Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Will Wong form a new party?
- Power struggle in the DAP
- Thailand's lese-Majeste Witchhunt
- Has BN done enough to battle it out in Selangor?
- Is Pakatan ready for Putrajaya?
| Posted: 07 Dec 2011 09:04 AM PST The animosity within Sarawak United Peoples' Party is so severe that it will be a herculean task to repair the party's battered public image, noted a former president. Wong and his team know that it is an uphill battle for them to win party posts in the party elections, so his opponents accuse them of finding an excuse of bringing 'irregularities' of SUPP's branch meetings to the attention of the Registrar of Societies. Joseph Tawie, Free Malaysia Today Speculation is rife that Sarawak United Peoples' (SUPP) deputy secretary general Wong Soon Koh and his team will be forming a new party if they fail to get elected during the party's triennial delegates' conference (TDC) this weekend. The TGA is scheduled for Dec 9-11. Wong, who is Minister of Local Government and Community Development and Second Finance Minister, is running against Peter Chin, party's organising secretary for presidency of the party. Despite Wong's consistent denials (trice last week), rumours of him forming a new party are gaining momentum. "SUPP is my first, and also my last party. I will not leave SUPP nor will I form a new party," he had reportedly said last week. Not many believe him least of all his opponents in the party. The local grapevine said the idea of forming a new party had been in the pipeline from about three months ago. Wong's group had allegedly met Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) president, James Masing, to discuss their temporary parking with the party in the event that the new party could not be registered immediately. Wong and his team know that it is an uphill battle for them to win party posts in the party elections, so his opponents accuse them of finding an excuse of bringing 'irregularities' of SUPP's branch meetings to the attention of the Registrar of Societies. Wong's team comprises five other elected representatives, who are Lee Kim Shin (Senadin), Francis Harden (Simanggang), Dr Jerip Susil (Bengoh), Johnical Rayong (Engkilili) and Ranum Mina (Opar). All except Mina hold ministerial positions in Chief Minister Taib Mahmud's state cabinet. Bid to deregister SUPP
Last week Wong's group had lodged reports with the Registrar of Society (ROS) accusing several branches who have aligned themselves to Chin of breaching party constitution during their respective elections. Accompanied by members of his team, Wong met officials of the national-level ROS and complained about the irregularities in SUPP branch meetings. He urged ROS to investigate immediately his claims. Chin's supporters claimed the deregistration of the party will give Wong the opportunity to form a new party. Besides lodging reports with ROS, Wong has also slammed SUPP secretary general Sim Kheng Hui and other principal office-bearers for not taking actions on complaints of irregularities in the branch and sub-branch elections held before the TDC. He also accused Chin of spewing words detrimental to the Barisan Nasional, pointing out that he being a federal minister should not have uttered those words as SUPP is part of the BN coalition. Chin was alleged to have told the Chinese media that "the inability of SUPP to let the people see its clear stand has caused the party to be on the downhill. It has not been able to get the support of the voters and has even been bullied by BN component parties". Wong also accused Chin and the 'ruling group' of the party for not giving him and his team a fair treatment in branch elections. "They are the ones who are making the decisions. We are not holding key posts. What we want is fair treatment according to the constitution," Wong said. He said that there were irregularities and discrepancies in the branch elections which have been brought to the attention of the ROS for his action, pointing out that he does not rule out the possibility that the ROS may have to postpone the TDC or have the party deregistered. "We want the central election committee to rectify the irregularities. The TDC is coming very soon and the ROS has to make a decision. We leave it to him to make a decision. "Deregistration of the party is the last thing that we want to see," he said. "But if ROS decides to deregister the party, don't blame us," Wong added. He said he and his team cannot be blamed if the ROS decides to take action against the party including deregistering it.
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| Posted: 07 Dec 2011 08:36 AM PST As the general election draws near, rival groups in the DAP are lobbying for their faction members to be picked as candidates, causing old animosities in the DAP to resurface. In Perak, the tussle for control was won by the Foochow cousins – state DAP Chairman Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham and secretary Nga Kor Ming — against then deputy chairman M. Kulasegaran and organising secretary Thomas Su. Baradan Kuppusamy, The Star LIKE in Perak and Selangor, the problems in Johor's DAP has to do with two party factions vying for control – control to decide who gets to contest in Johor – a state which Pakatan Rakyat considers a winning state in the next general election. The problem is state chairman Dr Boo Cheng Hau is not in the good books of DAP secretary-general and Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng. Dr Boo is independent-minded and controls the state DAP quite firmly while Lim has been looking to develop an alternative leader in Johor who can cut Dr Boo down to size or even take over the state's chairmanship. One of only two doctors in the DAP leadership, Dr Boo also holds a law degree and is seen as a party dissident along with Datuk Teng Chang Kim. The two are always elected to the central executive committee (CEC) as outsiders and are not part of Lim's line-up. "He is a no nonsense person.. definitely not a yes man to Lim," said a Perak DAP member. Lim wants his man in Johor like in Selangor and Perak, two states that saw a hard tussle for power and were finally won by people loyal to the party secretary-general. The choice of candidates in Johor, to be recommended by the state leadership and accepted by the central CEC, is causing old animosities to surface. Public demonstrations, rare in the DAP, against Dr Boo outside a mall in the Bakri division in Muar have been organised. The demonstrators carried placards and banners and shouted slogans accusing Dr Boo of being autocratic and pushing for the Johor DAP secretary Tan Chen Choon, the husband of Batu Gajah MP Fong Po Kuan, to contest the Bentayan state seat. Fong has distanced herself from all party functions and it is unclear whether she will be nominated to contest. The demonstrators have the tacit support of the powers that be in the DAP and are seen as having the backing of DAP's Gwee Tiong Hiang, the Bentayan assemblyman, whose membership in the party was recently suspended for six months for allegedly diverting party funds to buy a four-wheel-drive. Gwee was being groomed to take over from Dr Boo but has fallen short of the expectations of party leaders and it is unclear whether he would be renominated. In the meantime, Dr Boo is said to be pushing Tan, the Johor secretary and loyalist to Dr Boo, as the candidate for Bentayan to replace Gwee. The demonstrators argued that Tan had a poor track record in serving the people and should not be the candidate. Infighting in Johor DAP is becoming rampant as the election draws near and rivals groups are lobbying for their faction members to be picked as candidates. Dr Boo will have a big say as he is chairman and also controls the state DAP with an iron hand. His few detractors have become the "eyes and ears" of the central leadership. In Perak, the tussle for control was won by the Foochow cousins – state DAP Chairman Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham and secretary Nga Kor Ming — against then deputy chairman M. Kulasegaran and organising secretary Thomas Su. The winning factions than elevated Tronoh assemblyman and former state speaker V. Sivakumar to replace Kulasegaran as the new deputy chairman and Teh Hock Ke to replace Thomas as organising secretary. Kulasegaran's candidacy in Ipoh Barat for the next general election is in question ever since the defeat. Both men did not even make it to one of the 15 for the CEC. This is the reason why Dr P. Ramasamy is in trouble with Karpal Singh for saying in a Tamil newspaper last week that Kulasegaran and four others will contest in the next general election in their respec- tive seats. Karpal warned that Dr Ramasamy is acting like a warlord by announcing candidates even before the CEC has decided. In Selangor, Teng, also the state speaker, put a line-up against another fielded by Lim which was led by Teresa Kok, the Seputeh MP. Kok and her entire line-up nearly lost to Teng's but were saved by Ronnie Liu, the disgraced Selangor exco member and loyalist of party supremo Lim Kit Siang, with whom Kok formed an alliance that brought about 200 voters to her side. Old animosities in the DAP are resurfacing in Penang, Perak, Selangor and Johor – all key states – as the faction leaders and members battle to be picked as candidates in the upcoming general election. The race to be a candidate is causing upheavals in state DAPs because the winners in the state elections want to ease out some of the losers and naturally put in their own supporters as candidates in their place. But the losers are holding out and lobbying for one more term.
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| Thailand's lese-Majeste Witchhunt Posted: 06 Dec 2011 08:37 PM PST Concern rising over government's curbs on political expression The number of lèse-majesté charges has grown almost exponentially in recent years, though the exact numbers of those charged and convicted are not available. Some estimates say that the caseload has tripled over five years, to 478 charges in 2010. Simon Roughneen, Asia Sentinel Thailand's growing curbs on freedom of speech have seen a grandfather sentenced to twenty years in jail for insulting the country's monarchy, while a U.S citizen awaits a possible similar fate in a ruling due tomorrow.Last month Ampon Tangnoppakul, 61 was sentenced to 20 years in prison on charges of insulting Queen Sirikit in four sms texts sent to an official working for Thailand's former Prime Minister Abhisit Vejajjiva. Ampon's crestfallen wife Rossamarin spoke to Asia Sentinel on Monday in a coffee shop near her home in Samut Prakarn in eastern Bangkok. Her jailed husband, she said, "is still very stressed by everything and gets sick often." In court last month, Ampon claimed innocence and his family insist that he does not even know how to send mobile phone text messages. The number of lèse-majesté charges has grown almost exponentially in recent years, though the exact numbers of those charged and convicted are not available. Some estimates say that the caseload has tripled over five years, to 478 charges in 2010. Statistics obtained by The Associated Press, which came from Thailand's Office of the Attorney General, show that 36 cases were sent for prosecution in 2010. That is a doubling of numbers since 2005 and up from just one in 2000. Ampon's conviction has spurred some public and online support. A peaceful march seeking his release is planned for next Saturday, and a Facebook drive headed by Singapore-based academic Pavin Chachavalpongpun, entitled 'Thailand's fearlessness", has generated hundreds of supporters. The campaign emulates a prize-winning display by photographer James Mackay, honouring Burma's political prisoners. Earlier on Monday, Rossamarin and millions of Thais watched as a frail-looking and wheelchair-bound King Bhumibol Adulyedej made a rare public appearance as tens of thousands of pink and yellow clad Thais chanted 'Long live the King", as the long-serving monarch made his way from the riverside hospital where he has stayed since September 2009, to the famous Grand Palace on the other side of the Chao Praya river that weaves through the vast city. The main focus of the King's speech at the palace was to exhort Thailand's politicians to set aside differences in dealing with the aftermath of the country's recent flooding crisis, which has left over 600 people dead. Water management has been an ongoing focus for the King's public pronouncements over the years, and he has in the past made various recommendations to Thailand's governments on how to pre-empt floods and droughts. Monday morning's blanket TV coverage had a poignant and revealing moment, however, when attempting to turn to the second sheet of his public speech, the monarch fumbled, and was momentarily seen receiving assistance from Crown Princess Sirindhorn. TV coverage then hurriedly panned over the assembled crowd at the sun-lit Grand Palace – an assembly of Government representatives, soldiers and diplomats – before reverting to the King a few seconds later as he resumed his address. Wearing pink – like thousands of other Thais last Monday – Rossamarin said that "our family always celebrated the King's birthday like other ordinary people". King Bhumibol Adulyadej has reigned since 1946, and his 84th birthday – marking the seventh 12-year cycle of his life – is deemed auspicious in Thailand's numerologically-infused public symbolism. Donning pink is an astrological reference to the King's age and is a mass 'get well soon' wish for the monarch, while yellow is the standard color for Thailand's monarchy. Rossamarin's husband's case – like that of Joe Gordon, a U.S. citizen born in Thailand as Lerpong Wichaikhamma who is currently under arrest after a lese-majeste charge – are seen as litmus tests of Thailand's commitment to freedom of speech. As the King ages and talk of a succession to the much-less popular and influential Crown Prince grows, there appears to be a similarly-growing determination by Thai royalists to shut down any criticism of the "institution", as the monarchy is sometimes called, in a country that often prefers euphemism to straight talk. A verdict in Gordon's case is due on Dec. 8 in Bangkok's Criminal Court. The charges center around The King Never Smiles, an internationally-acclaimed biography of King Bhumibol Adulyedej by former Far Eastern Economic Review correspondent Paul Handley that is proscribed in Thailand. The accused is said to have translated excerpts of the book into Thai and then posted the clippings online while living in the US. Perhaps with the Gordon case in mind, the US State Department issued a statement saying that "The United States government has the utmost respect for the Thai monarchy", but urging Thailand "to ensure that freedom of expression is respected and we're troubled by recent prosecutions and court decisions that are not consistent with international standards on freedom of expression". The Peua Thai government, which Yingluck heads, came to office amid speculation that it might try to amend or relax the lese-majeste laws. Such changes would be in keeping with demands from some supporters of her Pheu Thai party, which is linked to the redshirt protest movement that occupied various locations in downtown Bangkok in 2010. To understand the government's apparent reluctance to modernize Thailand's lèse-majesté laws, some quick background is instructive. After royalist protests in 2006, Yingluck's brother Thaksin was ousted as prime minister by a military putsch. Despite Thaksin's proxy party winning a subsequent election in 2007 (as it did earlier in 2011), more royalist protests ensued, culminating in what was effectively a judicial coup in December 2008, allowing the royalist-linked Democrat Party assume office without winning an election.
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| Has BN done enough to battle it out in Selangor? Posted: 06 Dec 2011 06:53 PM PST State Umno leaders have hinted that there are signs in many places that the Malay ground has begun to turn in Umno's favour. However, of concern are areas where Chinese voters account for a substantial number. The Chinese make up about 34 per cent of voters in Selangor while Malays account for 49 per cent and Indians, about 14 per cent. Bernama As it stands, Selangor remains the toughest state for either side of the political divide to wrest control in the next general election. For that reason, the race for Selangor has begun in earnest with Barisan Nasional (BN) embarking on various strategies. Its latest campaign, 'Sayangi Selangor, Yakini BN' (Love Selangor, Have Confidence in BN), enters the final push for the state with weekly programmes in various constituencies. Prime Minister and BN chairman Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, who is also Selangor BN liaison chief, has openly stated that he wants BN to win back the country's most developed state. While the recently-concluded Umno General Assembly seems to put the fighting spirit back into the largest BN component party, especially its members having a better sense of purpose about wresting back Selangor, some political observers are wondering whether BN components are doing enough to get the voters' support. Selangor's electorate is said to be the most sophisticated and discerning in the country, as reflected by the relatively high Internet penetration and well-educated population. Of the 56 state seats in Selangor, an estimated 60 per cent are solidly Malay-majority constituencies while the rest are either Chinese-majority or mixed seats. BN currently has 20 seats and it needs only nine more to regain power. Of the seats up for grabs, 35 are for Umno to contest, 14 for MCA, four for Gerakan and three for MIC. In the 2008 general election, Umno won 18 of the 35 seats it contested while Gerakan and MIC, contesting four and three seats, respectively, failed to capture even one. MCA secured only two of the 14 state seats and one of the seven parliamentary seats it contested. State Umno leaders have hinted that there are signs in many places that the Malay ground has begun to turn in Umno's favour. However, of concern are areas where Chinese voters account for a substantial number. The Chinese make up about 34 per cent of voters in Selangor while Malays account for 49 per cent and Indians, about 14 per cent. Some questions beg to be answered. What have Umno's counterparts done to make up for lost ground since the last general election? Have MCA, Gerakan and MIC made good progress since then? An internal survey in BN indicates a significant swing to BN by Malay and Indian voters although the Chinese are still taking a 'wait-and-see' attitude. Given this situation, it is incumbent upon MCA and Gerakan to do more. Have they? A divisional leader from one of the BN component parties claimed that MCA and Gerakan members do not seem to be working hard enough while MIC members have at least, been doing something to reach out to Indian voters. Selangor BN information chief Datuk Yap Pian Hon said the reason for such a misconception was that there was not much publicity in the mainstream English or Malay language newspapers. "But you can see our programmes in the Chinese newspapers, sometimes even politicians from both sides (MCA and Gerakan) appear at the same function," he said. "When one doesn't see the news in the Malay or English language newspapers, there is a tendency to believe that other parties, besides Umno, are not doing anything when actually, we (MCA) have been carrying out a lot of activities with the (Chinese) community," he said. Yap said that another reason for MCA programmes not attracting media coverage was that they included small group activities like dialogues with the community. For Selangor MCA secretary Wong Koon Moon, he believes the lack of effective fund distribution to BN component parties has hampered efforts to reach out to more people. "If you have a good coordinator, then the funding will be equally distributed among all the components," he said, explaining the need for fair and effective distribution of funds. "I give you an example. When a Chinese organisation invites you for a fund-raising dinner, obviously it is asking for contributions. Even if you can't give much, at least, some amount will do. However, without such allocations, how are you going to contribute at all?," asked the Kuala Kubu Baharu state assemblyman. Some BN component leaders in the state also shared similar opinions. They claimed that in some of the constituencies where the BN had been defeated, there were meagre allocations or none at all. To make matters worse, there were also allegations that some politicians from other component parties had asked their political colleagues to make way and give up their seats since their chances were considered "slim." "If such is the mentality, how do you want those in the grassroots to reach out to the voters?," asked a BN component leader at a divisional level, who declined to be identified. In addition, some state BN insiders have conceded that some state leaders had not been doing much to win back the hearts of the voters, especially in areas which had fallen to the Opposition. Even MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek was reported to have publicly expressed that some MCA leaders in Selangor were 「lazy」 and were not performing up to expectations. As the general election draws near, some political pundits feel there is still room to make up for lost time. Or, is it a little too late, already?
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| Is Pakatan ready for Putrajaya? Posted: 06 Dec 2011 02:36 PM PST Yes, say political analysts despite the perennial naysayers from Barisan Nasional. "If you look at a democracy, it is the civil service that is pulse of the nation. Politicians are there for making policies. The civil service runs the country, not the politicians!" said Jacob. Patrick Lee, Free Malaysia Today With general election just around the corner, talk is rife whether Malaysia's opposition is ready to helm the federal government.Certain parties, especially the ruling BN government, have rubbished this notion. Their claim is that of chaos – that the country will fall into disarray if Pakatan Rakyat takes over. However, several political observers interviewed by FMT, say the opposition, backed by their state government experience, can take Putrajaya, and keep it. Going by 2008 general election, independent analyst Khoo Kay Peng said that Pakatan had no idea it was going to be in control of several state governments. "Which alternative government is ready? Were they (Pakatan) ready in Penang and Selangor? I don't think they were ready, but those places did not collapse," he told FMT. Khoo said that despite their inexperience, previous Auditor-General Reports have given Pakatan-run states a good mark. He disagreed with claims that Pakatan needed to run their individual state governments for another term before going for the federal jugular. "All the parties have had a hand and experience in running their state governments. You see it with Penang and Selangor," he said. Although admitting that Malaysia had a long way to go in terms of governance, Khoo said that Pakatan would succeed if it was "smart" and "got rid of the corrupted people". The March 2008 general election saw a major political shift, with many voters backing Pakatan, instead of Barisan. Four states (Penang, Kedah, Selangor and Perak) fell into the hands of the opposition, in addition to Kelantan which was retained by PAS. BN however won back Perak through a constitutional crisis in 2009. Why not give Pakatan a try? With talk of the general election coming up every now and again, BN leaders have been quick to warn Malaysians not to vote for the opposition. They have raised the spectre of hudud, economic collapse and racial strife if Pakatan were to take over the government. Consumers Association of Subang and Shah Alam (CASSA) president Jacob George said that it was very "unfair" of BN leaders to make this claim. A government's survival, he said, does not hinge on its political masters, but rather its civil service. "If you look at a democracy, it is the civil service that is pulse of the nation. Politicians are there for making policies. The civil service runs the country, not the politicians!" said Jacob. BN's warnings of the opposition gaining power, he claimed, were due to their fear of losing power. A "political Renaissance", Jacob added, was also in motion across the world, with its effects seen in Egypt and Libya. "I don't think there will be chaos (if Pakatan takes over), unless Umno wants to make chaos. Umno is so frightened of losing the power they've had since 1957. "They've never looked at this power as a trust…They act as if this power is a God-given right. If anyone says that, it is very vulgar," Jacob said.
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