Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Abolishing NEP: The Most Serious Omission in PR Manifesto
- The myth of the two-party system
- GE13: ‘Two dragons’ giving way
- Pamper the kingmakers?
- Needed now: Some ‘good tailoring’
- Anwar’s not important, good governance is
- And after BN, you think you’ll be in heaven?
- What can Saiful’s father offer PKR? Nothing!
- Getting ready for GE13
- Political chameleons
| Abolishing NEP: The Most Serious Omission in PR Manifesto Posted: 18 Mar 2013 01:48 PM PDT
Yes, we have heard the lesser PR lieutenants saying that we will see the gradual withering away of the NEP and DSAI has also told BFM that the NEP will be "fragmentalised" or something to that effect…But why is the abolition of the NEP not in the PR manifesto? Dr Kua Kia Soong, SUARAM Adviser Out of all the policy changes we want to see in Malaysia, the New Economic Policy (NEP) must surely be of topmost priority. This "Never Ending Policy" that was introduced in 1971, was supposed to have run out in 1990, as all "sunset clauses" are supposed to do. All these years, the abuse of the NEP has led to a nation more polarized than it has ever been since independence in 1957 and an economy warped by rent seekers and private monopolists. The NEP was imposed as a fait accompli after the May 13 pogrom in 1969. The constitution was amended with a new 8A to Article 153, thus allowing for the implementation of the "quota system". This has been abused to the extent that public institutions such as UiTM and other MARA schools and colleges can be justified as 100 per cent "bumiputera" with a former Higher Education minister even vowing at an UMNO general assembly that he would not allow a single non-bumiputera to be admitted to UiTM. Try justifying this to an international court as "affirmative action". We have had to tolerate this blatant racial discrimination for more than forty years now, with generations of Malaysians labelled by this unconvincing racial divide between "bumiputeras" and "non-bumiputeras". Apart from preferential treatment regarding entry into tertiary institutions and the allocation of scholarships and loans, "racial" discrimination stretches to discounts in purchasing houses and other properties, APs, licences. Imagine "bumiputeras" who can afford RM2.5 million houses wanting 5 to 10% discount as well! Try justifying that in an international court as "affirmative action"! While the middle class among the non-bumiputeras have adapted as best they can to this racially discriminatory policy, the working class and the poor among the non-bumiputeras have had to cope with a life of abject poverty and marginalization. This gave rise in 2007, to the historic phenomenon of Hindraf. The non-bumiputeras have also been forced to pay exorbitant fees in the private colleges and universities which have grown out of the discriminatory policies operating in the public tertiary institutions. These abuses go beyond what our founding fathers had envisioned in Article 153 of the Federal Constitution at Independence. There was no such concept of "bumiputera" or "ketuanan Melayu" in neither the 1957 constitution nor the 1963 Malaysia Agreement. Does the so-called "social contract" refer to Merdeka in 1957 or has the goal post been shifted to 1971? Until this racial discrimination is abolished, the hype about "1Malaysia" will only be so much hot air. The UMNO leaders know this and so do the MCA and MIC leaders. The pity of it all is, political masters live in their own bubble of reality and besides, they have too much to gain from the NEP – besides the material gain, and they gain electoral support through the ideological/populist appeal to "bumiputera interests". Nevertheless, in recent years the "revolution of rising expectations" has led to more and more Malays becoming disaffected with UMNO as they see Umnoputras creaming off more than their share of the economic pie.
Malaysia is ready: What about PR? On 23 February 2013, Malaysian civil society declared that "MALAYSIA IS READY: SAY NO TO RACISM!" Among other things, Concerned Malaysian NGOs demanded that Malaysia ratifies the International Convention on the Eradication of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) forthwith. Malaysia stands alongside a small number of countries including North Korea and Burma that has still not ratified the ICERD. Telling that to BN is like asking the fat cat to give up his pot of cream. But what about PR's stand on the NEP? Isn't it time for change? Isn't it time for real change that will set our nation on a new footing of reconciliation and reconstruction, when we are no longer divided into "races" and progressive policies can be put in place to help the truly needy? What happened to the DAP manifesto drafters? Can they give the same excuse that they were not in the drafting committee when they were confronted by Hindraf? That is the lamest excuse I have heard in a long time! On 6 March 2013, Malaysian civil society released "Twenty 13GE Demands "on political parties and candidates. The very first demand is this: "1. Eradicate Institutional Racism So far, we have not heard any response from the political parties to these twenty demands. Let us remind the parties that they are supposed to respond to the peoples' demands and not the other way round. Their manifestoes are supposed to reflect the peoples' demands. So let us start with this first and most important demand. Yes, we have heard the lesser PR lieutenants saying that we will see the gradual withering away of the NEP and DSAI has also told BFM that the NEP will be "fragmentalised" or something to that effect…But why is the abolition of the NEP not in the PR manifesto? When confronted with the question of the stateless, PR has responded by saying it will be solved within 100 days after they come into office. Can we expect that upon coming into federal power, PR will announce an early date for the abolition of the NEP and the ratification of the ICERD? If not, why not?
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| The myth of the two-party system Posted: 17 Mar 2013 06:37 PM PDT
Malaysian politics has been at a crossroads since the 2008 general election. Politicians have engaged in a life-and-death confrontation while the people were forced to take sides of either to support the BN or Pakatan Rakyat. They are not allowed to be neutral or impartial. Lim Sue Goan, Sin Chew The general election is approaching and all kinds of dirty political means have been used to achieve personal political aims. The past two weeks have been filled with political violence. The disturbances at PKR dinners in Perak, Malacca and Penang indicate the deterioration of political culture. On March 8, the fifth anniversary of the 2008 political tsunami, father of Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan suddenly claimed that Pakatan Rakyat leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was a victim of a political conspiracy in the whole sodomy affair, before making an announcement of joining the PKR on March 11. Screenshots of a sex video clip allegedly featuring the opposition leader and a man were then spread across the Internet on March 14 and the video clip is expected to be released soon. I think that everyone believes that the two events could not be a coincidence. Malaysian politics has been at a crossroads since the 2008 general election. Politicians have engaged in a life-and-death confrontation while the people were forced to take sides of either to support the BN or Pakatan Rakyat. They are not allowed to be neutral or impartial. To win the election, one after another muckraking game has been staged. Words like sodomy, anal sex and oral sex can always be found on newspapers, affecting children's morality. The political climate of loyal support has turned the people's thinking radical. Political violence can be found in both real life and the online world, penetrating every corner of the society. Political fanaticism has reduced the people's ability to judge while affecting their views on the freedom of the press. Initially, the people wanted the two-party system to make the country a better place but due to political myth, the two-party system has become a system of supporting a particular political party. The two-party system should be a political concept that helps to improve the country's political system, with the ultimate goal of reforming the country's system, improving governance and making the country financially sound through checks and balances. If we narrowly position the two-party system as supporting a political party, we will then be hostile to those with different views and even prejudice against them in political discussions. The political confrontation between the two coalitions has shifted the focus. Today, the system has not been changed while the debt continues to increase. Fanatical supporters must also bear the responsibility. Members of the public should support all political ideas that can bring the country a positive change, regardless of whether the ideas are from the BN or Pakatan Rakyat. I support Datuk Seri Najib Razak's removal of the 30 per cent Bumiputera quota on new shareholding, the abolition and amendment of demonic laws, as well as electoral reforms. I also agree with the Pakatan Rakyat's open tender and the idea of making state assembly members' properties public and abolishing the New Economic Policy (NEP). I do not agree with money distribution measures, which are not cost-effective. Only by changing the economic structure, the people's incomes can be improved and root of the problem can be resolved. I support the two-party system with the hope that those in power will be restricted through checks and balances. We must determine who has the ability to bring changes to the country and curb corruption, instead of blindly support without caring about the weaknesses of leaders. We must also assess which management approach is able to reduce debt and consolidate the country's financial situation, instead of supporting the one that can distribute more money. Today's irrational politics originates from the wrong interpretation of two-party system. Fanatic supporters have caused the ruling and alternative coalitions to take the wrong directions. It is a misfortune for the country.
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| GE13: ‘Two dragons’ giving way Posted: 17 Mar 2013 12:45 PM PDT
Mohd Zin and Noh have declared that they are not after the mentri besar post, paving the way for Barisan Nasional to make Selangor the epicentre state in the general election. Joceline Tan, The Star THE big question of who will be Barisan Nasional's candidate for mentri besar is still blowing in the wind. No one in Barisan is quite sure who it will be. But what many are sure of is that two of Selangor's most prominent Umno leaders have declared that they will not be going for the MB post. Datuk Seri Mohd Zin Mohamed and Datuk Seri Noh Omar openly said at a recent political retreat in Shah Alam that they had informed the Prime Minister of their stand. Noh, who is Tanjung Karang MP and Agriculture and Agro-based Industries Minister, was the first to broach this touchy subject before the gathering of about 200 multi-level grassroots leaders from all state Barisan component parties. For Noh, it is also about coming to terms with the new political landscape in Selangor. The Umno strongman has been unable to live down that "pendatang" remark made during the Hulu Selangor by-election back in 2010 and it sort of sealed his fate for bigger things in the state. He told the gathering that he is happy to remain a candidate for a parliamentary seat in Selangor which would effectively put him out of the running for the MB post. "Why would I want to be MB? I am not exaggerating, I am telling everyone that I am not chasing the post. This is my fourth term as an MP. I have been a parliamentary secretary, deputy minister and now minister. "If I contest again, it will be my fifth term as a wakil rakyat. Even if I am not nominated, I promise, I will work for the party," he said to loud applause. Mohd Zin, who is Sepang MP and Selangor Barisan coordinator, was also greeted by applause when he said that he had informed Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak that he was not interested in the MB post. "It does not make sense to squabble for the MB post. We prefer to see ourselves as Team Najib," he said. He assured everyone that he was quite satisfied being an MP. He also drew laughter when he joked that the Selangor MB's post was too hot to handle and that life would be simpler being an ordinary MP or perhaps an ambassador. "They are big names. They are like the dragons of Selangor. The message we got was that they are putting the party's interest above their own. That gives PM the freedom to decide," said Kapar Umno deputy chief Datuk Faizal Abdullah. Najib is said to be very pleased with the work put in by Mohd Zin who was initially Selangor Umno secretary. Last year Najib promoted him to state Barisan coordinator and last month, he was made deputy state election director. Mohd Zin is not only hardworking, but has injected a lot of thinking and strategy into Barisan's comeback quest in Selangor. He has built up an impressive war room and some are even talking about the Selangor model being made a political prototype. Both men have given their commitment to Najib, who is the Selangor Barisan chief. Najib is said to have two or three names in mind for the post. He does not intend to announce the names until the time is right. He has told selected circles that if Barisan is successful in Selangor, he will present the names to the Sultan of Selangor and if Tuanku has no objection to any of the names, he will exercise his prerogative to pick the MB of his choice. He respects the Palace, he understands protocol and he intends to observe the procedure. By now it is amply clear that Barisan is hungry to regain Selangor. All their efforts and preparations of the last five years are about to come to this moment. There has been a lot of hoopla about Johor being the Pakatan frontline state, but the big battleground will be Selangor. The mood among the Barisan players, especially Umno, is very high. Selangor has 56 state seats of which Pakatan controls 32, Barisan 20 and one by an independent. "The PM has told us very clearly that he is not interested in hearing feel-good fairy tales. He does not want us to tell him bedtime stories or sing nice songs. He wants the hard facts," said Faizal, who is also deputy treasurer of the state Barisan. At the last state Barisan meeting, Najib informed those present that he had a good feeling about the election. Everywhere he has gone, people of all races have given him an enthusiastic reception. He recalled that some even try to hug him and he can feel their warmth and friendship. Everyone laughed when he said: "Insyallah, I pray it will also translate into votes." The Selangor manifesto is ready and Faizal who has had a sneak preview of it said that it is a comprehensive document that reaches out to everyone. "More important, it is not empty promises," said Faizal. The word is out that Barisan is confident of taking 32 seats. It has conceded 14 black seats held mainly by DAP while another 10 seats are considered as grey seats. The casualties in Selangor will be PAS and PKR, especially in seats where Malays form the bulk of voters. "Selangor will be the epicentre. Our aim is to ensure that Selangor will be the first state to achieve a high-income economy," said Mohd Zin. |
| Posted: 17 Mar 2013 12:16 PM PDT
You should by now see the ratio of civil servants and their families to the overall voter population. If we take 5.68 million, it is almost half of the number of eligible voters in the country, and the ratio will well exceed half if we take 7.10 million. by Lim Mun Fah and translated by Dominic Loh, Sin Chew Reasonable increments have never become an issue at all. While there are justifiable reasons for the RM1.5 billion early pay adjustments for the country's civil servants, the same never fails to arouse controversies from people on different sides of the political divide. There are some 1.42 million civil servants in this country, and the increments will benefit each and every one of them, including the 50,000 whose contracts will expire by the end of this year, as their services will most likely be extended for another year. Let's put aside the question whether the 1.42 million civil servants make up an opulent part of the country's 28 million population (about one in every 20 Malaysians), and let's also put aside the question whether the proposed increments will add to the country's burden or jazz up public service productivity. Increments for civil servants have oddly become a rare "consensus" among ruling and opposition parties which are inclined to find faults with each other in almost everything. Such a consensus needs no profound economic theories to sustain. Anyone with the most fundamental arithmetic abilities will be able to deduce that such a manoeuvre is well worth the effort. Let's do some simple calculations: There are 1.42 million civil servants in the country, and let's suppose each household is made up of an average of four members, and this will bring us a total of 5.68 million people benefiting from the government's latest generosity. And if each household has five members, then the total will swell to 7.10 million. Now let's take a look at another figure. According to the latest electorate statistics, there are 13.29 million Malaysians eligible to vote in the coming general election. You should by now see the ratio of civil servants and their families to the overall voter population. If we take 5.68 million, it is almost half of the number of eligible voters in the country, and the ratio will well exceed half if we take 7.10 million. Of course, the actual figure may not be that high, as we must exclude minors not eligible to vote. If we take only three people for each household, the total beneficiaries will stand at 4.26 million, almost a third of all eligible voters. The most formidable bedrock of democracy is the electorate. Given the political reality where every vote counts, accommodating public desires has provided the most reliable assurance for secured ballot support. The 1.42 million-strong civil servants along with their family members should form a powerful force that will tip the final election outcome, a fact no parties, ruling or opposition, can afford to ignore or contravene. Given the fact that every party wants an additional vote count, it has now transcended beyond the question of right or wrong to increase civil servants' salaries. Public servants constitute a reckoned force in every single democratic election under the sun, whom rival parties would try their utmost to please. The total ballot count is of paramount importance. No one would bother how much thinner our treasury will become, nor would they recall the austerity drive we once championed loudly.
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| Needed now: Some ‘good tailoring’ Posted: 17 Mar 2013 10:42 AM PDT
The NEP "morphed" into the NDP, and the package of political arrangements that had been devised to go with it was now given a new, and continuing, justification through the doctrine of "Ketuanan Melayu", an ideology of permanent and perpetual Malay ascendancy over national life. Clive Kessler, TMI A nationally fateful election is about to be called. While we all wait, a key underlying question becomes ever more insistent: What does Malaysia now need? My answer to that question is "some good tailoring". Yes, there are tailors aplenty in Malaysia, many of them good, and far better than just good. But by good tailoring I mean here something else. Clothing the Body Like most countries, Malaysia has a constitution. That constitution is basis of the nation. It provides the inner structure and form of "the body politic". It furnished the basis of Merdeka and remains the bedrock of nationhood. The Constitution is still sound. It will remain sound provided people understand it clearly: so long as people understand what it says and was intended to say, and how what it says was shaped — and so is to be "read against", meaning initially and primarily understood in the context of — the political challenges of that time. Of that time, and not the rather different current political demands that people may now wish to "read back" into it. Despite all the many political dramas and traumas of half a century and more, it is still in good shape. It is not only remains a solid basis for nationhood. More, it is the only one that Malaysia has, or is ever likely to. But like any human body, it cannot live naked in the world. It needs to be appropriately clothed. It needs proper attire and appropriate garb if it is to appear publicly to people at any time. That is true not just of Malaysia but applies everywhere. The body's basic form and structure, its bare constitutional fundamentals, need to be properly clothed and dressed. That kind of clothing, needed by all nations in their own individually distinctive ways, is an appropriate set of political arrangements and institutions. A socially serviceable framework of governance. Such a framework is needed to give practical form and expression to the constitution and constitutional principles. Only in that way that can constitutional principles bridge, and bind together in a morally sustainable and hence politically effective way, the great dualities: state and society, government and people, rulers and citizens, national policy and the everyday life of the people. Malaysia's political clothing: A brief historical overview. Malaysia has, in its half century and more of national independence, "kitted itself out" with that necessary kind of political clothing. More than once, in fact. Its initial set of political clothing, the nation's first proudly worn outfit, was created and taken on with the achievement of independence. That was the first form in which the nation's constitutional fundamentals were given political form and expression, or politically effective attire. That outfit was the political framework or "dispensation" that carried forward into national independence the political understandings and processes of "intercommunal conciliation" — what some call the pre-independence "Merdeka process" leading to the "Merdeka agreements" — that had enabled national independence to be achieved and recognised. The nation's first political dispensation, framework or "ruling formula" was centred on the old "tripartite" Alliance Party of Umno, MCA and MIC. As is well known, that political framework collapsed, in the wake of the 1969 elections, after less than 12 years of independence. The election results, following the intense political contestation over the years immediately preceding those events, painfully demonstrated that those arrangements could no longer effectively bridge, and connect, state and society, the logic of national governance and the dynamics of everyday life at the popular level. They no longer provided serviceable clothing for the underlying body of the nation's constitutional principles, its foundational commitments. In short, they were no longer convincing. They no longer seemed legitimate. So, in turn, they no longer had the capacity to endow the existing national leadership with popular legitimacy. With the collapse of that first "ruling formula" or set of political arrangements, a kind of interval — a "holiday" from routine politics or "political recess" — was declared. The national "body politic" and its basic constitutional form were now stripped bare of their familiar institutional garb. The liberal democratic political attire that it had worn since independence was temporarily set aside. Instead, for a couple of years it wore a kind of basic semi-military clothing. It put on the plain garments, sometimes called "fatigues" or heavy-duty "overalls", that are well suited for doing rough work. Malaysia, that is to say, was instead managed, administered and ruled under a national command directorate (known as the National Operations Council) while some new attire, a second set of political clothing for the Constitution, could be tailored and fitted onto nation's underlying body. Between 1970 and 1972 that new political clothing, the new political arrangements and framework of national governance, was created and made known. Centred upon the new and expanded Umno-led ruling coalition now known as the Barisan Nasional, it was instituted with one central objective: to promote what was seen as the essential remedy for the causes of the upheavals of 1969, the National Economic Policy or NEP. The source of those upheavals was seen to have lain in the economically-based marginalisation of the peninsular Malays from national life; the remedy was now to be a massive programme of affirmative action in the Malay interest, the NEP. That was the policy that had to be implemented; and the new political arrangements or governing formula, the new political clothing that was fitted upon underlying constitutional principles, was created in order to promote that overriding national objective. As initially intended, the NEP was to be for a finite period, strictly for 20 years until 1990. Yet, as is well known and needs no explanation here, the NEP imperative lived on beyond 1990; and the political arrangements that were created to facilitate its implementation were also extended. The NEP "morphed" into the NDP, and the package of political arrangements that had been devised to go with it was now given a new, and continuing, justification through the doctrine of "Ketuanan Melayu", an ideology of permanent and perpetual Malay ascendancy over national life. This new attire for the Malaysian "body politic" clothed national life throughout the second half of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad's two decades and more as prime minister. They were still what Malaysia was wearing when, under Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's leadership, it went to its 12th nation elections or GE12 in 2008. Growth and change When the nation went to the polls in 2008, it was already more than 50 years old. The Malaysian "body politic" went into GE12 wearing the same political attire, with the same outfit of political arrangements, that it had been wearing since its "teenage years crisis". It was wearing, largely unmodified, a suit of political clothing that was now 35 years old. When people advance into middle age, their bodies grow and "fill out" and change. No surprise in that. As they do, they outgrow their old clothing. And meanwhile, clothing fashions in the world around them also change. This is the fate not only of middle-aged individuals who seek to remain "with it" and up-to-date. It was also Malaysia's fate. In the intervening years the nation had simply outgrown its political clothing. That old, familiar suit no longer fitted. No matter how pleasing it may have seemed and how well it may still have fitted some parts of the national political body, this clothing was just getting a lot harder to wear, and to wear convincingly and with dignity, in public. In short, and as the results of the 2008 elections dramatically demonstrated, there was now a mismatch between the nation's political body and the framework, or suit, of political arrangements that it was still wearing. As the result of some deeply-seated and slowly advancing developments, Malaysia had by now demonstrably outgrown its long-serving tailoring. What developments? Basically two. On the one hand, since the 1970s the NEP has so diversified and transformed peninsular Malay society — in all dimensions: socially, educationally, occupationally, professionally, economically, intellectually and culturally — that it was no longer simple, of even possible, for Umno to maintain its national political ascendancy in the name, and on its preferred and habitual basis, of "Malay political unity". That unity, if it had ever existed once PAS split from Umno in the early 1950s, and the power and plausibility of its appeals were now largely exhausted. And despite strenuous efforts, it had not proved possible to preserve Malay unity, or to provide some effective countervailing effect upon the processes of Malay sociocultural diversification and political fragmentation, by appeals to Islam and through recourse to the institutional apparatus, both the "traditional" and the more recent and modern creations, of Islamic religious administration. Here, as the governing logic of "Malay political unity" collapsed, the Umno was undone not by malign outside forces. Rather, it was confounded by the long-term and widespread success of its own grandest, and most successful, policy "package" — by the direct yet unanticipated and unmanageable effects of the NEP. The familiar logic and assumptions of Umno ascendancy were undone, because they were now repudiated, by so many of the children of the NEP. Not just by many of them as individuals but also collectively, by the deeply-grounded advance beyond the Umno's own conventional political horizons of two generations and more of the NEP's children. That defection of the children of the NEP had first been dramatically signalled by the "Reformasi challenge" of 1999. The problem had not meanwhile gone away. Umno had not been without the time and opportunity to come to terms with it, had they only wanted and chosen to do so. Yet, as Umno tried to "shore up" its position against this erosion of its Malay base, it saw nowhere to turn but to increasingly insistent affirmations of the doctrine of "Ketuanan Melayu", on occasions restated in powerful symbolic language by the unsheathing and brandishing of the Malay keris by the Youth leaders at Umno general assemblies. So the old arrangements were undercut on both sides: by the disaffection and widespread defection of the best of the "new post-NEP Malays" and by the alienation and bitter disappointment of many non-Malays at the desperate measures taken by Umno in an attempt to limit the erosion of its own mass or popular base. By 2008 the position of Umno's non-Malay partner parties in BN had become largely untenable; it had become so because the general basis for non-Malay trust in the ability of those partner parties promote the political interests of their once loyal support base and to protect their basic citizenship rights had collapsed. It had been killed off by Umno itself, by its desperate and ever more extravagant embrace of the logic of "Ketuanan Melayu". And it did nobody any good — not Umno, not its non-Malay partner parties, not the nation's non-Malay citizens, not the nation itself, nor even Umno's mass supporters among the majority Malays — to keep asserting that the non-Malays were just recent arrivals; that they should be grateful for what they had; and (quite incorrectly, in historical terms!) that, on their continuing behalf, their own former political leaders in the Merdeka period had assented to their perpetual and unalterable political subordination. In sum, there was now as GE12 dramatically suggested a mismatch, even a growing gulf, between the nation's political arrangements and the long-developing realities of everyday Malaysian life in the early 21st century: a disjunction between state and society, between the rulers and the ruled, in especially in the key political mechanism — namely the electoral system — that linked the government, via its chosen political vehicle the BN, and the people. In short, the old political clothing of the national body politic was no longer a good fit. It was no longer even serviceable. It could no longer provide Umno with what was expected from it, namely the empowering prestige of strong and resonantly legitimate government. Modern democratic elections do not so much choose governments as endow them with popular legitimacy. Elections provide governments with the essential basis of their authority, and hence their ability to lead, to rule and to deliver what they intend. Malaysia's current electoral arrangements — so the experience of GE12 in 2008 and what has happened since then have now demonstrated — are no longer capable of serving that purpose, of delivering that indispensable authority into the hands of Umno/BN. Something new, better, and more appropriate to the times is now needed. If that had not been clear before, it was the unmistakeable message that GE12 delivered to all Malaysians, but especially to Umno/BN, in 2008. It is the defects and deficiencies of the central political mechanism in this ensemble of arrangements, namely of the electoral system, that in the years since 2008 — while the government has been happy to leave the problem largely unaddressed and unrepaired — have provided Bersih with its opening, its opportunity, with its seemingly irresistible "traction". Malaysia today: In need of some good new clothing Malaysia's current "political dispensation", its most recent suit of political clothing for its underlying constitutional form, came into being after the 1969 crisis which saw the collapse of its first political dispensation, or framework of enabling political arrangements. As noted, that new dispensation had consisted of two parts. The two key features of national life instituted in the early 1970s, the economic and the political, were to remain in force, first, throughout the 1990s, which culminated with the Asian Economic Crisis and the Reformasi challenge; and then well into the first decade of the new century, as Dr Mahathir struggled to restore national economic life and political stability and so to ensure the survival of his own achievements, the legacy of his two decades and more as prime minister. Over those years Malaysian society changed, and how it meshed with national politics, or now failed to do so, did too. But the same political "clothing" that had been newly created to adorn the national "body politic" and its underlying constitutional principles in 1970-1972 remained in service. Those political arrangements continued to operate simply because over that extended period no new ones were devised. They continued in force. But did they remain appropriate and effective? Were they still serviceable? For how long? GE12 in 2008 showed that those arrangements were now exhausted, that their political "shelf-life" had expired. They had reached their acceptable "use-by date". For all the talk of change since then, this still remains the situation, the basic and implacable fact of the nation's political life. While the nation's constitutional foundations remain sound and in good working order, the political body is in dire need of a new suit, a new ensemble of political arrangements and enabling institutions, to fit that body and meet it current needs. The nation and its political life have simply outgrown their existing clothing or arrangements, their institutional suiting. That clothing, the suit that the nation wears upon its political body, is in need of basic renovation and renewal. After its long and unnaturally protracted afterlife, Malaysia's second post-independence "political dispensation" — born in the wake of the 1969 crisis — is now exhausted. That fact has been made clear to all, both in the government and on the opposition side, who have considered seriously the implications of the 2008 election outcome. It is abundantly clear to all who can now recognise that Malaysian society, especially over the decade or so since the Reformasi challenge, has vastly outgrown the political framework under which it still sits and through which it must operate and seek to manage public affairs. The old framework is exhausted. It is now time for a new political dispensation, a third political framework of arrangements suited to the realities and requirements of this stage of Malaysia's national development. How do I see Malaysia today? I see it in urgent need of some good and timely political "tailoring". Why I worry That is easily said, but not so easily done and delivered. And that is why I now worry. I worry because I do not see any signs, on any side or from any quarter, that any appropriate new institutional tailoring, a fine and well-fitting new suit of political clothing, may soon come into being. Worse, I see no sign even that the main political players have any awareness, or are capable of any, that this is what is urgently required. That this challenge is basic to the nation's hopes of renewal and progress. What do I see? What is currently on offer? For its part Umno/BN still seems untroubled and happy with the old suit. It's all just fine, they say. In his time Tun Razak liked it, Tun Dr Ismail too. Why should we now want to propose anything different? "Tanda Putera" fashion: what could possibly be better, more stylish, than that? We have been happy with that same old suit for 40 years, they aver, and we could happily go on wearing it for another forty. Not much hope there in that quarter. The interesting thing here in this context is that, under Najib Razak's prime ministership, there has been much grandiose Umno-led talk about national transformation, about developing new structures and arrangements together with the suitable enforcement mechanisms and attitudes to go with them: in economics, commerce, management — virtually across the board. In everything, in short, but in the framework of national politics itself — in the fundamental rationale of Malaysian democratic governance, as distinct from mere national public administration. Yet that is the core of the matter, and the core of the Umno/BN government's seeming inability to build up any convincing momentum as it moves towards, but ever diffidently continues to hold back from calling, the next national elections, GE13. Meanwhile, for their part, the hardline Malay ethno-supremacists — who these days operate not only as powerful pressure groups (while deceptively calling themselves NGOs, a terrible misnomer!) upon the Umno/BN government from outside, but who also now exercise increasing "clout" within the dominant Umno itself — take this same logic one step further. They think and loudly declare that the old suit — or how they like to imagine it once was, and was always really meant to be — is just fine. All it needs, they say, is a little more in the way of repairs and judicious mending, and some strong structural reinforcement at the well-known "middle-age stress points", to turn this once respectable old national-democratic "three-piece" suit into a "Ketuanan Melayu" or Malay ascendancy straight-jacket. And, as they look at the fabric of its fine old material, they imagine that they see within the pattern of its very cloth not some sort of complexly aligned "herringbone" style or an attractive pluralistic motif but the wording, in a lovingly woven but hidden script, of the slogan "Malays on top, now and forever!" Not much hope from there either. On the opposition side, the PAS component, at least, has a very clear idea of the new kind of political suiting that its leaders think the national political body requires, and must in time be patiently educated to welcome and accept.
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| Anwar’s not important, good governance is Posted: 17 Mar 2013 10:27 AM PDT A good government is constituted by good people and the Umno-BN regime falls very short on 'goodness'. Mohd Ariff Sabri Aziz, FMT This coming general election is not about the culmination of efforts to make Anwar Ibrahim a prime minister. Dr Mahathir Mohamad and his followers would want us to believe in that big lie. But it's a lie that we must politely refuse if we still can do so politely. Making Anwar a prime minister is secondary. The primary purpose is to install a good government. Now, a good government is constituted by good people. That is the fundamental requirement. We need good people, qualified, dedicated and selfless who work the system to make the country better. When we say that, it is easy for people like Mahathir and Chandra Muzaffar (president of the International Movement for a Just World) to pour scorn and ridicule. Mahathir in politics and Chandra in intellectual-dom cannot understand the contradiction. It is as such not hard to reconcile the contradicting nature of people in Umno and people represented by Chandra. They think and believe that ONLY they are capable of doing good and are unable to bring themselves to accepting that they can do wrong. In order to "disbelieve" that "good" people like them can deteriorate into evil-doers requires a longer and indirect thinking process. It requires them to subordinate their emotions to rational thinking. Mahathir has no time for that and it seems Chandra doesn't want to do that either. They prefer to continue believing that it's ONLY them who can do good and it is impossible for good people like them to do "no good".
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| And after BN, you think you’ll be in heaven? Posted: 17 Mar 2013 10:25 AM PDT The DAP is not democracy in action. PKR is not justice in action. PAS is sometimes Islamic in action – but democracy and justice cuts across race and religion. Gobind Rudra, FMT By all means work furiously to topple the Barisan Nasional if you wish: but the Malaysian fight is to restore democracy, justice and fairness to all, and a life in which every Malaysian is accorded his full dignity. That is the true task before all Malaysians. They must not allow agitators and activists to fool them into thinking that their task is to put Pakatan Rakyat in power. The task to restore democracy and justice will remain, no matter who is in power. Political party activists and agitators prefer you not to think about that. The agitator prefers you to keep thinking only about the parties. They have their own reasons, and their job (some are paid directly, some paid indirectly and many not paid) is to remove one set of politicians and replace them with another. That is not our task, as citizens. All Malaysians must recognise that politicians and political parties are merely vehicles by which the citizen can move towards the ultimate goal – that goal being democracy and justice (or perhaps for some Muslims, an Islamic state and Islamic justice). The BN does not represent democracy and justice. Neither does the Pakatan represent democracy and justice. The DAP is not democracy in action. PKR is not justice in action. PAS is sometimes Islamic in action – but democracy and justice cuts across race and religion. Those words "democratic" and "justice" in the names of those parties are merely marketing slogans. Political parties exist to secure power. They will "sell" whatever you will buy. Parties are not a popular movement for democracy or justice. They are about achieving power. Whether they will deliver democracy or justice is another thing altogether. To achieve political power, politicians use the words "democracy" and "justice" to get to the top. After they get to the top, if they are honest they will deliver their version of "democracy", their version of "justice". Their version of democracy and justice may not be anything like what the people want or need – because parties, like companies, must deal with the demands of their members (and not you, the public) and the demands of their business, corporate and government sponsors (and not you, the public). The parties and their hordes of political agitators will serve their members, their friends, and their sponsors first – long before they serve you, the people. People in power are not angels So what must the people do? None of this is new. Humankind has had to deal with this many, many times before. Western political philosophers have said: Eternal vigilance is the price of all liberty – Wendell Phillips (1811-1884), US abolitionist and columnist. That means stay on our guard at all times no matter who is in power and hold them to account all the time There is no safety for honest men except by believing all possible evil of evil men – Edmund Burke (1729-1797), author, statesman, political philosopher. That means never completely trust those buggers in office, those buggers who hold power, and always be suspicious of them and their motives.
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| What can Saiful’s father offer PKR? Nothing! Posted: 16 Mar 2013 02:30 PM PDT What is the rationale in PI Bala, Deepak and Saiful's father being put to the fore by PKR, by Anwar, as a battering ram against Najib and Umno? CT Ali, FMT Mercenary, turncoat, scum, spin doctor, fiction writer, Umno mole! Even as I am being called these names, Saiful Bukhari Azlan's father Azlan Mohd Lazim joins PKR a day after insisting that his son was being used by several unscrupulous people, including a special officer to the PM, to fabricate lies against the de facto leader of PKR, Anwar Ibrahim. Now which part of S.T.U.P.I.D does PKR not understand? First PKR has Johari Abdul facilitating the press conference where Saiful's father announced that his son was being manipulated by the other side. The very next day, the same Johari Abdul is there again when Saiful's father announced that he is joining PKR. Now who is this Johari Abdul? He is the PKR member of parliament for Sungai Petani with a Master Degree in Strategic Studies. Simple rule of thumb for PKR in any future expose: if you want the Malaysian public to believe that Saiful's father did all that he did on his own volition, then do not have Johari or any PKR operatives near him when he makes the announcement. Better still, make sure no PKR operatives are even in the same room, same building, same locality. Why? Because when you do that, then right thinking Malaysians may believe that Saiful's father is doing it all on his own convictions. Then if he does want to join PKR, please lah, give a decent interval between that announcement and having a photo opportunity for Johari Abdul so that the Malaysian public may be persuaded that he joining the PKR has got nothing to do with him calling his son a liar who is being manipulated by unscrupulous men connected to Najib. But this Johari does not seem to have the ability to understand these simple niceties, and he has a Masters in Strategic Studies? Some of you cannot see beyond the tip of your nose, what more the ability to follow the chain of events of why and how things happen in this sandiwara and odious drama that passes for politics in our country. Ignorance I can understand, but stupidity I cannot tolerate. For me Najib Tun Razak, Umno and all that are remotely within its sphere of toxicity are a lost cause. So I would prefer to work on what is not yet a lost cause in as far as I am concerned. Pakatan Rakyat, PKR and Anwar Ibrahim are not a lost cause yet! They potentially can be the future we aspire to. They can potentially be the government we need in Putrajaya. They are our hope for change, but only if they are deserving of our trust and worthy of being leaders capable of good governance. We are not imbeciles He had the opportunity of being PM once – he was just a step away from it happening. All it would have taken for him to be Prime Minister then would not even be 10 % of the effort he has put in the last nine years to get where he is today. Now again he has been give this opportunity to be the PM designate if Pakatan Rakyat wins government in this 13th general election – and is he once again going to shot himself in the foot? Of course I am angry! How many politicians have a shot at the PM seat even once? Only Anwar had – and is he going to screw it up again? And why am I angry? Simply this – I have been blogging for the past three years and all this time I have worked on my blog for Anything But Umno (ABU). By default Anwar will lead Pakatan into the 13th general election to make ABU a reality because no one else, at this pointof time, can do it better. I am but one of the many thousands of people who have done work for ABU, for Pakatan Rakyat and for Anwar to be the change we want through what I write. However small my contribution has been, it has been work I have done because we have no other choice but Pakatan if we want a new beginning. And then we see the late P Balasubramaniam, Deepak Jaikishan and this Father of Saiful being put to the fore by PKR, by Anwar to be used by PKR and Anwar as a battering ram against Najib and Umno.
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| Posted: 16 Mar 2013 09:22 AM PDT
The long wait for the general election to be called is almost over as all the signs point to the Prime Minister making the big move this week. Joceline Tan, The Star EVERYONE thinks it is going to be any day now. They are, of course, talking about when Parliament will be dissolved for the general election. Last Wednesday, there was a mild speculation frenzy after the Prime Minister's black Proton Perdana Executive was spotted going through the Palace gates early in the morning. A Malay daily tweeted about it and soon the chatter was Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak had sought the King's consent for the dissolution of Parliament. Najib did indeed have an audience with the King as he does every Wednesday before chairing the weekly Cabinet meeting, and many people had a good laugh at themselves after that. Speculation about the dissolution date has gone from "Is it going to be next month?" to "Is it tomorrow?" or even "Heard that PM is meeting the (Yang di-Pertuan) Agong this afternoon." The window is getting smaller and every little move by Najib is scrutinised and analysed for hints. But even those with access to him are flummoxed. "We keep watching PM's body language but no hints at all from him. When we ask him, all he says is, be ready," said Umno executive secretary Datuk Rauf Yusoh. A few days ago, PKR deputy president Azmin Ali tweeted that Parliament would be dissolved on March 18. But the opposition parties have been predicting the general election since 2010 and we are still waiting. The Prime Minister is as ready as can be, according to several top editors who met him at his office on Monday. It was a sort of tea-chat where they exchanged views over a variety of issues. And, of course, there was the burning question of the day: When? Nobody really expected him to say when but what came across during the exchange was how visibly confident Najib was. "He was upbeat, he looked at ease. I think he is ready. He has an impressive report card in terms of the Government's economic transformation policies. He has responded to the new political landscape in terms of social and political reforms. He's got his finger on the national pulse, he has reached out to everyone and he's tuned in to issues of the day," said one of the editors. Najib told them he is "cautiously optimistic" about Barisan Nasional's chances in the elections. It is a phrase he has used whether in private or in public. During a televised town hall-style session titled "Conversation with the PM" a few days ago, he had said: "I say cautiously optimistic because we cannot take anything for granted. But I am very encouraged by the people's response especially when I go round. At the same time, we have done our assessments, numbers and we believe the rakyat is behind us and the rakyat feel that their future is more secure with Barisan Nasional." He has put his heart and soul into his work and those close to him said he has every reason to be confident and that he has his sights set on regaining Barisan's two-third majority in Parliament. But like all seasoned politicians, he knows that this is the time when politicians are about to approach the people to ask for their precious votes and support. Humility is important and it is not the time to talk big or be presumptuous. Najib has often been described as a wartime prime minister given the challenging post-2008 political landscape. But the terror intrusions in Lahad Datu has lent an uncanny meaning to the sobriquet and he has been able to draw on his experience as Defence Minister in handling the crisis. He has been visibly saddened by the deaths on the battle front and his focus over the last few weeks has been as much on the situation in Sabah as it has been on the polls. The crisis is under control but far from over. It has also taken on a life of its own in terms of national impact. There has been a surging tide of nationalist and patriotic sentiments especially among the Malays. Many have been moved by the nightly reporting from the battle front and the televised replay of the Jalur Gemilang-draped coffins emerging from the belly of army aircraft as solemn military music played in the background. Malaysians have been galvanised by what is happening in Lahad Datu and what it means to the country's national security. They are angry there are people out there who have attempted to ridicule the gravity of the situation. For instance, Wong Chin Huat, a leading figure in the Bersih group and now working for a Penang government think-tank, had in the early weeks of the crisis tweeted that the Sulu intruders were here for Chinese New Year, they would be getting ang pows, they decided to stay for Chap Goh Meh, they enjoyed it so much they extended their stay. He probably meant it as a joke but it was not funny when people, especially our police personnel, began dying. PKR vice-president Tian Chua is facing sedition charges after dozens of police reports were lodged over his alleged remarks that the Sabah intrusion was a political conspiracy. Very few are keen to talk openly about how Lahad Datu will impact on the political prospect of either Barisan or Pakatan Rakyat. It would be in bad taste given that the armed forces are out there, putting their lives on the line for the nation. But the political mood in Sabah is very different today compared to a month ago and talk about "Ubah" or change has quietened somewhat. Pakatan leaders have been going on about how they are going to take Putrajaya. They have been reluctant to say how many seats they can possibly win to form the government but are making a concerted bid to win more seats in Johor, Sarawak and Sabah. They have been very strategic in focusing on these states where there are a sizable number of Chinese-majority seats because they have won all the Chinese seats that they could possibly win in other states on the west coast. But they have been tactically silent about the fact that Kedah and Selangor are looking wobbly. They may also lose seats in several other states that were won thanks to the political tsunami. For example, at least five parliamentary seats are expected to fall to Umno in Kelantan. In Penang, Umno is sure of taking back two parliamentary seats from PKR while in Perak, at least four Pakatan parliamentary seats are in danger. This means that the gains Pakatan makes in their frontline states may be negated by losses elsewhere. State seats usually carry parliamentary seats and if Kedah and Selangor fall, Barisan will be looking at a two-thirds majority. The general consensus is that Barisan will still be in Putrajaya after the general election. It will win with a comfortable margin but will fall short of a two-thirds majority. Besides, very few democracies in the world enjoy two-thirds majority governments. "Only the size of the majority remains uncertain," said Asli CEO Tan Sri Michael Yeoh. Yeoh put it in a nutshell when he said that there are basically three possible outcomes for the elections: > The status quo remains for Barisan at around 140 parliamentary seats. > A reduced majority for Barisan. > Barisan regains two-thirds majority. Najib, said Yeoh, will campaign from a position of strength that is premised on his personality, the hard work he has put in and his track record of policies and programmes. One of the reasons why Pakatan's recently launched manifesto has not had the traction of the earlier Buku Jingga is because of Najib's Janji Ditepati reputation, which has been in sharp contrast to Pakatan's excuse that "manifesto bukan janjian" (a manifesto is not a promise). He has shown that it can walk the talk and deliver on its word. "However, the urban voters are still largely with the Opposition. The urban Chinese support for DAP is strong and as high as 85% of urban Chinese may vote for it," said Yeoh. Umno, he said, will be the big Barisan winner and DAP will be the big Pakatan winner. Malaysian politics is likely to get even more racially polarised. It has been a long wait for the mother of all battles. During a pre-election briefing for the editorial staff a few weeks ago, this paper's group chief editor Datuk Seri Wong Chun Wai asked how many in the auditorium were covering the general election for the first time. On seeing the number of hands, he said with a laugh: "Never mind, don't worry. The last five years have been one long election campaign." He is so right. It has also been five years of endless politicking over almost everything and anything. And just as you thought that it could not get any more complicated, you have Saiful Bukhari Azlan and his father Azlan Mohd Lazim contradicting each other on Saiful's sex allegations against Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. But nothing could have been more stunning than how the Lynas campaign has unfolded. Lynas leader Wong Tack is now a DAP election candidate and he has veered from wanting to burn down the plant to okaying Lynas if it "goes through the front door". On the other hand, Anwar said Lynas may be allowed to operate but his PKR Wanita chief Fuziah Salleh went the opposite direction with a firm "No". The saying that fact is stranger than fiction has been all too true when it comes to politics since 2008. Publisher Datuk A. Kadir Jasin's gripe about some of the greenhorn politicians swept in by the political tsunami is that they have been like "ayam jantan baru belajar berkokok" (cockerels learning how to crow). "They not only crow at the wrong time, they are also out of tune and are a nuisance to the whole kampung," said Kadir. The result has been some questionable Yang Berhormats who have a talent for saying the wrong things at the wrong time about issues which they are less than qualified to talk about. Malaysians have had ample time to assess what the two coalitions are about. And that is why candidates are going to be a big factor in the elections. Najib will meet the King again on Wednesday prior to the Cabinet meeting. But this time, according to insiders, this might just be the day when he seeks His Majesty's consent to dissolve Parliament. If that happens, he will then return to inform his Cabinet before making a public announcement. The long wait is almost over.
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| Posted: 16 Mar 2013 09:20 AM PDT
Politicians and wannabe politicians have hijacked the green movement to pursue their political goals at the expense of genuine environmental concerns. Wong Chun Wai, The Star HIMPUNAN Hijau activist Wong Tack has found himself facing a barrage of criticism after deciding to contest under the DAP banner in the coming general election. His fellow members in the anti-Lynas movement feel let down because they see his decision as politically opportunistic. They want him to step down from the movement but he says it is unwarranted because Himpunan Hijau isn't registered anyway. He is even saying that his position as chairman is not an official position. But what Wong has not said is that all this while, he has been freely making press statements in that capacity. Dr Kua Kia Soong, adviser for human rights group Suaram, has expressed similar sentiments about Wong, saying the latter must step down. Dr Kua was a Chinese educationist who quit the United Chinese School Committees' Association of Malaysia (Dong Zong) in 1990 to contest under the DAP in the 1990 general election. He won the Petaling Jaya Utara parliamentary seat but he did not last long in the DAP as his idealism and uncompromising principles did not fit in the opposition party. The respectable human rights activist, who was detained under the Internal Security Act in 1987, left the DAP bitterly and ended up pouring out his frustrations in a book, Inside the DAP: 1990-1995. Dr Kua has returned to NGO activities. As he rightly wrote recently, "Politicians like to spout the platitude that 'politics is the art of the possible', but movements must bear pressure on them to make their demands possible. "Now, before Wong has even started his career as a politician, he is already faced with his first dilemma." Pakatan Rakyat chief (Datuk Seri) Anwar Ibrahim, Dr Kua wrote, "has demonstrated the 'art of the possible' by declaring that if Pakatan comes into power, Lynas will be given a chance to prove the plant's safety". Wong, when asked to respond to what Anwar had said, was quick to support the Opposition Leader's statement. That was a far cry from his earlier pledge to burn down the Lynas plant himself if Pakatan comes to power. That's precisely the trouble with NGO leaders, especially some activists in Penang, who decide to take a partisan political stand. They begin to make compromises and, worse, they begin to lose their neutrality as they openly side with Pakatan. At least one former NGO leader has taken up a Senator's post while others have been co-opted into various state government posts. Others cannot remember which hat they were wearing when they made statements. The only beacon that stands out in Penang, home of NGOs, is the Consumers Association of Penang, which has consistently spoken out about issues affecting the country and state. Unlike many NGOs which are actually one-man shows, CAP is professionally run and is focused on education and research. It does not need to flirt with politicians and has kept its credibility fully intact. Wong obviously owes the thousands of people who took part in the anti-Lynas protest walk an explanation. Was he using them to increase his profile so he could secure himself a candidacy? His commitment to the environment itself has now been questioned as he has maintained a stoic silence on the blatant raping of forests in Kedah and Kelantan, two states run by PAS, a partner in the Pakatan. Again, I quote Dr Kua in reference to NGO leaders who have wavered after becoming involved in politics: "Is it because they are so caught up with the political hoopla they have also stepped down a notch from their previous uncompromising stand? "It's time they found their own voice now that their erstwhile chairperson has gone on to pursue his political career." There have been high hopes that environment issues would play a major role in this coming election but it would appear that much of it has been tainted with political motives. Politicians and wannabe politicians have hijacked the green movement to pursue their political goals at the expense of genuine environmental concerns. Take, for example, the Bukit Koman gold mine issue. Purported environmental activists have claimed that the mine's use of cyanide caused medical problems among the residents nearby. Until now, however, not a shred of evidence has been produced to support their claims. Last year, DAP Kepong MP Dr Tan Seng Giaw, a skin specialist, said "there is still no evidence to show the occurrence of skin problems among Bukit Koman residents in Raub is linked to cyanide used in gold mine activities". "It is difficult to attribute the skin problems to a certain substance as it is a very slow process. I think we should approach this issue in a rational manner," he said. Yet, the same allegations have been recycled, with the hope that if a lie is told a thousand times, it will become fact. Interestingly, the gold mine employs over 300 local residents, and Barisan Nasional is claiming that most of the protesters are actually from outside Raub. It is also interesting to note that a gold mine operator in PAS-run Kelantan uses cyanide and actually explained its operations on its official website. But there's not even a whisper of protest against it from pro-Pakatan environmentalists, who seem to choose their targets. Two other gold mines in Pahang are said to also use cyanide but again they are not in the political spotlight. Bukit Koman, however, is in the Raub parliamentary constituency, which the opposition feels it has a chance of wresting from the Barisan. Environmental awareness is crucial and important. Malaysians must demand that protection of our environment be included as part of the national agenda. This newspaper has exposed wanton logging, illegal or otherwise, in Pahang, Kedah, Kelantan and Perak. We have highlighted the problems of the natives in Sarawak and incurred the wrath of politicians and developers over our reports on the excessive hill development in Penang. Then there is the never-ending issue of illegal sand mining in Selangor. Our reporters have been threatened by both sides of the political divide but that's the price we have to pay if we are to pursue the issue passionately. The Buku Jingga, for example, is totally silent on the customary land rights of the orang asli, public transport system and even a sustainable energy policy. Environmental groups and voters must insist on these when the Barisan unveils its manifesto.
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