Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Umno needs to ‘colonise’ S’wak for continuity
- A change is gonna come
- Malay Rights v Special Position
- Election guessing game again
- PAS must purge Hasan Ali quickly
- Let the punishment fit the crime
- Al Sheikh Al Juburi’s Faithful Assistant & Clique
- An insignificant and irrelevant hogwash
- DAP infighting due to polls candidacy and rewards
- For some, the world will end in 2012
- ‘There is a godfather in DAP but it’s not Karpal’
| Umno needs to ‘colonise’ S’wak for continuity Posted: 28 Dec 2011 05:36 PM PST Dayaks must wrest control of Sarawak if they are to change the course of their future. If the Dayaks do not rule, they will not get land titles, and their children will be deprived of opportunities to attend good schools and get good jobs. By John Brian Anthony, Free Malaysia Today Umno will not allow Chief Minister Taib Mahmud to be removed from his seat because Taib was and is prepared to play ball and fit into their (Umno leaders') plan to "colonise" Sarawak. Peninsular Malaysia is running out of land and they need Sarawak. But it will be at the expense of the Dayaks of Sarawak. Peninsular Malaysia has exhausted its resources. There is not much oil and gas left. Where can they get more? They get it from Sabah and Sarawak. Who has the biggest oil and gas companies in Malaysia? Scomi, Kencana and government-linked companies like the MISC, all of which are peninsula-based. Are there any Sarawakians leading these companies or holding shares in them? The answer is: no. Should we allow this to continue? The answer is: no. That's why I decided to move towards DAP. I thought about this and the future of Sarawak. Dayaks must understand the meaning of their vote. Why do we vote? If we do not understand why we vote, then we will lose the objective of voting. In that way, our votes could be sold or bought by those parties with plenty of money to spend. I am worried that the minority in Sarawak will import their culture and belief system from places where the majority holds the power. It is already happening now. In Sarawak, Dayaks are a majority and as is the norm, the majority must rule. Minority rules in Sarawak As it is, the Malay Muslim (Taib Mahmud) is leading Sarawak. The majority – Dayaks and Chinese – are led by a minority. It is an odd situation. In Penang, for example, the Chinese rule the state. In Kelantan, Terengganu and other states in the peninsula, Malays rule because they are the majority. But in Sarawak the small minority rules the state. If the Dayaks do not rule, they will not get land titles, and their children will be deprived of opportunities to attend good schools and get good jobs. DAP is a party highly regarded for its integrity in the way it conducts its politics. Its leaders cannot ignore the Dayak majority and therefore will have to treat the Dayaks with trust, respect and fair play. With the 13th general election looming, both Pakatan Rakyat and Barisan Nasional are preparing for the big fight. In the last outing (the state election in April), there was an increase in Dayak votes for Pakatan. Statistics also showed a increase in support for the opposition. To boost Muslim population, they (the BN state governments) isssued MyKads in Sabah and Sarawak to foreign workers and allowed them to vote. They even send more than 2,000 ustaz to rural Sarawak. All this is disturbing to me and it infringes on my rights and private space. How can the minority do this?
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| Posted: 28 Dec 2011 09:10 AM PST All eyes will turn to Borneo. It is a mighty ask to expect a lion's share of the parliamentary seats there, but Pakatan might broach the 20-seat mark, though it might end up being 15. That would reduce BN's majority from Borneo (31 seats in Sarawak, 25 in Sabah) from 54 in 2008 to a manageable 26. Praba Ganesan, The Malaysian Insider An important time is arriving in Malaysia, and it does not matter if you are for it or not; that's not material anymore. The growing fear is that the nation is about to enter this phase without a seat belt. History students in the distant future will love 2011. When in doubt in a class history quiz, 2011 is, as they say in basketball, a high percentage shot (or guess in that situation). The world has plenty of discussion points from this year, with the death of Kim Jung-il tipping the year to epic proportion. However for Malaysians, despite its share of watershed moments this year, 2012 will be the one that is monumental. Two inevitable events in 2012 will dictate life in Malaysia for some time. A general election and a court verdict. He will go to jail With his declaration from the defendant's dock of his innocence and that Sodomy II is an elaborate political attack, Anwar Ibrahim has announced his disbelief in the country's justice system under Barisan Nasional. Legal minds are divided on the strategy, but still it did more than suggest that the leader of the opposition is readying himself for what seems like a predictable verdict. Few of those legal minds, outside the employ of the Malaysian government, disagree with Anwar. On January 9 when the verdict comes out, there will be a reaction. Not rage, but a quiet shrug of the shoulder by millions of Malaysians. This disgust may translate to votes in the coming general election. The column is mindful that there will be many other developments between that January week and the general election, but none will capture the collective imagination of Malaysians as much as this. The spectre of a grandfather going to jail six months after Prime Minister Najib Razak promising to reform the country's arcane and oppressive laws removes any semblance of reform from the present administration. The administration's fear of a free Anwar in an election year may be its undoing. General election This column made the prognosis last year that there will be no general election this year. It has been vindicated on that score. Six months ago it would be outright optimism bordering on blind faith to expect Pakatan Rakyat to exceed its Election 2008 results. Today, there is talk in saner political corners of a possible election upset. Najib has a large party, but most are in for what Umno can give them and are led by very few charismatic leaders. It is a party of money, not a party of ideas. It can only rely on the following: a good economy, the buzz of 1 Malaysia, mainstream media and its election machinery. The economy is strong, and the planned handouts leading to the election will affect votes. Still, decades of poor wealth distribution are starting to bite all over, the emerging scandals are only confirming allegations of an elitist system run to please one class, not any race, religion or state. Mainstream media has been less dismissive of Pakatan Rakyat, even if they'd rather have dead air than say salutary things about the coalition. Some of the commentaries have given way to doubt. The buzz of 1 Malaysia is the random factor. No poll can gauge it. Only a fair election will. It is conceivable that this administration is leaking support. The BN machine is a money machine. It is less incisive in a general election than in a by-election. It is about pump-priming activities based on money. The question remains, how many Malaysians are keen on appearing to openly support the BN in the coming election, even if the money is good? There is an air of change in the country, and an Anwar conviction will electrify the country more and convince them that if they let this moment slip, then a reversal will occur. The electoral maths then… The dwindled support for BN's Chinese parties will start to tell. The Indian votes are divided at best, not in Najib's bag necessarily. It is curious to note that Najib, not the MIC, holds sway with the community. It is the young vote which will determine the result. Anwar does not poll that well with women, but that does not discount Pakatan's overall appeal to women. Penang is destined to stay with Pakatan. The parliamentary seats will be status quo. Kedah will copy Penang, and Perlis is on a knife edge. Pundits will not be surprised if the northwest turns into a Pakatan surge. Kelantan is a safe seat, and the vagaries of Terengganu Umno politics does leave more questions than answers. Umno may keep the state, but only a two-seat majority in the parliamentary count. Pahang will be Peninsular Malaysia's battleground. There were urban wins for Pakatan, but it is the reach to Felda areas that will be telling. Umno to keep Pahang, but to lose more ground. Perak and Selangor will go Pakatan, the first is a bigger call but a call has to be made. With the expectation of a slim Pakatan win in Negri Sembilan, that leaves Malacca and Johor as solid Umno states. All eyes will turn to Borneo. It is a mighty ask to expect a lion's share of the parliamentary seats there, but Pakatan might broach the 20-seat mark, though it might end up being 15. That would reduce BN's majority from Borneo (31 seats in Sarawak, 25 in Sabah) from 54 in 2008 to a manageable 26. A national electoral win is possible, even if quite challenging, if the above inroad is achieved in Borneo. Unlike Pakatan's leadership conviction that the right candidates will win Putrajaya, this column is ready to call that it will be the national mobilisation of hundreds of thousands of Malaysians wanting a new Malaysia which will secure the change.
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| Malay Rights v Special Position Posted: 27 Dec 2011 08:20 AM PST In this last week of 2011, we will be re-publishing selected stories carried in FMT throughout this year. We find that these stories still remain relevant in the present context. Critics accuse the Umno-led regime of spending millions of ringgit on decorative rhetoric and ceremonial reforms without making any real effort towards substantive institutional changes that would bring about compliance with democratic principles and respect for human rights and needs. Stanley Koh, Free Malaysia Today This story was posted on Jan 9, 2011, reminding the nation's leaders the warnings that the late Ghazali Shafie gave 10 years ago. We think it is still worth reminding our leaders the warnings. "There are no Malay rights since our Constitution holds dear that all persons are equal before the law and entitled to equal protection of the law without discrimination on the basis of race and religion." That was what the late Ghazali Shafie said in a speech at the National Unity Convention in May 2001. He continued: "What perhaps has come to be regarded as special rights is the special position of the Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak under Article 153 (of the Federal Constitution). The change from 'position' to 'rights' is frightening. Who did that, I wonder? "In a plural society like ours, if the leadership was not bold and sincere enough to take corrective measures so that there would be a level playing field, then the situation would indeed be bleak and our society would be a playground for those who wish us ill." Born in Kuala Lipis, Ghazali was 88 at the time of his death in January 2010. He had a distinguished career in politics and government. Many bigots, opportunists and self-serving leaders of today will probably dismiss those remarks on the New Economic Policy as just one man's opinion. If they are ignorant of history, they may even question his authority. If Ghazali were alive and facing these critics, he would probably reply in these words, which were part of the speech at the 2001 convention: "It was Tun Abdul Razak who asked me to devise the NEP after being inspired by Rukunegara. "The NEP was the fruit of consultations among the various races in the Consultative Committee and later Parliament, who agreed to the corrective measures by invoking affirmative action." Distortions and misinterpretations In explaining affirmative action, he paraphrased Tun Abdul Razak, who likened it to the handicap system in golf, "so that," he said, "everyone could play together on a level playing field." He added: "Almost ad nauseam, it was explained that the NEP was not to make the Malay community rich but to change vocations through affirmative action. To acquire riches is the privilege of any individual and it would be contrary to the Rukunegara if the only aim was to make the Malays rich." When he spoke those words, the greed for riches through the NEP had long taken root. Distortions and misinterpretations of the policy had already divided the nation, and our so-called leaders tossed around the word "unity" only when elections were near, and they still do so today. But unity, if we take it seriously, is indeed the key to resolving the profound problems that the nation faces. Is "1Malaysia" a call for such unity? Many Malaysians do not think so. They believe instead that it is a red herring meant to deflect attention from the continuation of discriminatory policies. The thinking public does not buy all the hype about 1Malaysia that BN is pushing through the media organisations it controls. It remains an empty and meaningless slogan. And, as if oblivious of what the public is saying, 1Malaysia has become a favourite catchword among BN politicians. They tag the slogan to everything, like a chef sprinkling salt in every dish. Do they really think that Malaysians are stupid enough to believe that mere rhetoric can charm them out of their dissatisfactions?
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| Posted: 27 Dec 2011 08:17 AM PST In our political system, the government, federal or state, may dissolve the state assemblies or Parliament at any time to allow it to go back to the voters and put its fate in the hands of the people it claims to represent. One calls elections when it is beneficial or advantageous to do so. This is true for both state governments and Federal Government.
THE year that is ending can be remembered for a lot of things, but one that is rather significant is that, less than a week to 2012, there is not going to be a general election this year despite what we have read and heard these past 12 months. Political observers, analysts or pundits with a blog or a website or allocated some column centimetres in newspapers must have collectively put in millions of words on why the general election would have been held in the first, or second, or third or fourth quarter of the year. Some were so sure of their information that one could not be faulted for thinking that these guys were printing election posters on the side. Alas, they did not have access to the prime minister's thinking. All else, as they say, is speculation.Yet, we lapped them all up because we love the idea of an election. Also we have been living in such a politically intense environment that we would not be wrong to conclude that an election would just be something the doctor ordered to cure us of all our ills. In our political system, the government, federal or state, may dissolve the state assemblies or Parliament at any time to allow it to go back to the voters and put its fate in the hands of the people it claims to represent. One calls elections when it is beneficial or advantageous to do so. This is true for both state governments and Federal Government. |
| PAS must purge Hasan Ali quickly Posted: 27 Dec 2011 08:14 AM PST Perceiving himself as 'important' PAS' Hasan Ali is an 'accident waiting to happen' because he has always done things with the hope of catching Umno's eye. He does not understand that there is a fine line between holding on to your principles because you genuinely believe in the rightness of your cause and the holding on to your 'principles' because it serves your vested interest to do so. CT Ali, Free Malaysia Today The question of how Islam as the purist knows it, and democracy as we know it, would be able to work in harmony, is one of PAS' perennial 'problems'. The practical aspects of making Muslim democracy work within the framework of Pakatan Rakyat is critical to the coalition's internal cohesiveness and by extension the coalition's ability to govern effectively should it have electoral success in the 13th general election. This is a work in progress between PAS, DAP and PKR. Although amongst a coalition of friends who are desirous of accommodating each other's nuances, there is still conflict over PAS' inherent conservatism, the uncertainty of Anwar Ibrahim's future within PKR and the cloud of perceived 'racial overtones' hanging over DAP (however undeserved it may be!) PAS' ageing but wise leadership chose to confront the opposing progressive and conservatism factions within PAS by courageously throwing themselves into the lion's den at the 57th PAS Muktamar in June this year. Where Umno and MCA choose to postpone party elections until after the general election for fear that it would adversely polarize opposing factions within their parties, PAS looked upon its party elections as an opportunity for PAS to announce its emergence as a partner within Pakatan in every sense of the word. The 57th PAS Muktamar confirmed the party's commitment to democratic principles. It allowed activists within PAS – the ulama and the progressive – to go head to head in an overt display of democracy at work. The progressive won and in so doing made PAS's engagement in national politics relevant within the Pakatan Rakyat democratic framework. Can PAS be a tolerant government? In so doing PAS demonstrated its commitment to reform while Umno remains locked in the all encompassing limitations of race, religion and the stifling and domineering control of its ageing first tier leaders or warlords whose priorities was and still is, the getting of power and the accumulation of material wealth. Can PAS govern tolerantly across community? PAS wants to build a welfare state where our basic needs of food, shelter, education, health and religious faith are intertwined. The rakyat will be empowered towards achieving these ideals within the constrains of government and the financial limitations that our country has – an inclusiveness that transcends race and religion. Those who now lead PAS are in tune with Pakatan's ideals and policies. PAS has now evolved into what Pakatan and we expect of those that are within the Pakatan coalition. Invariably within these parameters there are those in and outside PAS that find fertile ground for assent and dissent. The Hasan Ali and Nasharuddin Mat Isa issue is one that will test PAS' resolve for dissent within its ranks. It must be emphasized that we are privy to only what is in the public domain and whatever comment I make will be within these constrains. Nasharuddin lost the deputy president post to Mat Sabu because Mat Sabu represented the direction that PAS members wanted the party to take in the lead up to the 13th general election. This much is clear at face value. Is Hasan Ali an honorable man? Nasharuddin has categorically stated that he will stay within PAS and in so doing, I would presume that he would abide by the wisdom within PAS and subject himself to its 'guidance' and 'instructions' without demurring. It is now a matter of Nasharuddin being able to adjust himself to the realities of no longer being deputy president of PAS – a personal challenge that hopefully, time will resolve. Hasan is an accident waiting to happen. To quote (William) Shakespeare: "Madness in great ones must not unwatched go" Hasan's greatness is his self-perceived. He is a relic of a time long past. Politics in Malaysia today has been polarized into two distinct factions – Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat. Any movement between the two is not to be contemplated by honorable and decent men. Only frogs contemplate such movement. In which case is Hasan an honorable and decent man? You do not hedge your bets in the politics of today. Those that seek to do so are deservedly shunned by both sides – unless you are a Chua Jui Meng or a Zaid Ibrahim – neither of whom Hasan is able, in all seriousness, to hold a candle to. Hasan is no Ku Li From his stand in the Selcat (Selective Competency, Accountability, Transparency) issue where he chose to break ranks with his Pakatan comrades to his recent brazen attempts at wagging the dog by appearing on TV3 with his tirades against PAS, Hasan has always done things with the hope of catching the eye of Umno. He has done these fairly insignificant sniping at PAS' inadequacies with the hope of baiting Umno for God knows what reasons. There are phrases to describe these sorts of people – none of them complimentary – and so I will desist. Maybe he is testing Pakatan and PAS claims to openness and ability to accept criticism – this would be the claim by those seeking to be kind to Hasan – but surely this can be done in ways that would not compromise Pakatan. But as I have said before, the times that we now live in are polarized into those for BN and Pakatan. Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (Ku Li) seems to be in the middle of it all but his political pedigree has earned him the right to play the elder statesman's role for now. Hasan insists on going back to the three R's – Religion, Race and Royalty. Three issues that ANY politician will chose to gain traction within the political arena that he chooses to be in because these issues, by their very nature are divisive and will attract debate for the wrong reason. PAS members have made their stand on these issues crystal clear when they elected leaders who reject the negative aspects of race, religion and royalty. In race and religion PAS accepts and respects the right of every rakyat to follow his own inclinations. Royalty is a non-issue for those within Pakatan.
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| Let the punishment fit the crime Posted: 26 Dec 2011 02:29 PM PST By Zaid Ibrahim Just because society creates offences for reasons of its own does not mean that the person committing the offence is undesirable, bad or a danger to others. Sometimes offences are created because the acts are frowned upon by religion. However, in a democracy we should not create offences just because acts are considered sinful. Sodomy is a criminal offence in Malaysia but so are other sexual acts that are more "creative" than the usual horizontal position. Offences "against the order of nature" make us blush because many of us probably partake in some of them. These are offences because the British made them offences 160 years ago, and although England and other countries have since abolished such laws, we still have them in our Penal Code. In some countries long ago, it was a crime for a commoner to look upon the King, and for a woman to walk unescorted by a male relative. In Saudi Arabia it is still an offence for a woman to drive. There is also a vast collection of very strange—if rarely enforced—laws: for example, commoners are prohibited from dying in the Palace of Westminster (i.e. the UK Parliament) as they would be eligible for a state funeral. Any actual deaths in Parliament are legally recorded as having occurred at a nearby hospital. In Florida, it is illegal for an unmarried woman to parachute on a Sunday, and in France it is unlawful to name a pig "Napoleon"—the list goes on. Just because society creates offences for reasons of its own does not mean that the person committing the offence is undesirable, bad or a danger to others. Sometimes offences are created because the acts are frowned upon by religion. However, in a democracy we should not create offences just because acts are considered sinful. Offences can be justified only on the grounds of providing for the safety and protection of the people, or as deterrents. The moral issue is not for the government to deal with. Sins are for God to punish, not the government. Whatever the verdict in Anwar Ibrahim's sodomy case next week, I hope he will be treated fairly. If there is a conviction and the court is disposed to hand down a custodial sentence, let it be minimal. Even if the act of sodomy was committed, it was consensual. This fact must not escape the judge. Consensual sexual acts are not crimes in most countries and we should take cognisance of this. Some of us may have a deep sense of revulsion and disapproval of such acts, but this disapproval does not justify punishing those who are different from us. Read more at: http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/2011/12/27/let-the-punishment-fit-the-crime/
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| Al Sheikh Al Juburi’s Faithful Assistant & Clique Posted: 26 Dec 2011 01:27 PM PST Parti Keadilan Rakyat is becoming more Umno-like than Umno itself these days and Al Sheikh Al Juburi's Faithful Assistant & Clique are responsible for it. If the Azmin-Zuraida team is capable of doing what they are doing now to PKR, imagine what they will do if Pakatan wins the next general elections without DSAI to control these two. By Hakim Joe One may ask, "Who the Hell is Al Sheikh Al Juburi and who is this Faithful Assistant that is being referred to?" The answer can be acquired from Mat Sabu (PAS Deputy President). Back in the dark ages (1977) when DSAI was still the Finance Minister and DPM of Malaysia and prior to Sodomy I, Mat Sabu made this reference against DSAI as a tit-for-tat after Ummi Hafilda lodged a complaint to A/L Kutty that his deputy is bonking his driver, one Azizan Abu Bakar from the rear and one Shamsidar Taharin (Azmin Ali's missus) from the front. This was pure revenge for DSAI's chief conspiratory role in having Mat Sabu caught for "close proximity" at Hotel Perdana in Kota Bharu on January the 31st, 1995, two years after the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly approved the motion on Hudud and Qisas. Jubur refers to the posterior or the rear end, but in Kelantan it also refers to the female private part. Mat Sabu chose such an appropriate tag to describe DSAI as an abnormal individual who have preferences for the front part (Shamsidar) and the posterior (Azizan Abu Bakar). Realmente Magnifico! History has of course acquitted DSAI of Sodomy I and Mat Sabu had to literally eat his words but it has also provided Umno with the ammunition to re-launch Sodomy II. This article however does not make reference to either Sodomy I or its sequel but concentrates purely on Al Sheikh Al Juburi's faithful assistant and his coterie of henchmen who are becoming more like Umno than Umno itself. Mohamed Azmin bin Ali was born in Singapore on August the 25th, 1964 (Year of the Dragon), which makes him Singaporean by birth. However his education was purely KL stuff, first at the English-based primary school, Gurney Road School [2] (now SK Jalan Gurney) and its secondary education at Technical Institute in Jalan Cheras (now SM Teknik Cheras). From thereon it was to the University of Minnesota where he obtained his Bachelor of Science degree in Mathematics and Economics (1986) and his Master of Education in Mathematics and Economics a year later. First job home in Malaysia was as a Special Officer to the Minister of Education and two years later in 1989, Azmin was promoted to being DSAI's private secretary. He served in the same capacity after DSAI was first promoted to being the Finance Minister (1991) and then later to be the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia (1993). One year before DSAI was sacked from Umno in 1998, Azmin took a two-month hiatus from work to enroll at St. Catherine's College, Oxford University where he successfully completed an Executive Training Program on Political Administration. At this juncture of time, Azmin had already accumulated a full decade of political experience and was groomed to be someone of note but his initial plans were seriously derailed after DSAI was dismissed from all his political positions. However this proved to be somewhat of a blessing in disguise, as he was elected Selangor State Assemblyman for Hulu Kelang in 1999, and therefore launched his political career earlier than if he was still DSAI's private secretary. In November 2001, while DSAI was still in jail, Azmin was elected as a Vice President of Keadilan and in 2008, he won the Gombak parliamentary seat and Bukit Antarabangsa state seat in Selangor. By now he had over twenty years of political experience and with no one evidently challenging him on his smooth and sheltered ride to the upper echelons of PKR, Azmin brought together an assembly of his loyal supporters and delegates that climbed the party ladder together without a notable hitch (except for Khalid Ibrahim) and fully backed by the defacto leader himself. When Keadilan merged with Parti Rakyat Malaysia in 2002 and launched itself in 2003 as PKR, Azmin was still pretty confident of his position within the newly merged party. However he was knocked down one notch when Khalid Ibrahim was selected as the Menteri Besar of Selangor after the 2008 state election victory. Then came Zaid "Sea-Biscuit" Ibrahim one year later in 2009 and this intimidated Azmin's "now seemingly precarious" position in PKR and within Pakatan Rakyat itself. From the onset, it was seen that Zaid was his own man and not someone else's poster boy. This was his first big mistake as his escalating popularity was challenging Azmin and posed as an affront to DSAI, and this made the entire PKR EXCO gang up on him (less the few loose cannons). As a recent former Umno minister, Zaid did not understand how the PKR party politics were being played and by standing out as a candidate that could pose as a serious replacement for DSAI so soon after joining PKR, he was in fact threatening Azmin's position, status and future. The second mistake Zaid did was his attempts to entrench himself as the number two man in PKR and Azmin was not having any of that. Even when Zaid was grabbing national headlines alongside DSAI, the latter acknowledged the fact that PKR is in reality stronger with Zaid and therefore portrayed itself as a creditable replacement to Umno. Additionally, DSAI also knows that Zaid could not possibly challenge him as the defacto leader of PKR and that should Pakatan win the next general elections, DSAI will unquestionably become the Prime Minister of Malaysia. The scenario is however completely different with Azmin. With Zaid showing tremendous form, one of the DPM seats (DSAI proposed 3 DPM posts, one each from the three coalition parties) suddenly looked awfully remote and getting further and further away from his outstretched grasp, and something had to be done to curb his ominous headlong slide to mediocrity. The PKR party elections hence became the definitive battleground to rein in Zaid (and along the way Khalid as well) and to resolve the issue once and for all and Selangor was chosen to be the ultimate frontline, no holds barred. The controversy laden 2010 PKR party elections proved to be tainted by allegations of vote rigging, undemocratic practices, existence of two different register rolls, missing ballot boxes, fraud, electoral misconduct, double standards, bribery, etc and its corresponding results became so dubious that Azmin-crony Molly Cheah, the PKR party election committee chairperson, was taken to task over the final announced results. Hell, even A/L Kutty was pleasantly surprised with the Umno-tactics used in the PKR party elections. Nonetheless, Azmin and his clique have done their damage and finally, Zaid and Khalid were left standing alone. Zaid resigned from PKR and Azmin took full advantage to be appointed the PKR Chief of Selangor, replacing incumbent Khalid Ibrahim, the Selangor MB who was reassured that he shall remain the Selangor PKR Chief by PKR President Kak Wan less than a month ago (29 days to be exact). For those who stood by him, all were suitably rewarded. PKR Wanita Chief, Zuraida Kamaruddin became the PKR Deputy Chief of Selangor. Zakaria Abdul Rahim aka Zakaria Bola was selected as the PKR Pandan Chief (even when the corresponding Amongst the "biggies" on the list, Batu Kawan division women wing chief Dr. Joyce Lee Yueh Choo was the first one to be served suspension papers (later sacked). Wangsa Maju MP Wee Choo Keong was next to go. Mustaffa Kamil Ayub, Padang Serai MP N. Gobalakrishnan and Nibong Tebal assemblyman Tan Tee Beng were sidelined. Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad was ignored and many municipal councilors who defied Azmin or Zuraida had their appointments terminated. PKR Deputy Secretary General, Jonson Chong of Kelana Jaya were amongst the 29 active members that were sacked. 10 members were suspended and 12 others received warning letters. Even Tian Chua did not have sufficient clout to stop the "cleansing" ala Mao's Cultural Revolution style elimination of all resistance within the party while Wan Azizah pretended ignorance. Anyone suspected of not condoning the "Cult of DSAI-AA" were systematically dismissed from the party (and it is still happening now). PKR Deputy Chief of Selangor, Zuraida Kamaruddin then took this opportunity to do a bit of personal cleansing and started sacking anyone who question her actions and sidelined those who does not serve her purpose (including the time she instructed all Selangor's PKR Cabang's official minutes that were detrimental against her be "misplaced"). Way to go. Yes, PKR really needed to clean up their house a long time ago but it should be done against those who opposes the Party's ideology, not those who would not support either DSAI, AA or ZK. Keadilan should stand for the people not these three individuals alone. PKR, as with DAP and PAS, is about presenting themselves as a viable alternative to BN, and not acting like them. PKR should act like a political party and not a cult. With DSAI possibly going in for another stint after Sodomy II, Azmin is now attempting to present himself as the only suitable candidate to lead PKR and Pakatan to GE13, and to do so he needs 100 percent backing from PKR itself, henceforth the cleansing exercise that is turning the party upside down. Parti Keadilan Rakyat is becoming more Umno-like than Umno itself these days and Al Sheikh Al Juburi's Faithful Assistant & Clique are responsible for it. If the Azmin-Zuraida team is capable of doing what they are doing now to PKR, imagine what they will do if Pakatan wins the next general elections without DSAI to control these two. Be warned. Be especially warned.
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| An insignificant and irrelevant hogwash Posted: 26 Dec 2011 01:20 PM PST By Thomas Lee Seng Hock The mainstream media are having a field day cashing in on the so-called party civil war in the DAP. Their spin writers have been making some remarkable fantastic comments that the the public tit-for-tat party war of words between national chairman Karpal Singh and Penang Deputy Chief Minister (II) P. Ramasamy will result in the DAP being insidiously damaged or even destroyed eventually. The pubic feud between Karpal and Ramasamy is said to be have happened at an inopportune time when a snap general election seems imminent, and all parties are busy preparing and mobilising their leaders and members for the Battle of Putrajaya. I think all these comments are hogwash, given the fact the the Karpal-Ramasamy spat will not have much significance in the electoral equipollent equation as the personal political fate of Ramasamy will have no impact and influence on the DAP performance in the next general election. Ramasamy was a virtually unknown, a political nobody, until the DAP fielded him as a candidate in the March 2008 general election and made him a deputy chief minister in Penang. It was not his personal charisma and credential that resulted in his electoral victory at the federal constituency of Batu Kawan and the state seat of Prai. It was the DAP Rocket that attracted the voters, who gave Ramasamy the victory on a golden plate. In March 2008, the Batu Kawan parliamentary seat had 47,378, with Chinese voters comprising 56.3% of the electorate, Indians constituting 22.8%, Malays 20.5%, and voters of other racial origins 0.3%. Ramasamy, standing under the DAP Rocket symbol, won the contest by returning 23,067 votes, beating Gerakan president and the then incumbent Chief Minister Koh Tsu Koon, who obtained 13,582 votes, giving the DAP candidate a 9,485-vote majority. There were 640 spoilt votes. In the Prai state seat, Ramasamy, the DAP standard-bearer in the contest, sent Barisan Nasional candidate L. Krishnan of the MIC and independent candidate Ulaganathan K.A.P. Ramasamy packing, winning the 14,175-voter constitutency by polling 7,668 votes against the Barisan Nasional man's 2,492 votes and the independent candidate's 311 votes. Ramasamy's majority was 5,176 votes. There were 180 spoilt votes. The Prai state seat then had 52.9% Chinese votes, and a relatively high concentration of Indian voters, which accounted for 35.4% of the voters. The Malays constituted only 11% of the voters, with the balance 0.6% voters being people of other racial origins. From these statistics, it could be observed that whoever the DAP had fielded in March 2008, the results in both the Batu Kawan parliamentary seat and the Prai state seat would have been the same. Given the then prevailing wind of change blowing in the political scenario of the country, the credit and merit for the DAP victory cannot be attributed to the candidate. Anyone fielded by the party would have won hands down, given the fact that the DAP was riding high in the political tsunamic waves at that time. Hence, Ramasamy cannot claim personal credit for the electoral victory per se. If he had contested on his own, he would have in all likelihood lose his deposits. One spin writer has claimed that Ramasamy's threat to quit the DAP has put the party in a fix, quoting a purported Ramasamy supporter as contending that the DAP would lose the Indian votes, without him. The spin writer argued that Ramasamy, a parachute candidate imported into the party to stand at the last general election, is supposed to be a dynamic champion of Indian issues, highly looked up to by the Indian community, and any action on the part of the DAP to drop him as a candidate will result in massive exodus of Indians from the party. I think the spin writer is severely miscalculating in his assessment of the Indian community, at least the core majority within it, who are fiercely loyal to the DAP over the last 50 years of the party existence. Do not forget that the DAP has been in the forefront of fighting for the Indian community all these years, and is the main political bastion to protect and promote the rights of the community. Many of its early and current top leaders are Indians, like Devan Nair, V. David, P. Patto, Karpal Singh, Peter Dason, and that at any one time, the DAP has more Indian MPs than the MIC. Hence, to say that the Ramasamy fiasco would seriously affect the performance of the DAP and the Pakatan Rakyat at the 13th general election is simply an illusion created by the Barisan Nasional propaganda machinery using the main stream media controlled by the ruling coalition to sow discord, create demoralisation, and promote disillusion among the DAP grassroots members, and to deceive the general voting population that all is not well in the DAP and the Pakatan Rakyat. The Ramasamy saga will not be the only media assault on the DAP and the Pakatan Rakyat. The PAS Islamic agenda, the Hasan Ali controversy, the alleged Nga Kor Ming tailoring contract scandal, and every little negative incident involving the DAP and its Pakatan Rakyat component partners will be exeggerated, exacerbated and exploited to the fullest to make the DAP and the alternative coalition look bad in the public eyes. However, the DAP should take comfort in the fact that the integrity and credential of its top leaders, in particular Lim Kit Siang, Karpal Singh, Lim Guan Eng, Tan Kok Wai, Fung Kui Lun, and its army of upcoming new generation of idealistic, well-educated, committed, and exemplary leaders like Teresa Kok, Chow Kon Yeow, Ronnie Liu, Tony Pua, Jenice Lee, Lim Lip Eng, Gobind Singh Deo, Jagdeep Singh, Hannah Yeoh, Teo Nie Ching, etc will ensure it performs beyond expectation, exceeding the victorious margin of the March 2008 general election. The people's dream and hope are in the hands of the DAP and the Pakatan Rakyat, so don't let the Ramasamy fiasco and other minor irritants frustrate the march towards Putrajaya. |
| DAP infighting due to polls candidacy and rewards Posted: 26 Dec 2011 08:37 AM PST What all this means is that the continuing rivalries between Karpal and Dr Ramasamy; and also Nga and Kulasegaran have become unsolvable and is affecting the party grassroots. Eventually, it will impact on the party's performance in the general election. By BARADAN KUPPUSAMY, The Star DAP, which did well in the 2008 general election and was erstwhile the most united and strong component compared to the defection-hit PKR and PAS with its own detractors, is showing signs of fraying at the sides as the next election approaches. Its adviser Lim Kit Siang tweeted on Saturday, warning party leaders to settle their quarrels among themselves using party channels and not go to mainstream media and fall prey to their manipulation. But both the mainstream and online media went to town reporting the fallout between leaders in the DAP, which is mainly a competition over who is to contest what seat in the coming general election. The "warlord-godfather" row between Dr P. Ramasamy and national chairman Karpal Singh was reignited after Karpal's call for Dr Ramasamy, a parachute candidate in 2008, to resign as Penang Deputy Chief Minister II. In a sign that things have come to a head between the two giants, Karpal announced that Dr Ramasamy's position as Deputy Chief Minister is no longer tenable because he had gone against a directive to shut up over the "warlord-godfather" issue. Karpal accused Dr Ramasamy of going against the recommendations of a three-man committee that was set up to settle the issue a fortnight ago, by giving an interview to The Star on Thursday alleging a grand design in the party to oust him. Dr Ramasamy also alleged that party members had bugged him for favours which he had refused, thus incurring their wrath. Karpal wanted Dr Ramasamy to lodge a report with the MACC and also reveal the members, if there were any. In Ipoh, former Perak DAP deputy chairman M. Kulasegaran called for a press conference and, while talking about how DAP leaders had to declare their assets, also asked his arch rival Taiping MP Nga Kor Ming, who had defeated him and his camp in the state DAP elections in November last year, to come clean on allegations that a contract for suits for Ipoh councillors was awarded to a company in which his wife is a director. Kulasegaran said that "business and politics" should not mix. "One should not make money from politics. In the party's best interest Nga should clear the air over the matter." It is alleged that the contract was given to the highest bidder just weeks after Pakatan Rakyat took power in Perak but it lost the state a year later through defections. The company was formed in the first blush of Pakatan leaders taking power and although Nga has threatened to sue, he does not deny that the company, in which his wife is director, got the contract. He is a subject of some controversy as he had been at loggerheads with not only Kulasegaran but also with Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Zambry Abdul Kadir for calling him "metallic black" for which he apologised. He also called Perak "Darul Kartun" and is getting flak for it. What all this means is that the continuing rivalries between Karpal and Dr Ramasamy; and also Nga and Kulasegaran have become unsolvable and is affecting the party grassroots. Eventually, it will impact on the party's performance in the general election. In Perak, rivals to Kulasegaran former state assembly Speaker V. Sivakumar supported by his ally Buntong assemblyman S. Sivasubramaniam are already campaigning for Kulasagaran's Ipoh Barat seat. It is said that Nga had already promised it to Sivakumar and if that is the case, Kulasegaran would have to move out or drop out altogether. Yet another Perak leader, Batu Gajah MP Fong Po Kuan, had been removed from all party functions as a result of a clash with Nga. It is unclear whether she will be a candidate in Perak. All this is causing an all-out rivalry in Perak between the Nga faction and the Kulasegaran camp. And as recent history has shown, when the DAP factions fight, they perform poorly in the general election. In Penang, great stress is showing up between Karpal and Dr Ramasamy with the party grassroots in the state almost entirely supporting Karpal in his war against Dr Ramasamy. Those ex-MIC and new people who had been attached to Dr Ramasamy after he almost overnight became the Batu Kawan MP, Prai assemblyman and Deputy Chief Minister II in one go, are about the only people in the DAP backing him in his feud with Karpal. While Dr Ramasamy is weak in the DAP, he enjoys better standing in the Indian community where he is seen as a university professor who took to Opposition politics and made it good in the 2008 polls. He gets support in the feud from Indian NGOs, ex-Hindraf people and also some ex-Makkal Sakti individuals who lost in the leadership tussle of the party to R. S. Thanenthiran, the current president. Their feud has ramifications far beyond the squabble over terminology and if Dr Ramasamy is pushed, as Karpal seems to be doing, he might even quit the party, a potential disaster for the DAP with a general election around the corner. At the very least, he might have to give up his Prai state seat and the coveted Deputy Chief Minister's post and just contest the Batu Kawan parliamentary seat. He has told a close confidant that he is ready to face any eventuality. The DAP, thought to be the strongest party in the Pakatan, is showing dangerous in-fighting that could impact negatively on its general election performance.
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| For some, the world will end in 2012 Posted: 26 Dec 2011 08:19 AM PST 'Winnable' candidates have much to fear come next year
SOME people say the world will end in the coming year. There's actually a certain truth in that. Even if the apocalyptic Mayan predictions and Nostradamus prophecy do not occur, it is going to be the end of the world just the same for some people here. The death knell, one way or the other, will come with the 13th general election, which, as has been widely anticipated and figured out, is most likely to take place next year -- sooner rather than later. So for many, the world will end just before or just after this watershed event. |
| ‘There is a godfather in DAP but it’s not Karpal’ Posted: 25 Dec 2011 12:54 PM PST The dispute between Karpal Singh and Penang DCM P Ramasamy was an orchestrated ploy to rid DAP of Karpal who had "outlived his usefulness'. Kua who left DAP in 1995 said that his five-year experience in the party revealed that none of the top DAP leaders including the then secretary-general (SG), Lim Kit Siang, had any inclination to have a social democratic party programme as an alternative to Barisan Nasional. Stephanie Sta Maria, Free Malaysia Today In just two weeks the DAP spat that was presumed dead and buried has resurrected to draw its proponents closer in dispute. DAP national chairman, Karpal Singh, and Penang deputy chief minister, P Ramasamy, first lunged at each other's throats after the former branded the latter a "warlord" prompting the Ramasamy to call him a "godfather". A three-man panel was formed to resolve the matter but they were unexpectedly relieved of this task when a Tamil daily confessed to misquoting Ramasamy on an election-related issue that sparked the fracas. The spat had only just become old news when Ramasamy suddenly claimed last Thursday that his critics were plotting his downfall. Karpal's response was swift and stinging. He asked for Ramasamy's resignation as payback for defying a party directive to refrain from making public statements on the party and openly attacking its leaders. The Bukit Gelugor MP's reaction is instinctive of a leader who has his party's best interest at heart. But DAP's critics say it is also hints at the very real existence of a godfather culture that has the party in its stranglehold. According to them DAP's polished exterior has as much to do with its intolerance for dissent as with its strict disciplinary code. Among these critics is former DAP Petaling Jaya Utara MP and current Suaram director, Kua Kia Soong. Although he declined to be interviewed, he requested that he be quoted from his book "Inside The DAP" published in 1995 but "still relevant to this day". 'Lim is considered indispensable' Kua who left DAP in 1995 said that his five-year experience in the party revealed that none of the top DAP leaders including the then secretary-general (SG), Lim Kit Siang, had any inclination to have a social democratic party programme as an alternative to Barisan Nasional. He was especially critical of Lim whom he portrayed as wielding absolute power over the party and its leaders. "The SG (Lim) is considered "indispensable" by the party leaders," Kua wrote. "He has become synonymous with the DAP through concentration of power and authority in his position. "The SG (Lim) didn't seem to be able to settle simple questions of doubt cast in the media, such as the question of the 'father and son' syndrome in the DAP." Kua went on to call the "frozen oppressive atmosphere" of the Central Executive Committee (CEC) as "unbearable and demeaning" in the presence of the SG (Lim) and labelled his loyalists as "sycophants" and "tiresome emperor's apologists". "Despite leadership problems there were no serious attempts by the SG (Lim) or CEC to address the problem of party renewal and preparation for leadership changeover or collective leadership," he wrote. "The important CEC posts of Discipline, Publicity and Organising Secretaries were filled by secretaries beholden to the SG (Lim)." "No factional problems were decisively solved in a democratic way within the CEC, only the SG (Lim) held all the cards. "The SG's (Lim) inordinate power rests in his final say in the selection of candidates for the general elections." 'It's not Karpal' Lim has since moved up the ladder to the post of DAP advisor but former DAP Bukit Bintang MP, Wee Choo Keong, pointed out that he has taken his fist of power with him. The current independent Wangsa Maju MP was ejected from DAP in 1998 for allegedly not showing "love and affection to the party leader". It is a charge that flabbergasts him to this day and which forms the basis of his insistence that the godfather culture is alive and well in his former party. "There is only one godfather and it is not Karpal," he told FMT. "Any past or present DAP member will tell you that Kit Siang loves to hear that he is DAP and DAP is him." "How could I have been charged for not showing "love and affection" to a party leader? "Even Chairman Mao didn't demand this! Only one person matters in DAP and it is (Lim) Kit Siang." Wee predicted that come January 2012 Lim would begin speculating on the 13th general election dates, going month by month until the actual date is announced. This, he said, is a subtle warning to candidate hopeful to listen unquestioningly to Lim's directives. "The candidate selection is done by a committee but everyone knows that Kit Siang has the last say. "This is how he eliminates any room for dissent within the party whether it is public or not," he said.
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