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- Emotions
- GE13: Targeting Perak
- Yang Kamu Semai, Itulah Yang Kamu Tuai!
- Splits in the Singapore elite
| Posted: 04 Nov 2012 03:24 PM PST
It's called tribalism, and of the most acute Mrymidon-ish kind. But it's a more recent political phenomenon in Malaysia, coming into prominence after, I suspect, the acrimonious Mahathir-Anwar split.  Hence I see it'll be unlikely for Malaysian politics to develop into a mature 2-party system, let alone ever entertain that nebulous word 'bipartisanship'. But there are other forms of emotions (including wakakaka-ism) that would rack us from time to time. Let me provide the following examples from my personal experience: (a) Malaysiakini - 'Scorpenes to prevent repeat of 1511 attack on Malacca' My emotion: First I guffawed at the ludicrousness of such an assertion. Then I cringed (and still do) with shame and embarrassment that such a moronic absurd statement could come from the mouth of Malaysia's top naval man, RMN chief Laksamana Abdul Aziz.
How the f* did we go so very wrong in the development of our military officers? As Sakmongkol AK47 wrote in The Malaysian Insider's The Navy Chief and the MCA Aryan Race: "We must remember to sack the imbecilic navy chief when PR takes over the government. [...] The reason given by the navy chief must be taken as signs of incompetence spawned by an inept and corrupt government." I like Sak's use of the word 'imbecilic' to describe that half-baked sailor and his half-past six nonsense. (b) Malaysiakini - DAP's war truck goes missing in Johor
My emotion: Ashamed that some people would resort to this sort of childish hooliganism. But DAP should take comfort that the truck was probably requisitioned as an essential war requirement for the defence of our shores ... against those marauding Portuguese, wakakaka. (c) The Malaysian Insider - Arrested youth's family fear Johor palace interference, urge cops to help My emotion: Oh no, not again. But then, where is Dr Mahathir when you need him, wakakaka.
a relatively more recent one, David ben Gurion, etc.
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| Posted: 04 Nov 2012 09:07 AM PST Let us start with Perak. If we focus our attacks on Larut, Parit, Tapah, Pasir Salak, Bagan Datok and Tanjung Malim, we will leave only two seats for BN to win in Perak. That will be Gerik and Lenggong. In an earlier article, I said, BN will win only 7 parliamentary seats. Let us make that 2. The more important strategy is to take the federal seats to allow PR to form the federal government. States that do not fall under PR will run to form state coalition governments. Najib says melancholically in Penang that he does not mind other people taking over his PMship- but he fears under Pakatan, the country will go bankrupt. Come on Mr PM, it is not like you are the only person who can do the job of PM and it is not that only Barisan can run the country. You have spent more than you earned for the last 16 years since 1998. I have said it before and now will repeat- if Najib can become PM, so can everyone else.
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| Yang Kamu Semai, Itulah Yang Kamu Tuai! Posted: 03 Nov 2012 10:35 AM PDT Kita tahu UMNO cukup kuat di Johor dan orang Melayu Johor cukup tebal dengan semangat keUMNOan mereka. Bacaan harian mereka selepas Subuh selain Yasiin, ialah Utusan Malaysia dan tontonan mereka ialah TV3. Kita semua tahu jenis orang Melayu yang membaca dan menonton dua jenis media ini. Itulah yang menerangkan mengapa Melayu Johor sokong UMNO. Namun, terdapat juga kelompok Melayu yang sedar bahawa sokongan membabi buta kepada UMNO adalah merugikan. Sokongan kepada manusia adalah sokongan bersyarat yakni qualified support bukannya absolute support. Kita menyokong kerajaan dan pemerintah selagi mereka bersikap adil. Atas dasar itu, untuk negeri Johor cukup setakat 9-12 kerusi parlimen jatuh ketangan PR. Bila PR pegang Kerajaan Persekutuan, kita akan tahu asal usul MP dan ADUN UMNO. Belum sempat teh tarik segelas habis, mereka akan lompat masuk PR. Biarlah mereka berada dalam alam mimpi mereka. Mereka tidak terbayang bahawa UMNO akan tewas. Tapi 2008 membuktikan bahawa UMNO tidaklah sekuat yang mereka sangkakan. Calon UMNO pun hanya memperolehi 2 juta undi orang Melayu. Majority Melayu sudah menolah UMNO. Ertinya, bumi di atas mana mereka berpijak sudah berganjak dan beralih. Profail pengundi telah berubah. Rakyat memiliki kesedaran social yang kian meningkat. Pemerintah dan kerajaan tidak lagi di lihat sebagai sesuatu yang memaksa ke atas mereka; kerajaan dan pemerintah ada suatu wadah yang melaluinya, rakyat mencapai matlamat dan objektif-objektif tertentu. Ertinya, rakyat mulai sedar, bahawa baik atau jahat sebuah kerajaan bergantung kepada mereka yang membentuknya. Bila mereka sedar meraka yang sebenarnya berkuasa, maka kuasa untuk membetulkan keadaan pun ada dalam tangan mereka. Maka hari ini, kesedaran sosial yang paling bernilai ialah kesedaran bahawa pemerintah yang adil adalah pemerintah yang disembah, pemerintah yang tidak adil adalah pemerintah yang disanggah. Sementara pemimpin UMNO korap dan bongkak, orang Melayu sudah bertambah yakin kepada diri mereka sendiri. Tanda-tanda UMNO kalah sudah menjadi nyata. Orang UMNO tidak pernah sasau melakukan kekasaran, membuang poster lawan, menyimbah cat dan membaling batu, mengacau ceramah parti lawan, membuat ugutan fisikal, menyekat pergerakan pihak lawan dan sebagainya. UMNO Dato Onn sehingga UMNO Hussein Onn tidak pernah melakukan perkara ini. Hari ini semua perkara ini suatu kebiasaan kepada ahli UMNO seolah olah pemimpin UMNO mengajar anak buah nya tidak disiplin. Ini semua menandakan UMNO sudah berada dalam keadaan cemas. UMNO sanggup mencetuskan kacau bilau apabila melihat zaman pemerintahannya akan berakhir. Kalau UMNO mempunyai rekod yang baik seperti yang dipekikkan oleh Dato Najib, apakah yang hendak ditakutkan? Bukankah kita hanya perlu menunjukkan satu jari, semua masalah akan selesai? | ||||||||
| Posted: 02 Nov 2012 06:07 PM PDT I contend that this is a most unlikely development in Singapore for three distinct reasons. The first and main reason for this logic is that the Singapore elite is much more risk averse than the Taiwan elite ever was. Singapore is so much smaller than Taiwan; its economy is so much more fragile and vulnerable to the mood swings of international finance and markets, that such a split is unlikely unless the country itself is nearly on its last legs. Dissidents in Cabinet would be, in their minds, putting at risk the fundamentals that give the international financial and investment markets confidence in Singapore, and I do not believe that they would take such a risk. The second reason I doubt the likelihood of such a scenario is a little counter-intuitive: Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong has used the PAP's electoral setbacks in 2011 to consolidate his stature within in the elite. By effectively shifting the blame for the parliamentary losses onto others – most notably his own father – and by ensuring that he has been given credit for the result not being any worse than it was, he has now, for the first time, stepped out of his father's shadow and clearly established himself as the master of the situation. His party lost a significant amount of electoral ground in 2011, but Lee successfully stage-managed the narrative of the election after the event, beginning on election night itself, during which the Elections Department actively cooperated to allow him to mount the podium and claim victory as the government's white knight and saviour. He is now fully in charge of Cabinet and has used his new power ruthlessly to push aside the deadwood and the duds who had been pulling the party down. Before the 2011 results there had been some dissident rumblings in Cabinet, but even then this did not amount to very much. Former Nominated MP Viswa Sadasivan told in interview in January 2011 that he had become used to government MPs and even one or two Cabinet members congratulating him for his forthright and highly critical speeches in Parliament – but they would not speak out themselves, nor even associate themselves with dissenting voices. This is decidedly not the stuff of which Cabinet splits are made! The third reason I doubt the likelihood of a split in the elite is that the best chance for such a split came and went in the mid-1990s when Goh Chok Tong was prime minister. Goh tried to use his position as PM and his control of the Ministry of Finance through his close ally, Finance Minister Richard Hu, to wrest the reins of power from the Lee family – father and son. He was doing this through a deliberate campaign of supplanting the Lee family's patronage in the civil service and in the huge and powerful government-linked company (GLC) sector. The campaign promised to be particularly effective in the GLC sector. The key instrument of patronage in this campaign was the secretive Directorship and Consultancy Appointments Council (DCAC) which at the time was responsible for the appointment of boards and executive positions across the whole of the GLC sector, and which operated under the authority of the Finance Minister Hu. Read more at: http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2012/11/02/splits-in-the-singapore-elite/
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