Sabtu, 24 September 2011

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

0 ulasan
Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info
Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News


When ‘Hang Tuah’ became ‘Hang Jebat’

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 05:29 PM PDT

The Prime Minister's campaign continued. He silenced the Rulers over the issue of the 1987 ISA detentions; staged a hostile debate on the monarchy in the 1990 Umno general assembly after the loss of Kelantan to PAS; removed the Rulers' immunity to prosecution following the constitutional crisis of 1992-93; stripped away their flights, outriders, and special hospital wards; and in 1994, with little opposition, finally removed the need to obtain the Rulers' assent for State laws.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

The young should emulate Hang Tuah - Melaka CM

(Bernama) -- Youths should emulate the legendary Malay warrior Hang Tuah, who had a superior character and was loyal to king and country, Melaka Chief Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Ali Rustam said last night.

He said that Hang Tuah was indomitable in defending the Melaka Sultanate from external attacks.

"His leadership qualities were pronounced because his knowledge covered religion and the art of silat," Mohd Ali said when opening the Hang Tuah Festival at the Malay Melaka Sultanate Palace Museum at Bandar Hilir here last night.

Also present were Information, Communications and Culture Deputy Minister Datuk Maglin Dennis D'Cruz and Melaka State Assembly Speaker Datuk Othman Muhamad.

Mohd Ali said Hang Tuah used his mastery of several languages to help boost relations between Melaka and other states and territories.

************************************** 

Mahathir vs the Malay Rulers

By HUZIR SULAIMAN, The Star

In the concluding instalment of the three-part series, Ruling the Rulers, our columnist looks at the outcome of Dr Mahathir's 1983 standoff with the Sultans.

BY October 1983, Malaysians were becoming aware that a constitutional crisis was in full swing. The Constitution (Amendment) Bill 1983 had been passed by both houses of Parliament, but the King, under pressure from his fellow rulers, was refusing to give his Royal Assent to it.

The bill would remove the need for the King to assent to legislation, and would similarly do away with the need for Sultans to assent to State laws. It would also take away the King's power to declare an Emergency and give it to the Prime Minister.

The Rulers publicly rejected these amendments after a meeting in Selangor on Nov 20, 1983. When the public became aware that a storm was brewing, Dr Mahathir's administration initiated a propaganda war to put pressure on the Rulers.

There took place a "series of illegal public rallies held by Umno in Alor Star, Bagan Datoh, Seremban, Batu Pahat, Malacca, for the Prime Minister with reports of officially inflated crowd figures?." as Lim Kit Siang would later describe them in the Dewan Rakyat.

These rallies, staged in order to generate sympathy for the Government's cause, were illegal in the sense that police permits were neither sought nor granted.

Whether or not the crowd figures were inflated by the Umno-aligned media – it is true that they generally reported these events in positive terms – it is clear that the 1983 rallies were exciting evenings, with republican sentiments on everyone's minds, if not exactly on their lips. One of the most arresting images in Rais Yatim's Faces in the Corridor of Power is a photograph of two youths at one such rally. They are wearing T-shirts bearing Dr Mahathir's picture and the words "DAULAT RAKYAT".

Although the Prime Minister denied wanting to abolish the monarchy, at these rallies "the historical moment of unfolding Malay nationalism was relived as a continuing battle of Malay popular sovereignty against royal hegemony," as Khoo Boo Teik writes in Paradoxes of Mahathirism.

At a rally in Alor Star on Nov 26, Dr Mahathir declared that "It was the rakyat who had protested against the Malayan Union after the Second World War; it was the rakyat who wanted a democratic system that would enable them to choose their own leaders. It was always the people who had fought for their destiny."

At the largest rally, in Batu Pahat, Dr Mahathir told the crowds, in a thinly veiled dig at hereditary rulers, "We weren't born Ministers ? We're up here because we were chosen by all of you."

The propaganda war continued, with tales of royal extravagance and impropriety emerging. The Government leaked the fact that they were compiling dossiers on the Sultans. RTM announced they were preparing a year-long TV series on the Rulers and the Constitution.

Yet pro-royal rallies took place too – especially in Kelantan and Terengganu, where Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah was rumoured to be responsible for them – and they drew large crowds, although they went unreported by the media.

Upping the ante, the Umno Youth executive council called for the Government to gazette the Constitution (Amendment) Bill without waiting for the King's assent, effectively daring the Rulers to challenge it in court. Dr Mahathir did not immediately adopt this strategy, but held this "nuclear option" in reserve while behind-the-scenes negotiations continued with the Rulers.

Public opinion was divided over the issue. Rural Malays tended to support the Rulers; urban Malays, while not uncritical of Mahathir's strategies and motives, were more ready to accept egalitarian ideas.

As for the Chinese community, R.S. Milne and Diane K. Mauzy note in Malaysian Politics Under Mahathir that "One might have expected that, since the rulers and the Agung were symbols of 'Malayness' the Chinese would feel little loyalty to them. Paradoxically, they were quite pro-royalty, because they did not really trust Malay politicians. Indeed, they viewed the Agung and the rulers as protectors of their vital interests."

There seemed to be no way out of the impasse except by compromise – which is what happened. The Rulers agreed to the Constitutional (Amendment) Bill 1983 on the condition that many of its provisions were modified or repealed immediately with the introduction of the Constitution (Amendment) Bill 1984.

The new bill, passed in January 1984, meant that the King could now only delay a piece of non-money legislation for a month. It then had to be sent back to Parliament with his objections. If the King still opposed it in the form in which Parliament then passed it, he could only delay it for another month before it was gazetted as law.

The King could therefore only delay legislation for up to two months before it became the law of the land.

But this principle was no longer extended to the State level: Sultans still needed to assent to State bills before they became law, which was an important symbolic victory. Most importantly for those who feared Dr Mahathir's supposed plan to concentrate power in his own hands, the bill removed the proposed ability of the Prime Minister to declare an Emergency by himself, and restored it to the King.

Nonetheless, Dr Mahathir saw himself as having won, declaring at a victory rally in Malacca that the feudal system had ended. He had brought his theatrical, confrontational, unapologetically antagonistic style to a high-stakes arena and had, by some accounts at least, triumphed over the Malay Rulers.

He quickly moved to consolidate his gains. Stories had been circulating that the head of the army, Jen Tan Sri Mohd Zain Hashim, was opposed to Mahathir's approach and believed the armed force's loyalty lay with the Rulers. Mohd Zain took early retirement. This was followed by a reorganisation of the army and some 500 other early retirements and dismissals.

When the independent-minded Sultan of Johor took over as Yang di-Pertuan Agong in 1984, some feared (and some hoped) that royal activism would reassert itself.

As Roger Kershaw writes in Monarchy In South-East Asia: Faces of Tradition in Transition, "From the beginning, the Agong had made no secret of his contempt for Mahathir on the grounds of his mixed blood, calling him, to his face, 'Mamak' (a derogatory nickname for those of Indian Muslim ancestry). [?] But Dr Mahathir had proved more than a match for this difficult sovereign. Having got the measure of the King's essential vanity and exhibitionism, he prudently pandered to it, even to the extent of placing a more convenient Royal Malaysian Airforce helicopter at his permanent disposal?."

Through this and other measures, Dr Mahathir maintained good relations with the new King, enlisting him in his 1987 move against the judiciary, the effects of which are still felt today.

The Prime Minister's campaign continued. He silenced the Rulers over the issue of the 1987 ISA detentions; staged a hostile debate on the monarchy in the 1990 Umno general assembly after the loss of Kelantan to PAS; removed the Rulers' immunity to prosecution following the constitutional crisis of 1992-93; stripped away their flights, outriders, and special hospital wards; and in 1994, with little opposition, finally removed the need to obtain the Rulers' assent for State laws.

Looking back, we can see how the bars of the yellow silk cage began to go up in 1983, closing in year after year.

Should we find it surprising, then, that after 25 years the tigers within should want to break free? Can we not understand that the Rulers might want to regain what has been lost?

And here is the hardest question of all: without giving up our democratic ideals, in a cynical and disloyal age, can we find a way to let our Rulers rule?

Huzir Sulaiman writes for theatre, film, television, and newspapers.

 

 

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

0 ulasan
Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info
Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News


WIKILEAKS: ANWAR IBRAHIM PROJECTS OPPOSITION GAINS, DECRIES LACK OF PRESS ACCESS IN JULY 11 ...

Posted: 24 Sep 2011 01:00 AM PDT

Anwar, in this and previous conversations, recognized the pitfalls of appearing overly close to the U.S., and while he called on us to lobby for democratic reform, he was unable to offer practical suggestions for making such a U.S. approach effective. Anwar's comments on Abdullah and Najib are in line with his earlier statements, in particular Anwar's public attacks on Najib. Khalid Ibrahim failed to impress us in this meeting as PKR's new secretary general, though we note he has occupied this position for little over one month. Khalid appeared more comfortable speaking of his business management experience with palm oil plantations rather than opposition politics.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

REF: A. KUALA LUMPUR 950 - ANWAR'S STRUGGLE FOR RELEVANCE

     B. KUALA LUMPUR 905 - ANWAR AT PAS CEREMONY

     C. KUALA LUMPUR 867 - PM AIDE ON ANWAR AND ELECTIONS

     D. KUALA LUMPUR 291 - IMPLICATIONS OF MURDER PROBE

     E. KUALA LUMPUR 153 - ANWAR ATTACKS NAJIB

 

Classified By: Ambassador Christopher J. LaFleur for reasons 1.4 (b and d).

 

Summary

1.  (C) Former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim told the Ambassador during their July 11 discussion that he believed opposition parties could capture some 40 parliament seats or more in the next general election, projecting from results of the April Ijok by-election.  Anwar's People's Justice Party (PKR) lost in Ijok due primarily to the ruling National Coalition's overwhelming advantage of money and state resources, he explained, but PKR nevertheless secured the majority of Chinese votes and almost half of the Malay vote.

The PKR leader decried the unfair electoral playing field, particularly the opposition's lack of access to the government-controlled media.  He praised the work of U.S. democracy NGOs NDI and IRI, along with NED, and hoped other groups, including the Carter Center, would play a role in encouraging reform.  Anwar urged the U.S. and other countries to lobby Prime Minister Abdullah and other senior leaders over issues like press freedom. 

The Ambassador noted that overt U.S. pressure for certain political changes could be counterproductive, a risk Anwar acknowledged.  Anwar criticized current affirmative action policies for Malays as harming Malaysia's competitiveness, but did not spell out a way to sell his alternative to Malay constituents. 

The Ambassador briefed Anwar on the state of play with Free Trade Agreement talks.  Anwar described PM Abdullah as a "dear family friend" and well-meaning, but "completely incompetent."  Nevertheless, Abdullah was preferable to his deputy, Najib Tun Razak, who "cannot be trusted." 

We assess that the increased opposition gains projected by Anwar are not impossible but remain highly unlikely, and the PKR itself is the weakest of the opposition parties.  Anwar's chances for a return to high office are obscure, and his most plausible route back to power - being invited back into UMNO - remains closed for now.  End Summary.

Opposition Could Double Parliament Seats

2.  (C) The Ambassador, joined by DCM and polchief, hosted prominent opposition figure and former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim for lunch at the Residence on July 11, the latest in a continuing series of meetings with senior leaders of Malaysian political parties.  PKR President Wan Azizah (Anwar's wife), PKR Secretary General Khalid Ibrahim, and PKR Treasurer William Leong accompanied Anwar. 

In response to the Ambassador's query, Anwar stated that opposition parties could win 40 parliament seats in the next general election, and hoped that this figure might reach 60 (currently opposition parties hold 20 out of 219 seats in Parliament; PKR holds only one).  Chinese-majority Penang and Sabah with its turbulent political scene represented the states where PKR hoped to make the most gains. 

Anwar based his 40 seat estimate on projections from ethnic voting patterns in the April by-election in Ijok.  PKR lost that contest against the ruling National Front (BN), but nevertheless attracted some 40 percent of the total vote.  Anwar claimed that in Ijok PKR received 60 percent of the Chinese vote, roughly half of the Malay vote, and 15 percent of the Indian votes cast, and he had used these figures as a basis for his national projection.

Ijok Lost to Money Politics

3.  (C) Anwar and Khalid Ibrahim, who stood as PKR's candidate in Ijok, ascribed their loss in the by-election to BN and the leading UMNO party's extensive use of money politics ("one thousand ringgit given to every household") and state resources.  The government also employed harassing tactics, such as police interfering with and sometimes disallowing campaign speeches. 

PKR's dismal showing among Indian voters reflected BN's choice of an ethnic Indian candidate (while Khalid is a Malay) and the inability of PKR to campaign within plantations that are home to many Indians.

Khalid, who is a prominent businessman, former executive of Mahathir's National Capital Agency, and former CEO of a large state-owned plantation holding company, described the Ijok election as a "rough introduction" to politics.

BN Advantage Less Pronounced in Nationwide Election

4.  (C) UMNO's huge advantage in resources and party machinery would be less of a factor in the national election, Anwar noted, as UMNO could not afford to finance hundreds of campaigns at the same level of the Ijok poll.  Also, BN did not have the capacity to direct government officials, particularly the police, to interfere with opposition campaigns simultaneously across the nation, but instead would need to focus such tactics on a few high-priority electoral districts.  He claimed many lower level officials and police were sympathetic to him, and would not take prejudicial action against the opposition without specific direction from senior officials. 

Anwar observed that in practice the government restricted PKR's activities more than those of the Islamist opposition party PAS.  Anwar offered no predictions of the election's timing, while Wan Azizah said PM Abdullah might be waiting until after presentation of the budget in Parliament on September 7.

Anwar Encourages Democracy NGOs, Foreign Election Groups

5.  (C) Anwar praised the democracy strengthening activities undertaken by U.S. NGOs the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, along with funding provided by the National Endowment for Democracy, while noting that such support remained very small relative to funds for neighboring Indonesia. 

The U.S. NGO support for the establishment of "election watch" and "media watch" bodies was very important.  Anwar said he continued to encourage the involvement of the Carter Center and European NGOs, along with bodies from Indonesia and Turkey, in some sort of democracy monitoring activities. At the very least, the foreign group's presence and attention would lead to better understanding of Malaysia's political reality and democratic shortcomings, Anwar offered. 

However, when asked how monitors would obtain the requisite visas, Anwar acknowledged that the government would never accept international election monitors.  Anwar also agreed that too-public U.S. lobbying for better treatment of the opposition could be counterproductive in Malaysia's highly nationalistic environment, one in which politicians could easily whip up public indignation by branding the opposition - as Anwar himself had been - as doing US bidding.  On the other hand, Anwar and the Ambassador agreed, on-going, low-key U.S. democracy programming was making an important contribution to Malaysia's political future.

Seeks U.S. Lobbying on Press Freedom

6.  (C) The Ambassador queried Anwar on the effect of the media on opposition prospects.  Anwar noted, only half in jest, that former PM Mahathir's use the media to attack political opponents was preferable to PM Abdullah's orders to the government-controlled press to ignore the opposition, particularly Anwar himself. 

Anwar continued to address occasional large rallies, and put his views out through the internet press, but he admitted that lack of access to the mainstream media constituted a severe handicap.  During the Ijok election, he noted that he faced a barrage of press attacks on his character, including repeated airing of footage of a jig he performed on a campaign stage with commentary describing this as unbecoming of a Muslim (and juxtaposed with footage of President Bush at an African dance performance to imply that Anwar is in America's pocket).

Anwar urged the U.S. to lobby Prime Minister Abdullah and other senior leaders in a discreet manner to encourage press freedom, among other democratic reforms.

Criticism of Economic Management and NEP

7.  (C) The PKR leaders criticized Malaysia's economic management and doubted the country's growth could keep pace with other Asian economies.  Anwar explained his rejection of the government's long-standing Malay affirmative action programs, referred to as the New Economic Policy (NEP), which he said left Malaysia at a comparative disadvantage in seeking foreign direct investment, generated racial tension and only benefited Malay elites.  Instead, he favored a needs-based approach that would better assist disadvantaged Malays and others, but he did not outline a convincing strategy for selling his views to the Malay voters. 

Khalid Ibrahim, who previously played a key role in implementing NEP objectives, appeared less enthusiastic about opposing Malay affirmative action and somewhat confused as to Anwar's own approach.

Ambassador Briefs on FTA

8.  (C) The Ambassador briefed Anwar on the status of the Free Trade Agreement talks, noting the essential point of reaching a good agreement that would attract U.S. congressional support regardless of fast track trade promotion authority.  Anwar and Khalid expressed disappointment that Malaysia failed to reach an agreement with the U.S., while South Korea had succeeded. 

Anwar Prefers Incompetent Abdullah Over Corrupt Najib

9.  (C) Anwar made a point of describing Prime Minister Abdullah as a "dear family friend" and a well-intentioned politician.  Abdullah, however, was "completely incompetent," and had left the government without leadership, an opinion enthusiastically endorsed by Wan Azizah.   Nevertheless, Abdullah was preferable to his deputy, Najib Tun Razak, who "cannot be trusted" and was thoroughly corrupt.  Anwar expressed dismay at the huge pay-off Najib reportedly received as part of Malaysia's purchase of French submarines.

The PKR leaders referred to the on-going murder trial of Najib advisor Razak Baginda and two policemen as symbolic of the government's lack of integrity and disarray.

Comment

10.  (C) The increased opposition gains projected by Anwar for the next election are not unimaginable but remain highly unlikely.  Even Anwar's high estimate of sixty opposition seats in Parliament would fall short of the key one-third - needed to block any constitutional changes that might be proposed by the UMNO-led coalition - which has always been viewed here as the minimum that the ruling coalition must secure to sustain its grip on power.  It is, in any case, highly unlikely that Abdullah would be so visibly gearing up for early elections if such loses were likely.  Among opposition parties, Anwar's PKR appears to have the worst prospects with its already limited machinery weakened by a spate of defections following its party congress in June.

Moreover, at this moment UMNO appears to be focusing more on Anwar and PKR than on the other opposition elements, with PM son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin calling for voters to "bury" PKR in the polls.  Malaysia's mainstream media, although arguably less constrained under Abdullah than it was under Mahathir, remains subject to government direction, and the general inability of opposition voices to reach the public through the press is a longstanding obstacle only partially alleviated by increasing public access to the - so far - largely un-censored internet.

11.  (C) Anwar, in this and previous conversations, recognized the pitfalls of appearing overly close to the U.S., and while he called on us to lobby for democratic reform, he was unable to offer practical suggestions for making such a U.S. approach effective.  Anwar's comments on Abdullah and Najib are in line with his earlier statements, in particular Anwar's public attacks on Najib.  Khalid Ibrahim failed to impress us in this meeting as PKR's new secretary general, though we note he has occupied this position for little over one month.  Khalid appeared more comfortable speaking of his business management experience with palm oil plantations rather than opposition politics.

12.  (C) Anwar remains one of the most charismatic figures - some would argue the only charismatic figure - in Malaysian politics. Although his ban from political activity (based on his past conviction for misuse of his government position) does not expire until April, 2008, he appears to have shaped for himself a role as the de facto leader of his party which the government appears willing to tolerate.

13.  (C) However, Anwar's chances for a return to high office - which virtually everyone here assumes to be his ultimate objective - remain obscure.  He is unlikely to even get the chance to gain a parliamentary seat as most expect Abdullah to call elections well before Anwar's political ban expires next year.  (Should this be the case, Anwar's backup plan probably entails arranging the resignation of an elected PKR MP after April 2008, forcing a by-election in which Anwar then could run.  This possibility may contribute to the UMNO drive to prevent PKR from gaining any seats.) 

The current disquiet among the Chinese community with the Malay chauvinism expressed by many UMNO leaders could cut into the ruling coalition's totals in that election, but disgruntled Chinese are more likely to turn toward the Chinese opposition party DAP than to Anwar, whom many still remember as a quite chauvinistic Malay leader in his own right when he was in UMNO.  In any event, while few expect the ruling coalition to do as well in the next election as it did in 2004, no objective observer here anticipates the ruling coalition losing control of the parliament.

14.  (C) Anwar's most plausible route back to power remains the one he used to get there in the first place - being invited back into UMNO.  When Abdullah was under attack from Mahathir last year, some perceived a chance of a split between Abdullah and his only obvious successor, Deputy PM Najib, that would lead to one or the other bringing back Anwar, who is thought to retain residual support in the party grass roots.  However, Mahathir's apparent health problems and Najib's oft-rumored connection to the Mongolian murder case currently in the courts have effectively eliminated any near-term challenge to Abdullah's pursuit of a second five-year term. 

Anwar therefore appears to be concentrating his attacks on Najib in hopes he can help bring about the DPM's fall and open up fissures in UMNO middle ranks that will give him other opportunities.  The fact that some UMNO leaders recently proposed a new party regulation, which would deny party membership to former PKR members, suggests that Najib's supporters still see Anwar as a threat that cannot be written off.

LAFLEUR  (July 2007)

 

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

0 ulasan
Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info
Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News


Dr M chews out MCA over quit threat

Posted: 24 Sep 2011 07:21 AM PDT

(The Malaysian Insider) - Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad chided MCA today for lacking the Barisan Nasional (BN) spirit, after the party threatened to quit the coalition if Umno pushes for the implementation of hudud law.

The country's longest-serving prime minister said the Chinese party was handing political foes DAP with ammunition ahead of an expected general election, saying that an MCA exit would fracture BN to the benefit of the opposition.

"We did not say we would or not (implement hudud). We didn't say anything," the former prime minister was quoted saying in a Bernama Online report today.

"There was no call for them to make the statement."

Dr Chua made the threat yesterday following Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin's statement that said Umno was also in support of the hudud law. Gerakan later expressed similar intent.

Muhyiddin later said Dr Chua had made his warning without fully comprehending Umno's stand on hudud.

The Umno deputy president explained that his party has always been clear that it supports hudud in principle, but could not enact the Islamic laws as Malaysia was not ready for them yet.

READ MORE HERE

 

WIKILEAKS: ANWAR IBRAHIM PROJECTS OPPOSITION GAINS, DECRIES LACK OF PRESS ACCESS IN JULY 11 ...

Posted: 24 Sep 2011 01:00 AM PDT

Anwar, in this and previous conversations, recognized the pitfalls of appearing overly close to the U.S., and while he called on us to lobby for democratic reform, he was unable to offer practical suggestions for making such a U.S. approach effective. Anwar's comments on Abdullah and Najib are in line with his earlier statements, in particular Anwar's public attacks on Najib. Khalid Ibrahim failed to impress us in this meeting as PKR's new secretary general, though we note he has occupied this position for little over one month. Khalid appeared more comfortable speaking of his business management experience with palm oil plantations rather than opposition politics.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

REF: A. KUALA LUMPUR 950 - ANWAR'S STRUGGLE FOR RELEVANCE

     B. KUALA LUMPUR 905 - ANWAR AT PAS CEREMONY

     C. KUALA LUMPUR 867 - PM AIDE ON ANWAR AND ELECTIONS

     D. KUALA LUMPUR 291 - IMPLICATIONS OF MURDER PROBE

     E. KUALA LUMPUR 153 - ANWAR ATTACKS NAJIB

 

Classified By: Ambassador Christopher J. LaFleur for reasons 1.4 (b and d).

 

Summary

1.  (C) Former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim told the Ambassador during their July 11 discussion that he believed opposition parties could capture some 40 parliament seats or more in the next general election, projecting from results of the April Ijok by-election.  Anwar's People's Justice Party (PKR) lost in Ijok due primarily to the ruling National Coalition's overwhelming advantage of money and state resources, he explained, but PKR nevertheless secured the majority of Chinese votes and almost half of the Malay vote.

The PKR leader decried the unfair electoral playing field, particularly the opposition's lack of access to the government-controlled media.  He praised the work of U.S. democracy NGOs NDI and IRI, along with NED, and hoped other groups, including the Carter Center, would play a role in encouraging reform.  Anwar urged the U.S. and other countries to lobby Prime Minister Abdullah and other senior leaders over issues like press freedom. 

The Ambassador noted that overt U.S. pressure for certain political changes could be counterproductive, a risk Anwar acknowledged.  Anwar criticized current affirmative action policies for Malays as harming Malaysia's competitiveness, but did not spell out a way to sell his alternative to Malay constituents. 

The Ambassador briefed Anwar on the state of play with Free Trade Agreement talks.  Anwar described PM Abdullah as a "dear family friend" and well-meaning, but "completely incompetent."  Nevertheless, Abdullah was preferable to his deputy, Najib Tun Razak, who "cannot be trusted." 

We assess that the increased opposition gains projected by Anwar are not impossible but remain highly unlikely, and the PKR itself is the weakest of the opposition parties.  Anwar's chances for a return to high office are obscure, and his most plausible route back to power - being invited back into UMNO - remains closed for now.  End Summary.

Opposition Could Double Parliament Seats

2.  (C) The Ambassador, joined by DCM and polchief, hosted prominent opposition figure and former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim for lunch at the Residence on July 11, the latest in a continuing series of meetings with senior leaders of Malaysian political parties.  PKR President Wan Azizah (Anwar's wife), PKR Secretary General Khalid Ibrahim, and PKR Treasurer William Leong accompanied Anwar. 

In response to the Ambassador's query, Anwar stated that opposition parties could win 40 parliament seats in the next general election, and hoped that this figure might reach 60 (currently opposition parties hold 20 out of 219 seats in Parliament; PKR holds only one).  Chinese-majority Penang and Sabah with its turbulent political scene represented the states where PKR hoped to make the most gains. 

Anwar based his 40 seat estimate on projections from ethnic voting patterns in the April by-election in Ijok.  PKR lost that contest against the ruling National Front (BN), but nevertheless attracted some 40 percent of the total vote.  Anwar claimed that in Ijok PKR received 60 percent of the Chinese vote, roughly half of the Malay vote, and 15 percent of the Indian votes cast, and he had used these figures as a basis for his national projection.

Ijok Lost to Money Politics

3.  (C) Anwar and Khalid Ibrahim, who stood as PKR's candidate in Ijok, ascribed their loss in the by-election to BN and the leading UMNO party's extensive use of money politics ("one thousand ringgit given to every household") and state resources.  The government also employed harassing tactics, such as police interfering with and sometimes disallowing campaign speeches. 

PKR's dismal showing among Indian voters reflected BN's choice of an ethnic Indian candidate (while Khalid is a Malay) and the inability of PKR to campaign within plantations that are home to many Indians.

Khalid, who is a prominent businessman, former executive of Mahathir's National Capital Agency, and former CEO of a large state-owned plantation holding company, described the Ijok election as a "rough introduction" to politics.

BN Advantage Less Pronounced in Nationwide Election

4.  (C) UMNO's huge advantage in resources and party machinery would be less of a factor in the national election, Anwar noted, as UMNO could not afford to finance hundreds of campaigns at the same level of the Ijok poll.  Also, BN did not have the capacity to direct government officials, particularly the police, to interfere with opposition campaigns simultaneously across the nation, but instead would need to focus such tactics on a few high-priority electoral districts.  He claimed many lower level officials and police were sympathetic to him, and would not take prejudicial action against the opposition without specific direction from senior officials. 

Anwar observed that in practice the government restricted PKR's activities more than those of the Islamist opposition party PAS.  Anwar offered no predictions of the election's timing, while Wan Azizah said PM Abdullah might be waiting until after presentation of the budget in Parliament on September 7.

Anwar Encourages Democracy NGOs, Foreign Election Groups

5.  (C) Anwar praised the democracy strengthening activities undertaken by U.S. NGOs the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, along with funding provided by the National Endowment for Democracy, while noting that such support remained very small relative to funds for neighboring Indonesia. 

The U.S. NGO support for the establishment of "election watch" and "media watch" bodies was very important.  Anwar said he continued to encourage the involvement of the Carter Center and European NGOs, along with bodies from Indonesia and Turkey, in some sort of democracy monitoring activities. At the very least, the foreign group's presence and attention would lead to better understanding of Malaysia's political reality and democratic shortcomings, Anwar offered. 

However, when asked how monitors would obtain the requisite visas, Anwar acknowledged that the government would never accept international election monitors.  Anwar also agreed that too-public U.S. lobbying for better treatment of the opposition could be counterproductive in Malaysia's highly nationalistic environment, one in which politicians could easily whip up public indignation by branding the opposition - as Anwar himself had been - as doing US bidding.  On the other hand, Anwar and the Ambassador agreed, on-going, low-key U.S. democracy programming was making an important contribution to Malaysia's political future.

Seeks U.S. Lobbying on Press Freedom

6.  (C) The Ambassador queried Anwar on the effect of the media on opposition prospects.  Anwar noted, only half in jest, that former PM Mahathir's use the media to attack political opponents was preferable to PM Abdullah's orders to the government-controlled press to ignore the opposition, particularly Anwar himself. 

Anwar continued to address occasional large rallies, and put his views out through the internet press, but he admitted that lack of access to the mainstream media constituted a severe handicap.  During the Ijok election, he noted that he faced a barrage of press attacks on his character, including repeated airing of footage of a jig he performed on a campaign stage with commentary describing this as unbecoming of a Muslim (and juxtaposed with footage of President Bush at an African dance performance to imply that Anwar is in America's pocket).

Anwar urged the U.S. to lobby Prime Minister Abdullah and other senior leaders in a discreet manner to encourage press freedom, among other democratic reforms.

Criticism of Economic Management and NEP

7.  (C) The PKR leaders criticized Malaysia's economic management and doubted the country's growth could keep pace with other Asian economies.  Anwar explained his rejection of the government's long-standing Malay affirmative action programs, referred to as the New Economic Policy (NEP), which he said left Malaysia at a comparative disadvantage in seeking foreign direct investment, generated racial tension and only benefited Malay elites.  Instead, he favored a needs-based approach that would better assist disadvantaged Malays and others, but he did not outline a convincing strategy for selling his views to the Malay voters. 

Khalid Ibrahim, who previously played a key role in implementing NEP objectives, appeared less enthusiastic about opposing Malay affirmative action and somewhat confused as to Anwar's own approach.

Ambassador Briefs on FTA

8.  (C) The Ambassador briefed Anwar on the status of the Free Trade Agreement talks, noting the essential point of reaching a good agreement that would attract U.S. congressional support regardless of fast track trade promotion authority.  Anwar and Khalid expressed disappointment that Malaysia failed to reach an agreement with the U.S., while South Korea had succeeded. 

Anwar Prefers Incompetent Abdullah Over Corrupt Najib

9.  (C) Anwar made a point of describing Prime Minister Abdullah as a "dear family friend" and a well-intentioned politician.  Abdullah, however, was "completely incompetent," and had left the government without leadership, an opinion enthusiastically endorsed by Wan Azizah.   Nevertheless, Abdullah was preferable to his deputy, Najib Tun Razak, who "cannot be trusted" and was thoroughly corrupt.  Anwar expressed dismay at the huge pay-off Najib reportedly received as part of Malaysia's purchase of French submarines.

The PKR leaders referred to the on-going murder trial of Najib advisor Razak Baginda and two policemen as symbolic of the government's lack of integrity and disarray.

Comment

10.  (C) The increased opposition gains projected by Anwar for the next election are not unimaginable but remain highly unlikely.  Even Anwar's high estimate of sixty opposition seats in Parliament would fall short of the key one-third - needed to block any constitutional changes that might be proposed by the UMNO-led coalition - which has always been viewed here as the minimum that the ruling coalition must secure to sustain its grip on power.  It is, in any case, highly unlikely that Abdullah would be so visibly gearing up for early elections if such loses were likely.  Among opposition parties, Anwar's PKR appears to have the worst prospects with its already limited machinery weakened by a spate of defections following its party congress in June.

Moreover, at this moment UMNO appears to be focusing more on Anwar and PKR than on the other opposition elements, with PM son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin calling for voters to "bury" PKR in the polls.  Malaysia's mainstream media, although arguably less constrained under Abdullah than it was under Mahathir, remains subject to government direction, and the general inability of opposition voices to reach the public through the press is a longstanding obstacle only partially alleviated by increasing public access to the - so far - largely un-censored internet.

11.  (C) Anwar, in this and previous conversations, recognized the pitfalls of appearing overly close to the U.S., and while he called on us to lobby for democratic reform, he was unable to offer practical suggestions for making such a U.S. approach effective.  Anwar's comments on Abdullah and Najib are in line with his earlier statements, in particular Anwar's public attacks on Najib.  Khalid Ibrahim failed to impress us in this meeting as PKR's new secretary general, though we note he has occupied this position for little over one month.  Khalid appeared more comfortable speaking of his business management experience with palm oil plantations rather than opposition politics.

12.  (C) Anwar remains one of the most charismatic figures - some would argue the only charismatic figure - in Malaysian politics. Although his ban from political activity (based on his past conviction for misuse of his government position) does not expire until April, 2008, he appears to have shaped for himself a role as the de facto leader of his party which the government appears willing to tolerate.

13.  (C) However, Anwar's chances for a return to high office - which virtually everyone here assumes to be his ultimate objective - remain obscure.  He is unlikely to even get the chance to gain a parliamentary seat as most expect Abdullah to call elections well before Anwar's political ban expires next year.  (Should this be the case, Anwar's backup plan probably entails arranging the resignation of an elected PKR MP after April 2008, forcing a by-election in which Anwar then could run.  This possibility may contribute to the UMNO drive to prevent PKR from gaining any seats.) 

The current disquiet among the Chinese community with the Malay chauvinism expressed by many UMNO leaders could cut into the ruling coalition's totals in that election, but disgruntled Chinese are more likely to turn toward the Chinese opposition party DAP than to Anwar, whom many still remember as a quite chauvinistic Malay leader in his own right when he was in UMNO.  In any event, while few expect the ruling coalition to do as well in the next election as it did in 2004, no objective observer here anticipates the ruling coalition losing control of the parliament.

14.  (C) Anwar's most plausible route back to power remains the one he used to get there in the first place - being invited back into UMNO.  When Abdullah was under attack from Mahathir last year, some perceived a chance of a split between Abdullah and his only obvious successor, Deputy PM Najib, that would lead to one or the other bringing back Anwar, who is thought to retain residual support in the party grass roots.  However, Mahathir's apparent health problems and Najib's oft-rumored connection to the Mongolian murder case currently in the courts have effectively eliminated any near-term challenge to Abdullah's pursuit of a second five-year term. 

Anwar therefore appears to be concentrating his attacks on Najib in hopes he can help bring about the DPM's fall and open up fissures in UMNO middle ranks that will give him other opportunities.  The fact that some UMNO leaders recently proposed a new party regulation, which would deny party membership to former PKR members, suggests that Najib's supporters still see Anwar as a threat that cannot be written off.

LAFLEUR  (July 2007)

 

The stream runs its course

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 11:50 PM PDT

By Kek Lok Si Temple Management

Two things are bad for the heart: (i) running up hill; and (ii) running down people, so said a philosopher.

To be relevant to the needs of the time and the million odd people who visit the Kek Lok Si Temple and its premises, the Temple had to develop and up-grade its facilities.

The land beside the stream that is called Ayer Itam River is being upgraded to accommodate the traffic congestion during public holidays and Chinese New Year. The queue would at times extend up to the State Mosque (at the junction of Jalan Masjid Negeri and Jalan Air Itam) especially after the completion of the new Penang Hill train. It is also necessary to build a new and bigger pond for the tortoises that were released by worshippers. That was a request by SPCA.

Every year more that a million worshippers and tourists visit the Kek Lok Si Temple. The number is increasing. The basic infrastructures such as the access roads and parking bays are stretched to its limits. The visitors were complaining of long periods of waiting. The residents in Ayer Itam area were complaining of access disturbances.

The management was responding to these genuine complaints. The management wants an efficient use of available land. The proposed upgrading of the facilities will include:

a) 1000 car parking bays and 20 coach parking bays
b) a landscaped garden, lily ponds, rock gardens, tea pavilion while maintaining the rich flora and fauna
c) a bigger and better tortoise pond and fish pond
d) public toilet and visitors resting area

The armchair critics must descend from the ivory towers and face realities. 120 years had lapsed since the Temple was first build. It cannot stagnate and choke itself. A certain amount of debris must be cleared for development to take place. It is not destruction.

The course of the stream was not interrupted. The removal of some vegetation and small boulders adjacent to the stream should not be viewed with a magnifying glass. The management of the Temple is very much alive to environmental needs. There is no destruction as claimed. If the Temple were to cater for all the gossipers, there will be no development.

The Temple was established more than a hundred years ago. It cannot remain in that period. The Temple will become irrelevant if it is not allowed to develop. It needs the facilities for the visitors and the traffic.

A few dissenting voices may surface once in a while but the truth should not be distorted to please the dissenting few.

THE STREAM WILL MAINTAIN ITS COURSE

MACC’S Appeal against Dato’ Ramli Yusuff is sheer buffoonery

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 06:23 PM PDT

DIN MERICAN

On September 23, the MACC Director of Prosecution, Dato Abdul Razak Musa appeared in the KL High Court No. 2 before Judge Dato Hj Ghazali Bin Hj Cha.

You may recall that Dato Abdul Razak is the top notch MACC lawyer who appeared on behalf of A-G Gani Patail, as the Public Prosecutor, who had lodged and lost several appeals against the acquittals granted by various Courts to Dato' Ramli.

This Dato' Musa (above) gained fame on Youtube as the MACC lawyer who tried to strangulate himself in order to demonstrate how Teoh Beng Hock could have died of self-strangulation when he was challenged by Thai Forensic expert, Dr Pornthip Rojanasunand, during the TBH Inquest. After that slapstick comedy in court, the MACC got wiser and engaged the much respected and extremely competent Dato Seri Shafie Abdullah to represent the MACC during the TBH RCI.

The MACC's appeal that Razak Musa appeared for on September 23 is against the acquittal granted by Sessions Judge M Gunalan on  March 2, 2010. However, on this occasion, Razak was a bit more respectful because Dato' Ramli was represented by Dato Seri Shafie Abdullah, his nemesis in the TBH saga.

The MACC's appeal that Razak Musa appeared for this morning is against the acquittal granted by Sessions Judge M Gunalan on 12 March 2010. However, on this occasion, Razak was a bit more respectful because Dato' Ramli was represented by Dato Seri Shafie Abdullah, his nemesis in the TBH saga.

The saying – "once a fool always a fool" is so apt on Razak Musa. In attempting to make a most passionate appeal on behalf of the PP, AG Gani Patail, Razak put on his most pathetic appearance when it became clear that the PP's appeal is a lot of hogwash.

The High Court Judge Dato Ghazali Cha noted that Sessions Judge M Gunalan had written a comprehensive and exhaustive judgment which showed that MACC DPP Kevin Morais had relied on a very questionable statement from a known criminal, self confessed briber, murderer, pimp and everything else that an underworld kingpin can be, called  Moo Sai Chin.

In doing so, Kevin successfully brought down Dato Ramli Yusuff (pictured above with his wife Dato' Anita Haron), at that time one of the top five most senior police officers, who could have been the IGP today.

To observers who have been following Dato Ramli's trial, it is all very clear that IGP Musa Hassan and A-G Gani Patail had used the MACC as a tool in the conspiracy against and persecution of Dato Ramli Yusuff. Yet, there are so many allegations of selective prosecution by the MACC at the behest of A-G Gani Patail.

READ MORE HERE

 

No room for ‘personal views’, Anwar told

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 06:11 PM PDT

Karpal Singh tells the opposition leader that the latter's personal views will be construed as the party's official stand.

(Free Malaysia Today) - DAP national chairman Karpal Singh took a swipe at Pakatan Rakyat supremo Anwar Ibrahim over the latter's "personal view" on the implementation of Islamic law in the PAS-run state of Kelantan.

According to the veteran politician, leaders who held high positions did not have the luxury of expressing personal stands.

"There is no such thing as a personal view when one is in a top political position. When you are a top leader, your views would be construed and perceived as the official party stand," he said.

On Thursday, Anwar, the de facto leader of PKR, which forms the backbone of Pakatan, said he believes that in princple, Islamic law could be implemented in Kelantan.

"Looking at specific areas, there is clear guarantee of an administration of justice and it does not in any way infringe on the rights of non-Muslims," said the opposition leader.

Anwar then added that it was his personal opinion.

In an immediate reaction, DAP stalwart Lim Kit Siang stressed that his party's stand regarding PAS' theocratic aims had been consistent.

"It is not suitable for Malaysia and it is not part of Pakatan's common policies," he noted.

Lim also said that any such change required the agreement of all three Pakatan component parties – PAS, DAP and PKR.

'Out of the blue'

Meanwhile, Karpal admitted that Pakatan was now embroiled in a controversy due to an unwarranted political statement from PAS spiritual adviser Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat regarding the Islamic state agenda.

He hoped that Nik Aziz's statement did not reflect the stand of the PAS leadership and called on its president Abdul Hadi Awang to clarify the matter.

READ MORE HERE

 

When ‘Hang Tuah’ became ‘Hang Jebat’

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 05:29 PM PDT

The Prime Minister's campaign continued. He silenced the Rulers over the issue of the 1987 ISA detentions; staged a hostile debate on the monarchy in the 1990 Umno general assembly after the loss of Kelantan to PAS; removed the Rulers' immunity to prosecution following the constitutional crisis of 1992-93; stripped away their flights, outriders, and special hospital wards; and in 1994, with little opposition, finally removed the need to obtain the Rulers' assent for State laws.

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

The young should emulate Hang Tuah - Melaka CM

(Bernama) -- Youths should emulate the legendary Malay warrior Hang Tuah, who had a superior character and was loyal to king and country, Melaka Chief Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Ali Rustam said last night.

He said that Hang Tuah was indomitable in defending the Melaka Sultanate from external attacks.

"His leadership qualities were pronounced because his knowledge covered religion and the art of silat," Mohd Ali said when opening the Hang Tuah Festival at the Malay Melaka Sultanate Palace Museum at Bandar Hilir here last night.

Also present were Information, Communications and Culture Deputy Minister Datuk Maglin Dennis D'Cruz and Melaka State Assembly Speaker Datuk Othman Muhamad.

Mohd Ali said Hang Tuah used his mastery of several languages to help boost relations between Melaka and other states and territories.

************************************** 

Mahathir vs the Malay Rulers

By HUZIR SULAIMAN, The Star

In the concluding instalment of the three-part series, Ruling the Rulers, our columnist looks at the outcome of Dr Mahathir's 1983 standoff with the Sultans.

BY October 1983, Malaysians were becoming aware that a constitutional crisis was in full swing. The Constitution (Amendment) Bill 1983 had been passed by both houses of Parliament, but the King, under pressure from his fellow rulers, was refusing to give his Royal Assent to it.

The bill would remove the need for the King to assent to legislation, and would similarly do away with the need for Sultans to assent to State laws. It would also take away the King's power to declare an Emergency and give it to the Prime Minister.

The Rulers publicly rejected these amendments after a meeting in Selangor on Nov 20, 1983. When the public became aware that a storm was brewing, Dr Mahathir's administration initiated a propaganda war to put pressure on the Rulers.

There took place a "series of illegal public rallies held by Umno in Alor Star, Bagan Datoh, Seremban, Batu Pahat, Malacca, for the Prime Minister with reports of officially inflated crowd figures?." as Lim Kit Siang would later describe them in the Dewan Rakyat.

These rallies, staged in order to generate sympathy for the Government's cause, were illegal in the sense that police permits were neither sought nor granted.

Whether or not the crowd figures were inflated by the Umno-aligned media – it is true that they generally reported these events in positive terms – it is clear that the 1983 rallies were exciting evenings, with republican sentiments on everyone's minds, if not exactly on their lips. One of the most arresting images in Rais Yatim's Faces in the Corridor of Power is a photograph of two youths at one such rally. They are wearing T-shirts bearing Dr Mahathir's picture and the words "DAULAT RAKYAT".

Although the Prime Minister denied wanting to abolish the monarchy, at these rallies "the historical moment of unfolding Malay nationalism was relived as a continuing battle of Malay popular sovereignty against royal hegemony," as Khoo Boo Teik writes in Paradoxes of Mahathirism.

At a rally in Alor Star on Nov 26, Dr Mahathir declared that "It was the rakyat who had protested against the Malayan Union after the Second World War; it was the rakyat who wanted a democratic system that would enable them to choose their own leaders. It was always the people who had fought for their destiny."

At the largest rally, in Batu Pahat, Dr Mahathir told the crowds, in a thinly veiled dig at hereditary rulers, "We weren't born Ministers ? We're up here because we were chosen by all of you."

The propaganda war continued, with tales of royal extravagance and impropriety emerging. The Government leaked the fact that they were compiling dossiers on the Sultans. RTM announced they were preparing a year-long TV series on the Rulers and the Constitution.

Yet pro-royal rallies took place too – especially in Kelantan and Terengganu, where Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah was rumoured to be responsible for them – and they drew large crowds, although they went unreported by the media.

Upping the ante, the Umno Youth executive council called for the Government to gazette the Constitution (Amendment) Bill without waiting for the King's assent, effectively daring the Rulers to challenge it in court. Dr Mahathir did not immediately adopt this strategy, but held this "nuclear option" in reserve while behind-the-scenes negotiations continued with the Rulers.

Public opinion was divided over the issue. Rural Malays tended to support the Rulers; urban Malays, while not uncritical of Mahathir's strategies and motives, were more ready to accept egalitarian ideas.

As for the Chinese community, R.S. Milne and Diane K. Mauzy note in Malaysian Politics Under Mahathir that "One might have expected that, since the rulers and the Agung were symbols of 'Malayness' the Chinese would feel little loyalty to them. Paradoxically, they were quite pro-royalty, because they did not really trust Malay politicians. Indeed, they viewed the Agung and the rulers as protectors of their vital interests."

There seemed to be no way out of the impasse except by compromise – which is what happened. The Rulers agreed to the Constitutional (Amendment) Bill 1983 on the condition that many of its provisions were modified or repealed immediately with the introduction of the Constitution (Amendment) Bill 1984.

The new bill, passed in January 1984, meant that the King could now only delay a piece of non-money legislation for a month. It then had to be sent back to Parliament with his objections. If the King still opposed it in the form in which Parliament then passed it, he could only delay it for another month before it was gazetted as law.

The King could therefore only delay legislation for up to two months before it became the law of the land.

But this principle was no longer extended to the State level: Sultans still needed to assent to State bills before they became law, which was an important symbolic victory. Most importantly for those who feared Dr Mahathir's supposed plan to concentrate power in his own hands, the bill removed the proposed ability of the Prime Minister to declare an Emergency by himself, and restored it to the King.

Nonetheless, Dr Mahathir saw himself as having won, declaring at a victory rally in Malacca that the feudal system had ended. He had brought his theatrical, confrontational, unapologetically antagonistic style to a high-stakes arena and had, by some accounts at least, triumphed over the Malay Rulers.

He quickly moved to consolidate his gains. Stories had been circulating that the head of the army, Jen Tan Sri Mohd Zain Hashim, was opposed to Mahathir's approach and believed the armed force's loyalty lay with the Rulers. Mohd Zain took early retirement. This was followed by a reorganisation of the army and some 500 other early retirements and dismissals.

When the independent-minded Sultan of Johor took over as Yang di-Pertuan Agong in 1984, some feared (and some hoped) that royal activism would reassert itself.

As Roger Kershaw writes in Monarchy In South-East Asia: Faces of Tradition in Transition, "From the beginning, the Agong had made no secret of his contempt for Mahathir on the grounds of his mixed blood, calling him, to his face, 'Mamak' (a derogatory nickname for those of Indian Muslim ancestry). [?] But Dr Mahathir had proved more than a match for this difficult sovereign. Having got the measure of the King's essential vanity and exhibitionism, he prudently pandered to it, even to the extent of placing a more convenient Royal Malaysian Airforce helicopter at his permanent disposal?."

Through this and other measures, Dr Mahathir maintained good relations with the new King, enlisting him in his 1987 move against the judiciary, the effects of which are still felt today.

The Prime Minister's campaign continued. He silenced the Rulers over the issue of the 1987 ISA detentions; staged a hostile debate on the monarchy in the 1990 Umno general assembly after the loss of Kelantan to PAS; removed the Rulers' immunity to prosecution following the constitutional crisis of 1992-93; stripped away their flights, outriders, and special hospital wards; and in 1994, with little opposition, finally removed the need to obtain the Rulers' assent for State laws.

Looking back, we can see how the bars of the yellow silk cage began to go up in 1983, closing in year after year.

Should we find it surprising, then, that after 25 years the tigers within should want to break free? Can we not understand that the Rulers might want to regain what has been lost?

And here is the hardest question of all: without giving up our democratic ideals, in a cynical and disloyal age, can we find a way to let our Rulers rule?

Huzir Sulaiman writes for theatre, film, television, and newspapers.

 

 

Dr M - PAS' Hudud is sheer propaganda

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 04:54 PM PDT

THE MOLE

PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat's sudden revived interest in wanting to implement Hudud and pursue the setting up of an Islamic state is a political propaganda to win back dwindling Muslim support.

Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad told The Mole that PAS was actually in a dilemma following the party's decision to drop their quest to set up an Islamic state and implement Hudud.

"This is the problem with PAS, they are never very consistent. When they see that dropping (the struggle for an) Islamic state and Hudud makes them very unpopular now they want to come back and say that they want to implement (Islamic state and Hudud).

"But they know very well that they cannot implement simply because they are afraid they will not get the support of Karpal Singh and the DAP. … So what they are saying now is just propaganda to win back Muslim votes.

"PAS is in a dilemma. On one hand they want the non-Muslim support on the other hand they are afraid they would lose the Muslim support," the former Prime Minister and Umno president said when met at the National Mosque on Friday.

Nik Aziz who is also Kelantan Mentri Besar rekindled PAS' aspiration to implement the party's version of Hudud a few days ago and insisted that the party has never dropped its struggle for an Islamic state.

During PAS' 57th muktamar in early June, the party dropped their long-standing quest for an Islamic state and adopted the welfare state concept.

Party president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang made the 'Welfare State' announcement at the end of the muktamar, much to the chagrin of PAS' own members and supporters. 

But Nik Aziz revived the Hudud issue again when he recently accused Dr Mahathir of singlehandedly preventing PAS from implementing Hudud in Kelantan when the latter was Prime Minister.

Nik Aziz said the high number of HIV/AIDS cases in Kelantan could have been prevented had PAS been allowed to implement the Hudud laws.

READ MORE HERE

 

Nik Aziz's wily hudud agenda

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 04:41 PM PDT

Karpal might be thinking that he was dealing with more oddities: in response to Anwar, Karpal was "somewhat taken aback" with the stand of his client in the sodomy trial but avowed that Anwar's stance was "personal and it does not reflect the stand of the PKR". Karpal is correct on his prognosis of Anwar, who is in it for his self-preservation simply because his trial on charges of sodomising a young male aide would have been a non-starter if hudud laws were applied.

New Straits Times Editorial

PAS, or at least its feisty spiritual leader Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, wants to desperately reinstitute its Islamic state and hudud agenda barely three months after it shelved its most cherished dream to make way for a tenuous but politically expedient welfare/benevolent state.

You have to ask why Nik Aziz, who is also the Kelantan menteri besar, would risk resuming a feud with the DAP. Wasn't it Pas which rebranded itself when it surprisingly forged the "welfare/benevolent" state policy while electing that non-ulama political jester Mohamad Sabu as the party's new deputy president.

It could not be a coincidence. The shelving of the Islamic state goal was embraced by Pas' Pakatan partners, the DAP and PKR.

Even the feistier former PM Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad wryly remarked that DAP's Karpal Singh emerged the true winner after rebuffing the Pas ideal for years.

That was that but suddenly, the nation was riveted by the controversy that Mat Sabu outrageously ignited: he re-classified the Communist terrorists who massacred the 25 Malay police officers and their families in Bukit Kepong decades ago as "freedom fighters" on the basis that the dead were "British" officers.

Even Karpal and his senior DAP colleague Tunku Abdul Aziz, for their entire critical stance against the BN government, could not so stomach Mat Sabu's historical revisionism that they categorically made their feelings known in the mainstream media.

A month of intense debates later came Nik Aziz's startling pronouncement: initially Pas was to discuss with PKR and DAP on the idea of forming an Islamic state, but this was quickly upgraded into total dismissal of anything the DAP might have to object.

Karpal steadfastly rejected Pas' Islamic state pursuit as unconstitutional and impossible to implement. Kedah Pas wasn't enthusiastic while religious maverick, Dr Asri Zainul Abidin, articulated that hudud laws were unsuitable because the time was not conducive.

Sensing an opportunity, PKR de facto leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim backed Nik Aziz's declaration while asserting that in principle, Islamic law could be implemented without infringing non-Muslim rights.

Karpal might be thinking that he was dealing with more oddities: in response to Anwar, Karpal was "somewhat taken aback" with the stand of his client in the sodomy trial but avowed that Anwar's stance was "personal and it does not reflect the stand of the PKR".

Karpal is correct on his prognosis of Anwar, who is in it for his self-preservation simply because his trial on charges of sodomising a young male aide would have been a non-starter if hudud laws were applied.

The strict demand that FOUR morally-upright witnesses be produced as opposed to the alleged victim's testimony supported by DNA evidence was Anwar's natural defence. In the meantime, it didn't take long before Pas' (or Nik Aziz's) true form re-emerged. That hardcore essence of pursuing the Islamic state and execution of hudud laws is in their DNA. It is like instructing a scorpion not to sting.

It is obvious that Nik Aziz loathed the "welfare/benevolent" concept to begin with when the party chartered that vision to appease its political partners on the thought that it could swing voters should a snap general election they cavort be called.

But force of habit compelled the wily old guard to revert his position, thus triggering the old feud with Karpal and his secular soul mates.

But what does this lead to? The return to the old political bread and butter issues are understandable but eventually problematic because it still clashes with the Federal Constitution besides the bad blood with the DAP.

Pas is fond of accusing Dr Mahathir as the influential individual who barred the formation of an Islamic state in Kelantan but that's convenient scapegoating and cannot be a long-term plan.

The government, from the time of the founding fathers right to Dr Mahathir's era and now to the Najib administration has found it fit to retain Malaysia's moderateness while installing sensible Islamisation policies, a framework secularists have accommodated all these years.

Here are possible scenarios for Nik Aziz's abrupt reversal:

- Could it be that Mat Sabu's blighted history lesson was to distract detractors from his personal peccadillos; and,

- Because of Mat Sabu's indiscretion, Nik Aziz's born-again declaration was to avert a simmering electoral fall-out.

In Nik Aziz's supposition: better to reconvene the feud with the DAP on the Islamic state quandary rather than get kicked in the rear by voters, especially former soldiers who valiantly fought the terrorists, on Mat Sabu's poorly-judged departure from conventional wisdom that was a closure for the nation a long time ago.


Karpal wants emergency top-level meet

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 04:29 PM PDT

The DAP leaders wants the Pakatan top leadership to hold an emergency meeting as soon as possible on PAS' Islamic state agenda.

(Free Malaysia Today) - DAP has called on Pakatan Rakyat to hold an emergency top leadership meeting to once and for all trash out the controversial PAS' Islamic state agenda.

Declaring that DAP would always oppose the establishment of an Islamic state, its national chairman Karpal Singh called on the Pakatan secretariat to immediately arrange for the meeting.

He said any delay to address the contentious matter would severely erode public confidence, especially among non-Muslims, on Pakatan.

He acknowledged that the controversial issue was of fundamental importance to Pakatan's chances of capturing the federal government.

"Public perception and confidence on Pakatan would be badly affected. Pakatan must quickly address and resolve such an important fundamental issue of governance. An emergency meeting must be held immediately to publicly clarify Pakatan's stand on the issue.

"The controversy must end once and for all," he told reporters during his Bukit Gelugor parliamentary constituency visit here today.

The Islamic state issue cropped out this week when Kelantan Menteri Besar and PAS adviser Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat declared the PAS state government's intention to implement hudud laws in the east-coast state.

He also said that PAS had not abandoned its goal to set up an Islamic state.

Karpal, a lawyer by profession, said the Islamic state could never be implemented in any part of Malaysia because the Federal Constitution did not allow it.

He said state constitutions and laws could never contravene provisions under the Federal Constitution, which advocated a secular state.

He insisted that those who drafted the Federal Constitution in 1957 ensured that the country remained secular to safeguard the interests and rights of a multiracial society.

He recalled that a five-man Supreme Court bench led bythen Lord President Mohamed Salleh Abas, declared that the country was a secular state in a landmark decision on a case in 1988.

He said former prime ministers Tunku Abdul Rahman and Hussein Onn also declared the country as secular.

Even though another former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad claimed that Malaysia was an Islamic state, Karpal stressed that it was more of a "political than legal statement."

'No such thing as personal view'

As if adding spice to the controversy, PKR supremo and Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim expressed support for Nik Aziz. But the Permatang Pauh parliamentarian was quick to clarify that it was his personal stand.

However, Karpal felt otherwise. "There is no such thing as a personal view when one is in a top political position," he said.

"When you are a top leader, your views would be construed and perceived as the official party stand," he added.

READ MORE HERE

 

Chua should know Umno's stand on hudud: Muhyiddin

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 04:01 PM PDT

(Bernama) -- Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin said MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek and party leaders should have known Umno's stand on hudud law and should not be make it an issue.

The Deputy Prime Minister said Umno's stand remained the same and it should not have been raised by Barisan Nasional (BN) component parties as it was different than PAS.

"The issue mentioned by Chua does not arise. Don't create suspicion in the minds of the Chinese community and others including the Muslim community about the matter.

"The stand we take is not new but that was taken by our past leadership," he said when commenting Chua's tweet today that MCA would leave BN if Umno implements hudud law.

Muhyiddin said this to reporters after Friday prayers during his working visit to Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) campus here today.

Asked whether Chua's action was seen as a threat, he said the matter should not arise as the stand taken by Umno leaders was clear.

"I don't know whether Chua forgot about our (Umno) stand. It is not the same with PAS as we have our view. I believe Chua did not understand the real situation."

He said Umno had never rejected hudud law as it is part of Islamic law but is unsuitable for implementation now.

"Scholars can explain why we can't implement hudud law and this stand is not taken by Malaysia but also many other countries," he added.

Asked about the statement by PAS spiritual leader Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat that he was not concerned if DAP left the opposition for disagreeing with formation of an Islamic state and implementation of hudud in Kelantan, he said, "that's his problem."

He said since time immemorial, PAS and DAP did not agree on many things even although they are in the opposition coalition.

"It is not a real partnership. They may be sleeping on the same pillow but they have different dreams. They are heading for an imminent split.

"With election just around the corner, the issues are getting clearer. The people can judge between our firm stand and their (opposition) different views.

 

MCMC Censorship of ‘Undilah’ Video Absurd, Against the Spirit of Democracy

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 03:47 PM PDT

By Masjaliza Hamzah via Malaysian Digest

Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ) is shocked to learn that the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC) has issued a directive to broadcasters not to air a video promoting voting for the upcoming general election. MCMC's 'ban' of the Undilah project's public service announcement urging the rakyat to vote is absurd and against the spirit of democracy.

Media reports on 23 Sept 2011, quoting unnamed sources, said the MCMC letter to broadcast giants Media Prima and Astro cited two reasons behind the 'ban': BN MP Tengku Razaleigh's admission that Malaysia was facing problems and the appearance of Opposition politicians.

Apart from Pakatan Rakyat's Nurul Izzah Anwar, Tony Pua, Khalid Samad and Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, the hip promo also featured two deputy ministers, celebrities such as Daphne Iking, and famous Malaysians Tony Fernandes and Lee Chong Wei rapping to a tune led by Namewee and Afdlin Shauki.

The 'ban' came just days after Prime Minister Najib Razak, in his Malaysia Day message, announced a set of reforms affecting civil liberties, and promised Malaysia was on the path towards being the world's best parliamentary democracy.

This latest case of censorship highlights the powers given to the MCMC to police broadcast and online content under the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998 (CMA), which governs the multimedia and communications industry.

Given the politically-motivated nature of this directive from MCMC, CIJ wishes to highlight a few ironies in the composition and function of this "independent" commission which is under the direction of the Information, Communications and Culture Minister:

- under Section 71 and 72 of the CMA, reports of investigations are given to the Minister who may direct the Commission to publish what it deems to be of national interest;

READ MORE HERE.


Pakatan asks if all TV content needs censorship board nod

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 03:38 PM PDT

By Clara Chooi, The Malaysian Insider

KUALA LUMPUR, Sept 24 — Opposition lawmakers today heaped suspicion on the reason that "Undilah" was pulled off the air and questioned if it is common practice for all such clips to be first vetted by the Film Censorship Board (FCB).

Expressing doubt over the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission's (MCMC) explanation that "Undilah" has yet to receive the board's approval, Petaling Jaya Utara MP Tony Pua (picture) asked if all content aired on television was subjected to such strict controls.

"I am sure there's plenty of content that does not need approval from the board first... like news programmes, live telecast, talk shows... not everything requires such approval, so where is the line drawn?" he said when contacted.

The DAP national publicity secretary, who is also featured in the 4.38-minute clip urging Malaysians to vote, agreed with MCA Youth chief Datuk Dr Wee Ka Siong's statement defending the clip this morning, saying it was merely an "innocent music video".

He said the MCMC, an independent regulatory body that reports to the Information, Communication and Culture Ministry, should instead focus on protecting consumers of telecommunications and multimedia companies such as the recent plan to charge service tax to prepaid mobile users.

"They should not be harping on petty, irrelevant things like simple music videos urging Malaysians to vote," he said.

PKR vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar went a step further and demanded the commission rescind the ban and instead help to promote the video to Malaysians.

"I urge MCMC to reverse its order and promote the video as a step to strengthen democratic practices in our beloved country," she said in a statement.

The Lembah Pantai MP, who is also seen in the video, pointed out that the ban had come at a time when Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak had pledged to increase civil liberties by announcing reforms meant to provide more freedom to Malaysians.

"This PSA (public service announcement), in which I and numerous other Malaysian public figures participated, is a non-partisan rallying call for all Malaysians to stand up, register as voters, and let our voices be heard through the democratic process of voting in elections.

 

READ MORE HERE.

MCMC: ‘Undilah’ block nothing to do with contents

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 03:30 PM PDT

By Clara Chooi, The Malaysian Insider

CYBERJAYA, Sept 24 — The Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC) claimed today that its decision to temporarily pull the "Undilah" video off the air was a routine measure that had nothing to do with the contents of the clip.

In a statement to national news agency Bernama today, the regulatory body said it was "normal practice" to stop the broadcast of such public service announcements (PSA) as it was yet to earn approval from the Film Censorship Board.

The commission said its decision was in accordance with "routine monitoring and enforcement activities" allowed under the Communications and Multimedia Act 1998.

"In relation to that, it has become common practice for the MCMC to order the retraction of contents yet to receive approval from the Film Censorship Board.

"In the case of the PSA produced by musician Pete Teo, as a result of a routine compliance monitoring exercise made by MCMC, it was found that approval had yet to be obtained from the board for the said PSA.

"As such, the PSA should not have been aired on television till approval is obtained," MCMC said in the statement.

Without the approval, the commission said Teo's 4.38-minute music video clip promoting the right to vote could not be aired on TV.

Pursuant to the 1998 Act, it added, all broadcasters must pull the video off the air immediately.

"This directive is about the compliance of broadcasters rather than the contents of the PSA," the commission said.

 

READ MORE HERE.

Top Catholic bishop tells non-Muslims to support hudud in Kelantan

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 02:13 PM PDT

(Harakah Daily) - A top Catholic bishop has thrown his support for the implementation of the Islamic criminal laws stipulating deterrent punishment on serious crimes, or hudud, in Kelantan, provided non-Muslims were given "a cast-iron guarantee that it will not be implemented on us".

In comments on the issue sparked by former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad's challenge to Kelantan Menteri Besar Tuan Guru Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, Dr Paul Tan Chee Ing, president of the Catholic Bishops' Conference of Malaysia, said it was wise for non-Muslims not to oppose such laws among Muslims "if they so desire".

"I say it's time to allow Muslims in Kelantan, if they so desire, to implement shariah only for them and with that the hudud enactments provided non-Muslims are exempt from its implementation," online news portal Malaysiakini quoted Dr Paul, also the titular head of Catholics in the Melaka-Johor diocese, as saying.

His comments come in the wake of a statement by Mahathir that Nik Aziz should implement hudud in Kelantan now that the former was no longer the prime minister who had once sent a letter warning the PAS-led state against any attempt to introduce the Islamic laws.

In response, Nik Aziz said a prime ministerial decree would not expire with Mahathir's resignation, and called on the current PM Najib Razak to revoke the Federal government's earlier stance on the issue.

'Extraordinary man'

Giving his views, Dr Paul said the issue had to do with the debate between two different Islamic schools of theology, the 'rationalists' or Mu'tazilites, and the 'traditionalists', or Ash'arites.

"I don't know if that extraordinary man, the Kelantan menteri besar (Nik Aziz Nik Mat), is a Mutazilite or an Asharite. Sometimes he sounds like a Mu'tazilite, sometimes like an Ash'arite," said Dr Paul, who added that such an ambiguity was "a good thing".

"It shows he is not dogmatic. I say let him and all who hold with him have their way so long as non-Muslims have iron-clad guarantees of their exemption. I am in favour of Kelantan Muslims having hudud implemented for them only," the portal quoted him.

Prior to this, Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim (left) said he was personally in favour of hudud laws being introduced in Kelantan as it would ensure justice.

Earlier, the issue, regarded as highly contentious and which in the past created rifts between DAP and PAS, has instead laid bare cracks between MCA and UMNO.

MCA president Chua Soi Lek said the Chinese-based party would leave the Barisan Nasional coalition if UMNO supported hudud laws. This was in response to UMNO deputy president Muhyiddin Yasin's cautioned comments on Kelantan's long-fought battle with the Federal government over hudud, saying he was obligated as a Muslim to support hudud but differed on the timing of its implementation.

 

Top 10 Reasons why Hudud is good

Posted: 23 Sep 2011 12:59 PM PDT

By John Doe

So much talk about the Hudud. Why question Allah? Any good Muslim would know, and should know what the Quran says. Here is my top ten list. And who says that the Hudud does not affect non-Muslims? Tell those who say that to shut up and cower in shame for their ignorance !!

You want progress? Then follow the words of Allah to the "T". Otherwise, leave Islam. There is NO VERSE in the Quran which prescribes stoning in Islam for Apostasy. Again, have ANYONE show you a single verse in the Quran which prescribes "Death by Stoning" from the Quran. GIVE ME ONE VERSE !!!

In no particular order, I'll list the top 10 reasons why Hudud should be implemented in Malaysia. The following 10 are from the Quran. I will leave out COMPLETELY any reference to the Hadiths for now, for there will be far too many arguments about which Hadith is true, untrue, real, false, fake and so on. 
 
Call the following list, The Quranic Ten Commandments if you wish.

1. The Obedient Wive's Club is almost correct. They forgot to tell you that in Surah 4:34 and I quote:
"Men are the maintainers of women because Allah has made some of them to excel others and because they spend out of their property; the good women are therefore obedient, guarding the unseen as Allah has guarded; and (as to) those on whose part you fear desertion, admonish them, and leave them alone in the sleeping-places and beat them; then if they obey you, do not seek a way against them; surely Allah is High, Great."

In other words, wives must comply with every single demand by their husbands. Be it a blow-job on demand, or any other requests made whether it is "better than a prostitute or not". Similarly, if a husband demands that a wife have plastic surgery to look more like Megan Fox, she also cannot refuse, or else, she should be punished by beating, and perhaps repeated beatings if necessary. This is obedience. Failure to do so is disobedience, and deserves a beating. For this is precisely written by Allah, and must be followed.

2. Who dares to say that Allah is a sexist? Allah is NOT prejudiced against gender at all !! Read Surah 5:38, and I quote:

"As for the thief, both male and female, cut off their hands. It is the reward of their own deeds, an exemplary punishment from Allah. Allah is Mighty, Wise."

If Allah was a sexist, he would have only said cut the hands off a particular gender. Allah did not. Therefore, Allah is NOT a sexist. If you persist to go against the will of Allah, then apply Surah 5:33, and I quote:
 
"The punishment of those who wage war against Allah and His Messenger, and strive with might and main for mischief through the land is: execution, or crucifixion, or the cutting off of hands and feet from opposite sides, or exile from the land: that is their disgrace in this world, and a heavy punishment is theirs in the Hereafter;"

Now you cannot say that you do not know. It is however unclear if the person who wages war against Allah has the option to choose between leaving the country vs execution or crucifixion, but regardless, Allah is great.

3. This has to do with orphans. And perhaps more to do with widows, as written in Surah 4:3 and I quote:
 
"If ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, Marry women of your choice, Two or three or four; but if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly (with them), then only one, or (a captive) that your right hands possess, that will be more suitable, to prevent you from doing injustice."

I am strongly suggesting that this verse has everything to do with the fact that the second wife either MUST be an orphan or a widow. (The waiting period for a widow is 3 months.) If it is indeed so, then why not? Personally, it means 3 less mother-in-laws to deal with. And that is not necessarily a bad thing.

4. Islam allows you to marry underaged girls. Be they your first, second, third or fourth wife. Only the uneducated have not read Surah 65:4, and I quote:

"Such of your women as have passed the age of monthly courses, for them the prescribed period, if ye have any doubts, is three months, and for those who have no courses (it is the same): for those who carry (life within their wombs), their period is until they deliver their burdens: and for those who fear Allah, He will make their path easy."

The Arabic version is here:
واللائي يئسن من المحيض من نسائكم ان ارتبتم فعدتهن ثلاثة اشهر واللائي لم يحضن واولات الاحمال اجلهن ان يضعن حملهن ومن يتق الله يجعل له من امره يسرا

and the phonetic way to pronounce it is as follows:
 
"Waalla-ee ya-isna mina almaheedi min nisa-ikum ini irtabtum faAAiddatuhunna thalathatu ashhurin waalla-ee lam yahidna waolatu al-ahmali ajaluhunna an yadaAAna hamlahunna waman yattaqi Allaha yajAAal lahu min amrihi yusran"

"Wallaee Lam yahidhna" which means "those who have not menstruated yet" This group of females are pre-pubescent girls who have not yet menstruated. Anyone who opposes this is violation of Allah's will, and is subject to number 2 stated above.

5. Should a declaration of war occur, like how Anwar Ibrahim declared War in Nov of 2009, then he can take any of the women or children as his future wives. It comes from Surah 33:50, and I quote:

"O Prophet! We have made lawful to thee thy wives to whom thou hast paid their dowers; and those whom thy right hand possesses out of the prisoners of war whom Allah has assigned to thee; and daughters of thy paternal uncles and aunts, and daughters of thy maternal uncles and aunts, who migrated (from Makka) with thee; and any believing woman who dedicates her soul to the Prophet if the Prophet wishes to wed her;- this only for thee, and not for the Believers (at large); We know what We have appointed for them as to their wives and the captives whom their right hands possess;- in order that there should be no difficulty for thee. And Allah is Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful."

Ibrahim Ali has declared Jihad recently. He is not living up to his promise. He should be punished severely. SImilarly, why hasn't Hishamuddin nor Najib bathed any Keris in Chinese blood yet? Are they really that incompetent? They too should be punished severely !!

6. Those who do not observe the mandatory rest day called the Sabbath shall experience reverse-evolution, and become themselves monkeys, or as KJ puts it, Beruk. It is in Surah 33:4, and I quote:

"And you know well the story of those among you who broke Sabbath. We said to them: "Be apes—despised and hated by all. Thus We made their end a warning to the people of their time and succeeding generation, and an admonition for God-fearing people."

The Sabbath by the way, is NOT on Sunday, but actually on a Friday. (Get your facts straight. And the correct way to pronounce it is similar to pronouncing the word Sabah (one of two Colony-States in East Malaysia)

7. The Quran previously did not allow for the adoption of children, as prescribed in Surah 33:4, and I quote:

"God did not make your adopted son as your own sons. To declare them so is your empty claim. God's word is righteous and constitutes true guidance."

however, three verses later, it allows adoption, as plainly states in Surah 33:37, and I quote:

"After a term of married life with her husband, We permitted you to marry her so that it may hence be legitimate and morally blameless for a believer to marry the wife of his adopted son provided that wife has already been divorced. That is God's commandment which must be fulfilled."

and not only does it allow for adoption, one can now marry his adopted son's ex-wife. I do not make these things up. It is decreed by Allah, and cannot be thus, challenged.

8. Malaysian Courts are unIslamic. They do not follow what is clearly stated in the Quran. Just to prove it, I will make a longer quote this time. Read every bit of Surah 2:82, and I quote:

"O you who believe! when you deal with each other in contracting a debt for a fixed time, then write it down; and let a scribe write it down between you with fairness; and the scribe should not refuse to write as Allah has taught him, so he should write; and let him who owes the debt dictate, and he should be careful of (his duty to) Allah, his Lord, and not diminish anything from it; but if he who owes the debt is unsound in understanding, or weak, or (if) he is not able to dictate himself, let his guardian dictate with fairness; and call in to witness from among your men two witnesses; but if there are not two men, then one man and two women from among those whom you choose to be witnesses, so that if one of the two errs, the second of the two may remind the other; and the witnesses should not refuse when they are summoned; and be not averse to writing it (whether it is) small or large, with the time of its falling due; this is more equitable in the sight of Allah and assures greater accuracy in testimony, and the nearest (way) that you may not entertain doubts (afterwards), except when it is ready merchandise which you give and take among yourselves from hand to hand, then there is no blame on you in not writing it down; and have witnesses when you barter with one another, and let no harm be done to the scribe or to the witness; and if you do (it) then surely it will be a transgression in you, and be careful of (your duty) to Allah, Allah teaches you, and Allah knows all things."

You must have the equivalent of 2 women for every male witness in the event of disparity. Similarly, the Quran speaks nothing of CCTV recordings, and as such, it cannot be allowed in court. However, since Allah is great, you can show the CCTV recordings to the appropriate number of men, which is a minimum of 4, or 8 female witnesses; and then, they in turn, can be eye witnesses to the alleged Crime, and thus testify in Court. CCTV's is Allah's great way of allowing humans to travel back in time.

9. Make no bones about it, female children should not complain about how inheritance is divided. If you do complain, you have obviously not read Surah 9:29, and I quote:

"Allah enjoins you concerning your children: The male shall have the equal of the portion of two females; then if they are more than two females, they shall have two-thirds of what the deceased has left, and if there is one, she shall have the half; and as for his parents, each of them shall have the sixth of what he has left if he has a child, but if he has no child and (only) his two parents inherit him, then his mother shall have the third; but if he has brothers, then his mother shall have the sixth after (the payment of) a bequest he may have bequeathed or a debt; your parents and your children, you know not which of them is the nearer to you in usefulness; this is an ordinance from Allah: Surely Allah is Knowing, Wise."
 
Lawyers, do take note fo this when writing wills in future.

10. Those lazy or incompetent Muslims have obviously not read Surah 9:29, and I quote:

"Fight those who do not believe in Allah, nor in the latter day, nor do they prohibit what Allah and His Messenger have prohibited, nor follow the religion of truth, out of those who have been given the Book, until they pay the tax in acknowledgment of superiority and they are in a state of subjection."

nor have you read Surah 9:5, and I quote:
 
"When the sacred months are over slay the idolaters wherever you find them. Arrest them, besiege them, and lie in ambush everywhere for them. If they repent and take to prayer and render the alms levy, allow them to go their way. God is forgiving and merciful."

And just so that people cannot say that I am taking things out of context, I shall reproduce Surah 9:1-8, so that all may be enlightened.

9:1 A declaration of immunity from God and His apostle to the idolaters with whom you have made agreements:

9:2 For four months you shall go unmolested in the land. But know that you shall not escape God's judgement, and that God will humble the unbelievers.

9:3 A proclamation to the people from God and His apostle on the day of the greater pilgrimage:

God and His apostle are under no obligation to the idolaters. If you repent, it shall be well with you; but if you give no heed, know that you shall not be immune from God's judgement. 

Proclaim a woeful punishment to the unbelievers, 

9:4 except to those idolaters who have honoured their treaties with you in every detail and aided none against you. With these keep faith, until their treaties have run their term. God loves the righteous.

9:5 When the sacred months are over slay the idolaters wherever you find them. Arrest them, besiege them, and lie in ambush everywhere for them. If they repent and take to prayer and render the alms levy, allow them to go their way. God is forgiving and merciful.

9:6 If an idolater seeks asylum with you, give him protection so that he may hear the Word of God, and then convey him to safety. For the idolaters are ignorant men.

9:7 God and His apostle repose no trust in idolaters, save those with whom you have made treaties at the Sacred Mosque. So long as they keep faith with you, keep faith with them. God loves the righteous.

9:8 How can you trust them? If they prevail against you they will respect neither agreements nor ties of kindred. They flatter you with their tongues, but their hearts reject you. Most of them are evil doers.

This needs to be preached in every Mosque, and every Muslim household shall take note. If you are unhappy with it, then perhaps you can consider leaving Islam, and I quote Surah al-Baqarah, 2:256, Allah explicitly states: "Let there be no compulsion in religion."

Additionally, in Surah Yunus, 10:99, and I quote:

"Had your Lord willed, everyone on earth would have believed. Do you then force people to become believers?"

The above verse also contradicts the Rukunegara, because "the unbelievers" also includes Atheists and Agnostics. 
Hence, "Kepercayaan kepada Tuhan" is flawed, and is justified by Surah Yunus 10:99.

Coming back to the Apostacy issue, let me remind everyone here that it is NEVER prescribed in the Quran where Apostates are to be stoned. Anyone who practises stoning-to-death is NOT FOLLOWING THE QURAN. And I will end with the last verse of  Surah An-Nisa', 4:137, and I quote:

"those who believe, then disbelieve, then believe again, then disbelieve, and then increase in their disbelief - Allah will never forgive them nor guide them to the path."

Read again... "believe, disbelieve, believe, disbelieve, and increase in their disbelief" refers to the wishy-washy. And that only says that Allah will NOT forgive them nor guide them to the path. It says NOTHING about fines, re-education classes nor stoning them to death !! JAKIM, JAIS do take note. It says that "Allah will NOT guide them to the path". In other words, Allah will LEAVE THEM ALONE !!!

So, in conclusion, Hudud vs non-Hudud has nothing to do with who wins the next elections. If you want to be a Muslim, then one must abide by the Hudud, and the Syariah. If not, then leave Islam. One cannot be wishy-washy about this. After all, there is no such thing as a semi-virgin.

If you have not read the Quran, then perhaps it is time to read it. If Allah did not intend for humans to read and understand it, then he would have written it in an Extra-Terrestrial Language. He did not. It was meant for humans to read it.

I rest my case.

PostScript:

The MACC is in direct violation of Surah 2:82, and I quote:
 
"let no harm be done to the scribe or to the witness; and if you do (it) then surely it will be a transgression in you, and be careful of (your duty) to Allah, Allah teaches you, and Allah knows all things."
 
So far, 2 witnesses have died under your care. Syariah Courts, do take note of this.
 
 
 
Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net
 

Malaysia Today Online

Copyright 2010 All Rights Reserved