back into the recent past. The result of the 2008 general election turned on the political heat for MCA. It was the worst electoral setback that the party had suffered since it was rocked to the core in 1969. Its then president Ong Ka Ting basically took the blame and stepped down soon after.

There was a changing of the guards, but a leadership crisis soon followed, and this led to the extraordinary party election last year.

The destiny of MCA is now in the hands of Chua who, after being sacked, made an extraordinary political climb to the top despite his sex scandal.

If I may digress a bit, I have described Chua's political comeback as extraordinary. We know the party made possible for him what had seemed impossible. But many members of the public, with the sex scandal in mind, could not understand why the party had chosen him as president.

We also know that Chua's success is not due to his popularity.

Here is the only way I can explain it: there was a quietly orchestrated campaign to save the party, which inadvertently undermined both Ka Ting and Tee Keat. Of course, we can't ignore the fact that Tee Keat's own leadership weaknesses also speeded up his political demise.

Chua is currently facing the litmus test of his leadership. He must steer his party towards an expected early national election. Many are asking the inevitable question: Will MCA survive after the next polls? Only time will tell.

READ MORE HERE

 

Guan Eng advises Pakatan members to ‘zip it’ after row

Posted: 29 Aug 2011 03:39 PM PDT

(The Star) - Penang DAP com­mittee member Zulkifli Mohd Noor, who has suggested that PKR make way in several seats at the next general election, has been told to refrain from making any further comments by his party boss.

DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng, who is also Chief Minister, called this an "advice" while party chairman Karpal Singh has described Zulkifli's statement as "unwarranted".

Lim said all Pakatan Rakyat members in the state should stop making statements in the press against each other, adding that problems should be discussed and resolved internally.

He was asked to comment on statements made by Zulkifli and Penang PKR information chief Johari Kassim.

Zulkifli had suggested that PKR make way for DAP in at least one parliamentary seat and five state seats in Penang for Malay DAP candidates to contest in the next general election.

Johari responded by saying Zulkifli should not make unwise suggestions since he is a senior party member.

 

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net
 

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