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Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Is Anwar reduced to clutching straws?
Malaysia’s deep divides
Malaysia -- Slaying the Tiger Economy
Liberty, sedition and jailed dissidents
The pain of pebbles in our shoes
The fast-changing Malaysian landscape
Malaysia’s 13th General Election: Rising Citizen Participation – Analysis

Posted: 28 May 2013 06:28 PM PDT

SEDUCTIVE CHARM: He has the gift of the gab and can entertain many a crowd to believe he was cheated of something that was rightfully his

By Zainul Arifin Md Isa, NST

AM I the only one who thinks Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is turning into a parody of himself? He has, to many people outside his sphere of influence and support, become a caricature of the man he once was, or the man he wants to be.

His seeming obsession with the prime ministership, ironically, is making him look rather un-prime ministerial-like, I think.

He now runs around in black shirts -- supposedly to remind us of nefarious blackouts, which many said never happened, during the recent 13th General Election (GE13) -- with as much indignation he can muster, telling those willing to listen that he and his allies were cheated of something that was rightfully theirs.

For a significant portion of the population, who consumed only the words of Anwar and his allies, it was indeed gospel truth that thousands of Bangladehis were flown in to help Barisan Nasional (BN) win, and that ballot boxes were lost and counting was done in the dark, with ballot papers surreptitiously smuggled in to weigh in for the ruling party candidates.

Proof is a mere inconvenience for the allegations, I presume.

Anwar claimed that the coalition he led had won the popular vote, so they must form the government, conveniently ignoring rules and conventions, or the breakdown of votes for the winners and losers.

But the crowd roared, their anger already stoked all these years and that they have been denied again by dirty deeds.

Anwar told them BN cheated, so the election cannot count; Pakatan must rule and, presumably, he be made the prime minister.

He said the Election Commission was incompetent because the indelible ink did not stay on and, except for states and seats that he and his allies won, the election must be declared nullified.

Is he clutching straws now?

He said this and that, and they should have won. Theirs is the party of destiny and he should have been prime minister, except that the other guys cheated.

In 2008, he claimed to have 31 members of parliament in his pocket and requested that then prime minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi meet him to arrange a smooth and orderly transition.

He made such proclamations then with much confidence and authority.

In his political career, Anwar has proven to be not only charismatic but also seductive.

He has the gift of the gab and can charm and entertain many a crowd.

Over the years, he has successfully reinvented himself many times over, from a student activist with socialist leanings to a religiously inclined cult figure; to the up-and-coming politician with the common touch who later morphed into the newly arrived Malay politician with insights into the corporate world.

He was later a reformer who was much maligned; and now a true democrat looking out for everyone.

He persevered and his personal re-invention worked.

This time, his audience is disproportionately more Chinese.

They had bet en bloc on Pakatan to take over Putrajaya and now that it did not happen, his is the shoulder they cry on and he is the rallying point for them to vent their anger.

Lastly, there is the said secret deal with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, as told by former Indonesian vice-president Mohamad Jusuf Kalla, which the latter claimed Anwar tried to weasel his way out of.

Anwar is now at odds with Jusuf, who brokered the deal, as to who approached whom for the agreement that both BN and Pakatan should respect the results of the elections.

According to Jusuf, it was Anwar though the latter demurred.

Rightly or wrongly, many could conclude that Anwar is jeopardising further his reputation and appearing rather desperate, too, for the prime ministership, by putting himself at the forefront of this campaign against the results of the elections while, at the very same time, his allies are rejoicing about their victories and busy preparing for new administrations in three states.

He said he respects the rule of law, yet his allies are egging for anarchy without him even raising a whimper.

He can't possibly think we do not notice all these things and that he can continue to have his cake and eat it, too.

Malaysia’s deep divides

Posted: 28 May 2013 01:42 PM PDT

National elections on May 5 haven't cooled political and racial tensions, writes Asia Sentinel's John Berthelsen

Any hope that May 5 national elections in Malaysia would cool the political atmosphere appears to have been misguided, leaving a country entangled in deepening racial problems and creating the risk of a real threat to the legitimacy of Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak's reign.

While not calling for Najib's removal, the prime minister's most potent critic, former Premier Mahathir Mohamad, damned him with faint praise, telling Bloomberg News in an interview in Tokyo last week that the United Malays National Organization will continue to support him "because of a lack of an alternative."

Najib himself appears to have gone quiet as figures close to Mahathir including his longtime ally Daim Zainuddin have gone public to say the prime minister's closest political advisors should be sacked. Instead of even attempting to woo Chinese voters, Daim said in an interview with the Chinese News, "surely the Barisan Nasional knows that the Chinese majority areas were gone. Why waste time and money? As a strategy you should concentrate on those areas where you lost by slim majorities in 2006 and strengthen the seats you won in 2008."

In the same interview, Daim echoed criticisms that Najib's forces had in some cases picked the wrong candidates for the race and accused the advisors of attempting to run the election as a popularity contest for Najib instead of a parliamentary race, although in public opinion polls, Najib consistently ran far ahead of his party, which is widely viewed as corrupt, racist and tired.

The Daim interview was picked up on a blog maintained by A. Kadir Jassin, editor in chief of Berita Publishing and a longtime close confidant of Mahathir.

"Daim let Najib have it," an UMNO source told Asia Sentinel. "He should go if you ask me. I'd much rather have Muhyiddin. UMNO is particularly upset as we told Najib not to throw money at the Chinese as other constituencies needed the resources and the Chinese wouldn't vote us anyway. So now he has to answer for it."

Malaysia -- Slaying the Tiger Economy

Posted: 28 May 2013 01:27 PM PDT

Dr. Azeem Ibrahim, Huffington Post

The outcome of the recent election in Malaysia has been a huge disappointment to democratic economic reformers. Malaysia has been continuously running budget deficits since 1998 with government debt rising to US$164.6 billion in the third quarter of 2012, bringing Malaysia's debt-to-revenue ratio to a level similar to that of Italy's.

After 55 years of one-party administration by the ruling coalition, it was considered to be high time that Malaysia had an alternative new vision. However, not only does it look like more of the same, but the greatly reduced majority for the ruling party makes it likely that any reforms will be postponed until October or November. This is when new party leadership elections will take place and Prime Minister Najib Razak will have to answer to the traditionalists in his party for its poor electoral showing.

The ruling BN coalition lost the popular vote, gaining only 47%, and turned in its worst electoral result ever as it was largely abandoned by minority Chinese and rejected by voters of all races in urban areas. The result should be seen as a message from voters tired of corruption and patronage politics and also a rejection of the BN's austerity plans for balancing the budget with a new consumption tax and lower food and fuel subsidies.

Malaysia has been recognized for its strong "tiger" economy, growing at 5% in 2013 and surprisingly resilient at a time of negative developments internationally. This is despite dismal export performance because of the recession and stagnation in Europe and the slow economic growth in the US. Consumer confidence is expected to continue holding up and the inflation rate is stable in spite of higher food prices and is expected to remain at between 2.3 percent and 2.8 percent until 2016. Unemployment figures are low and expected to remain around 3 percent.

However, the underlying structure of the Malaysian economy is based on its relationship with its international trading partners and the domestic economy needs to be backed by the more lucrative external market. A vulnerable domestic economy must be strengthened if it is to continue to withstand the current global economic downturn and the status quo will no longer serve Malaysia well.

Malaysia had hopes of economic reform with the emergence of a strong political opposition under the leadership of Anwar Ibrahim whose issues based campaign pointed to the need for ongoing reform. Institutional shortcomings that constrain the country's prospects for long term economic expansion include the prevalence of corruption and lack of transparency and a judicial system that is vulnerable to political interference.

These are pressing issues that the government must address if it is to maintain competitiveness and achieve growth potential. The folly of reducing taxes has contributed to the budget deficit, and Malaysia's rate of 26 percent seems reckless when compared with Thailand's 37%, where the GDP has also been growing at a healthy rate.

The present government's appetite for debt has been escalating since 2008, negating the effects of inward foreign investment. This has been justified as government spending on commercial enterprises to stimulate the economy, but too often has been seen as funding large-scale projects that reward political crony capitalists and support their companies. The strain of debt load inevitably becomes significant and falls on the wage-earning people.

Liberty, sedition and jailed dissidents

Posted: 28 May 2013 01:20 PM PDT

The recent arrests of opposition figures over charges of sedition should be seen in the context of opposition members crossing a 'red line' set by authorities.

Nile Bowie, FMT

The recent arrests of student activist Adam Adli, three other prominent opposition figures, and 18 people holding a peaceful candlelight vigil outside the Jinjang Police Detention Centre have understandably fuelled negative sentiments.

Regardless of where we stand on the political spectrum, we all expect the space to voice our opinions and express dissent within a democratic framework.

Personally, I do not agree with the authorities decision to arrest Adli and others, if anything, it only legitimises the accusations of Barisan Nasional's opponents. At the same time, one must attempt to view this situation through the lenses of the government.

Whether we'd like to admit it or not, the authorities have been extremely soft on public gatherings, candlelight vigils, and opposition rallies held after the May 5 election. Rallies were met with no resistance; few if any security personnel were in attendance, and attendees were not infringed upon or prevented from exercising their freedom of expression.

As far as I am aware, the police did not exercise force upon any rally-goer, nor did authorities block access to print or digital media that is favourable to the opposition prior to the recent arrests of Adli and others.

By international standards, the response of the state has been extremely liberal. In countries such as Australia, the United States, and within the European Union, public displays of dissent are more often than not met with police batons and 'less-lethal' munitions such as rubber bullets. (Malaysia does not use the latter.)

In the regional context, the crowd dispersal protocols in neighbouring countries are significantly more heavy-handed than practices in Malaysia. When Thailand faced significant political unrest in 2010 over challenges to the rule of former PM Abhisit Vejjajiva, the government authorised the use of live ammunition and ordered curfews for several days; popular areas of Bangkok looked like war-zones, the domestic economy nearly ground to a halt, and handfuls of civilian causalities were incurred.

The recent arrests of opposition figures over charges of sedition should be seen in the context of opposition members crossing a 'red line' set by authorities.

After successive rallies and continued momentum from those members of the opposition, calls to march to Putrajaya and overthrow the Barisan Nasional 'by force' were seen by authorities as the moment when these figures began abusing the softness granted by the authorities.

The pain of pebbles in our shoes

Posted: 28 May 2013 12:58 PM PDT

Officially, we are very good at pretending that we interact and mingle well but we know that's not true. It's all become very superficial. As I have said before, over the years, we have lost many touch points: from the schools we attend, the places we eat at, the TV channels we watch and the music we listen to.

June H.L. Wong, The Star

he strong response to what the Aunty said last week has prompted her to share her thoughts today of what needs to be done on this important inter-racial issue.

THERE is a scene in the movie Ever After, based on the Cinderella story, where the stepmother, played by Angelica Huston, has just sold her stepdaughter, played by Drew Barrymore, to a villainous low-life. The dialogue goes like this:

Stepmother: You are not my problem any more.

Stepdaughter: Is that what I am? Your problem? I have done everything you've ever asked me to do and still you deny me the only thing I ever wanted.

Stepmother: And what's that?

Stepdaughter: What do you think? You are the only mother I have ever known. Was there ever a time, even in its smallest measurement, that you loved me at all?

Stepmother: How can anyone love a pebble in their shoe?

To me, this scene encapsulates how the people in this country feel about each other. To the non-Malays, especially those born here, this is their motherland. Yet, they often feel like stepchildren yearning for love and acceptance.

To the Malays, they believe the Chinese and Indians see them as obstacles that block them from achieving their best for the country and taking their rightful place under the Malaysian sun. So we are pebbles in each other's shoes.

Perhaps it has always been like that. After all, to the Malays, the Chinese and Indians were indeed pendatang (immigrants) foisted upon them by the British to work in the rubber estates and tin mines. It wasn't like they had much say at that time.

Then came the fight for independence and because the British insisted, the Malays joined forces with the Chinese and Indians in a spirit of cooperation and power-sharing. It was indeed a magnanimous act even if it was born out of necessity. So while not quite pebbles, everyone had sand in their shoes that could not be dislodged; not very comfortable but one could still walk in them.

Whatever the cause – racially divisive politics, lopsided implementation of policies, the politicising and fragmentation of the education system and so on – power-sharing has become an unhealthy power struggle over who controls the political and economic spheres. As a result, that esprit de corps in the early years of the Alliance has been gradually evaporating and worse, the sand seemed to have become pebbles and, I fear, perhaps even sharp, painful stones.

This was brought home to me in the huge outpouring of responses to my column last week, Rebooting our racial quotas. I argued for the case of reverse quotas for Chinese and Indians to be added as a KPI to heads of the civil service, police and armed forces to correct the obvious racial imbalance in these sectors.

Not surprisingly, all the e-mails from Chinese and Indian readers agreed with me. They were grateful that such a "sensitive" issue that had rankled for so long was raised openly.

But the three e-mails from Malay readers, while polite, made it clear they didn't believe there was discrimination in the hiring and promotion practices of the public sector or anywhere else.

One said the Chinese then and now are different, meaning the Chinese then were patriotic so they were willing to join the police and army but not any more. Present day Chinese aren't willing to serve and die for this country; they just want good paying jobs. She ended up calling me a racist.

Another said he understood my pride in my dad (a retired Special Branch officer) as he is a son of a soldier and we should celebrate our dads' contributions. That was nice but he also concluded by saying there were just too few non-Malays applying and they would get in if they did. "Just get in the queue" as he put it.

The third Malay said it was clear the Chinese controlled everything, presumably because of the Chinese shop signs he sees everywhere and that they dominate top professions like engineers, doctors, and scientists. He added that the Chinese should be sincere in wanting to help the Malays and what's wrong with "a little privilege" as provided for in the Federal Constitution.

I received only one sms from a Malay friend, a senior civil servant, who agreed with me and lamented about the good old days.

This struck me as how wide the gap of perception of reality is between the Malays and the non-Malays. The Malays honestly believe they are entitled to special help. The way they see it, the Chinese still dominate everything and aren't interested in serving in the police, army or the civil service because of the low pay.

For the Chinese and Indians, that is just untrue. They have plenty of anecdotal evidence from friends and family to prove there is an entrenched practice that discriminates against them from getting into government service and if they did, from getting their due rewards and promotions.

That's why non-Malays support my proposal for the Government to implement a mandatory quota for the Chinese and Indians in government, be it the police, the armed forces, teaching profession or the civil service itself. As a reader put it: Who doesn't want a shot at a job that is an "iron rice bowl"?

Non-Malays, especially the Chinese, are also dying to tell their stories of patriotism to prove that given the chance, they would serve and even die for this country. Clearly, there is a dire need to bridge the perception gap. The only way to bring both sides to a better understanding of each other's grievances and frustrations, hopes and fears is to get closer to see each other at work, play and pray.

But the experience of Mohd Izam Mahazir is an example of how we can break down racial walls. He was interviewed in March by The Star's Shahanaaz Habib for her "Heartland Voices" series. Shahanaaz wrote:

The 27-year-old uprooted himself from Alor Setar to start a jeruk business at Chowrasta market in Penang and loves it here so much that he doesn't want to go back.

"When I was in Alor Setar, I lived in a 100% Malay community, so my thinking was a bit narrow. But in Penang, I got to mix around with all the races and I found my perspective has opened up. I am a changed person.

"We Malays are less competitive because we depend too much on the Government. And the Federal Government maintains its power by allowing this kind of thinking – that without them and special rights, the Malays would never be able to come up," says Izam, who now makes RM20,000 a month from his business.

He feels it is time for the Malays to be tested. "Right now, even with all the help the Government is giving to the Malays, it is the Chinese and Indians who are doing better economically and this is because they have been forced to compete. Before I came to Penang. I never quite saw things this way."

Here is one young Malay who, once removed from his one-dimensional cocoon, came to realise what it takes to be a successful entrepreneur – basically hard work and persistence – and an appreciation of what most ordinary non-Malays face to make a living.

On the other hand, the non-Malays should appreciate the latitude the Malays have given them in terms of vernacular schools, recognising non-Muslim religious festivals as public holidays and there has never been any Idi Amin-like attempt to throw out the so-called pendatang.

The Chinese should also show a better understanding of and allay the Malays' fears and expectations, like embracing and speaking fluent Bahasa Malaysia, and not dismiss them as unfounded.

Ultimately, if there is to be national reconciliation and a genuine desire to forge national unity and multiracialism, the Government must take the lead and encourage important and painful issues to be openly discussed and make the necessary changes and adjustments to policies and practices.

Not only that, the rascals who continue to play the racial card and fan fear and hatred by using a particular community as the bogeyman must be shamed, silenced and shunned.

For far too long, it has been a one-way street, even dead-ends, when it comes to communities understanding and knowing about each other, which has led us to the sad state we are in. There is no better time than now to make it two-way. Then only will we be able to remove any pebbles in our shoes and finally walk, no, run together.

The writer hopes that everyone and the powers-that-be will keep an open mind and heart to listen, listen, listen. Feedback: junewong@thestar.com.my

The fast-changing Malaysian landscape

Posted: 28 May 2013 12:48 PM PDT

Zhen M, Business Circle

With the rise of digital media and its increasing popularity, it may seem that traditional media is being replaced by the nebulous ideal of "new media" driven by audience interaction and "crowd sourced" content.

Generation Y, aged 18-32, are very attached to their gadgets. Generation Z, the first generation truly born into the digital era, are even more so. With a growing population made up of young digital savvy citizens, and the older generation also embracing the new technology and media, is traditional media losing relevance?

With the increasing usage of mobile devices such as smartphones and tablets, consumers are now able to instantly connect to the internet and be constantly updated on the latest news and gossip. Information is in real-time, unlike having to wait for the next day for the physical newspaper. Indeed, so many tales, good or bad, have gone viral online over a short period of time – sometimes way ahead of proper news channels, which would probably not report the bulk of these juicy "shares" anyway.

The newspapers in the country have done admirably expanding online and are among the most accessed Malaysian sites. Chinese daily Sin Chew even went a step further to have an English portal, too.

But the perception is that traditional media is losing ground to alternative new portals as the latter are deemed less pro-government. The situation became more serious following the recently concluded General Elections (GE13), with various quarters calling for boycott of one media or another for alleged unfair reporting. If Facebook "tales" were to be trusted, some publications have already suffered losses in subscriptions and readership post-GE13.

Such allegations are unfortunately inevitable, considering that RTM is government-owned and all the other large media entities are linked to the ruling coalition Barisan Nasional (BN) and its component parties. The Utusan Group is Umno-owned and is now widely regarded as more of a propaganda tool than a news provider. Malaysia's largest media group Media Prima is controlled by Umno proxies. Leading English daily the Star and group is owned by MCA. MIC politicians or their families own the three national Tamil newspapers. The nation's Chinese publication industry is monopolised by Chinese Media International Ltd, controlled by BN-friendly Tan Sri Tiong Hiew King.

"The reputation of our politically-linked media has been battered, collectively and individually. More than ever before, they will have to put in extra effort to win back the trust of the people," one observer said.

Malaysia’s 13th General Election: Rising Citizen Participation – Analysis

Posted: 28 May 2013 12:42 PM PDT

The trend shows a level of participation that transcends just following tweets or updates. The underlying motivation appears to be one of active engagement, of a deeper and more committed involvement in issues that matter. Hence, new ways of engaging these citizens need to be considered.

Malaysia's much anticipated 13th general election saw a rise in citizen participation. This poses a new challenge for the country's political elite: how to respond to this change.

Yeap Su Yin, Eurasia Review

WHILE MALAYSIA'S 13th general election saw an intense contest between the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition Pakatan Rakyat (PR) what is of equal significance has been the participation of ordinary citizens in the process. In the run-up to the elections, many have taken the initiative to be involved – in many different ways through different channels.

The numbers who turned out to vote on 5 May 2013 perhaps reflect this shift in political activism. According to the Election Commission, 85 per cent cast their votes for parliamentary seats while 86 per cent for the state legislative assembly seats. This was the highest number of votes cast in any general election in the country's history. Many researchers have referred to this as the "people's election".

A rapidly changing political landscape

While the country is seeing the beginnings of a new political environment the question remains: how should its political elite respond to such trends?

Recent global events from the Arab Spring to the Occupy Wall Street movement have given the world unexpected glimpses of the power of citizen participation; where demonstrating masses with the means of the Internet as a tool are able to play a significant part in the overthrow of long-standing regimes or in spreading the cause of a movement to many parts of the world.

While many have pointed to the increase in Internet connectivity as one of the main causes of these examples of citizen activism, opinion remains divided. Some analysts caution against reading too much into the effects of the Internet and social media in particular, citing the phenomenon of "clicktivism" as akin to being mere "armchair activists or politicians". They argue that social media provides the means for an easy response which does not translate to actual and substantial participation. However, others are more inclined towards the notion that the improvements in information and communication technologies have empowered the average citizen.

They note that the increase in Internet connectivity has reduced the cost of access to information and networking opportunities, paving the way to new heights in citizen participation. Whichever the case, it appeared that few governments caught up in the Arab Spring saw the signs of these changes and even fewer knew how to manage it effectively.

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Rabu, 29 Mei 2013