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- Troubled and desperate ... Deepak could do anything
- P I Bala, Deepak, Musa - who next?
- The pathologies of Malay nationalism
| Troubled and desperate ... Deepak could do anything Posted: 02 Dec 2012 01:51 PM PST There are issues and events to write about and comments to make. But who cares?
However, it is all suspicious. Maybe Deepak did meet or maybe he didn't meet PI Bala. If he did it, it is of his own accord to win the heart of Rosmah. But pleaz ... this dugong is no toyboy material. In the first place, why would Rosmah entrust someone like Deepak, whom she just knew for few years, to do such a politically sensitive task?  Raja Petra used to write that she was Tan Sri Nor Mohamad Yakcop "man." It is heard that she was a toll collector arranging meeting with Rosmah and benefited financially. God knows, if there is any truth. Since her name surfaced everywhere and had put the first family in bad light many times, Mumtaz is now no more part Rosmah's household. Back to Deepak.
Deepak Jaikishan is merely a carpet seller and taking over his father's business at Jalan Tunku Abdul Rahman. He only knew the first family when Rosmah was interested in his carpet designs and commissioned him to install carpets at their private residence at Jalan Duta. It is heard that she came down to the shop. Like any overly ambitous and opportunistic businessmen yang "tidak tahu segan dan malu" (have no shyness and shame), Deepak used the opportunity in supervising the installation to get to know the maam. Perhaps, he did got help from maam to ask PM to help him help secure contracts for official residence of Deputy Prime Minister, Sri Satria and later at Prime Minister's official residence, Sri Perdana. Deepak was quite an impressionable young man and he managed to gain the confidence of others to get appointed on the Board of Director of IMDB, George Kent and many others. Basically, he managed to exploit the opportunity to the fullest by creating the impression that he is maam's orang kuat. If one is smart, getting negative expose on Malaysia Today does boost oneself sometimes. Khairy did too.
However, Deepak got greedy and reckless. He was selling maam's name to frequently and all over town that it reached Rosmah's ears that he is a conman. The carpet man was becoming a carpet beggar ruthlessly pouncing on unsuspecting businessman. One former Tan Sri high flying corporate man had to pay him commission for fund raising which he was not part off. It is heard and he himself admitted to Malaysiakini that he had amassed RM600 million of facility. Off course, the public would jump to make the presumption that he got those loans because Najib is Finance Minister. Firstly, is the number right? Secondly, having facility is one thing but was he able to drawdown those facilities. Thirdly, if Najib did not help get him the facility, who then? Deepak had raised a couple of banking facilities with the likes of Hong Leong bank, Bank Rakyat, Maybank, and bulk of it is with Kuwait Finance house (KFH). Talk of KWH, it reminded us of BCCI that went under decades ago.  He has since left in 2009 or he would have been in the slammer under BAFIA. Here is The Edge report With facility available and the yearning to be a billionaire in a hurry by 40, Deepak went about town to secure, hustle and even extort deals and investments. One such scheme was to get himself into his failed joint venture with Wanita UMNO Selangor, Dato Raja Ropiaah's privatisation deal with MINDEF.  How convenient that Deepak sued Raja Ropiah at around now when he does not have a legal fighting chance of winning the lawsuit? For him to make a police report against Raja Ropiaah on claims of CBT, can the bloke differentiate between alleged CBT and alleged non-fulfillment of agreement? Isn't it obvious that Deepak is lending a hand to assist PKR Selangor from Wanita Selangor's planned onslaught? With the money standing by, it is easier to get and secure deals. The trump card Deepak used was Najib and Rosmah's name. How is anyone going to check with Najib and Rosmah? More so, with Malaysia Today's help to create him into an urban legend.. But since 2009, after Salman left, and his relationship with maam gone sour by 2010, things were not looking up for Deepak. His board membership were pulled back. True he was investigated by MACC and IRD by him. Opposition made noises of him and so sure they will go in. Only thing is MACC do not make noise. It is heard that he called maam for help to remove all the officers. Apalah Deepak, since when first lady can order around government agencies like that? Banks begin to recall their loans. It is raining so Bank will pull back their umbrellas. It is heard that Maybank had forsold his land to recoup the loan. Kuwait Finance House also pulled the plug on him when they found that there were elements of conmanship or fraud in the manner Deepak secured the facility. Deepak couldn't pay back Kuwait Finance House. It is believed in the tune of more than RM100 million. Some say it is as much as RM140 million. This is part of the reason behind his debacle with Raja Ropiah because he wants his money back or give the project wholly to him. Obviously Bank had to sue him and it is also another of Deepak's many ongoing case with Banks. He fits in the maxim seldom heard in the securities industry, "high flyers get shot down." This amateurish wheeler dealer but smooth talker was flying high. He once flew by private jet to Las Vegas to impress one sexy leggy Chinese girl. Smart girl .. take the money and run. Deepak tried to seek Rosmah's help, tried to seek Rosmah's name when being investigated, tried to get Rosmah to ask Najib to ask investigators to pull their brakes and get banks to allow him to use his facilities, etc.
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| P I Bala, Deepak, Musa - who next? Posted: 02 Dec 2012 01:35 PM PST Musa Hassan?
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| The pathologies of Malay nationalism Posted: 02 Dec 2012 12:32 PM PST The nation The problem begins with the nation-state ideal; for its coherence depends on there being a people deemed as the rightful owners of a land. It is rooted to the belief that territory is property – a thing to own – and that loyalty to the people means, among other things, the readiness to uphold the integrity of territory to ensure it belongs to the nation. This requires clearly defined, finite, national borders, which – at least at the face of it – appears as a simple enough idea. Matters become complicated when we ask who those borders are meant for. There cannot be a nation-state, if there is no nation to begin with. But identities unlike land cannot be enclosed and demarcated. Cultures do not flourish in vacuums. They develop out of interactions and fusions with one another. New words, outlooks and practices are adopted while others fade, in a slow, arbitrary and often ambiguous organic process of contact and migration through time. The nationalist agenda is at odds with this reality. The belief in the congruence of identity and territory – or indeed identity as territory – at the face of inevitable cultural change that can neither be controlled nor predicted, means that each nation will always find itself in the position of having to redefine the conditions of membership, to determine what or who should or should not be excluded. Culture too is given boundaries as a result. The nationalist imagination must, in other words, assume however implicitly that there is some supposed essence underlying the flux of culture and identity, out of which the 'Otherising' so common to nationalist politics is legitimised. The marker could be anything from a common language, religion, ethnicity, race or history. It could even be a set of values or general traits. None of this is exclusive, of course. At any given time, depending on the issue and occasion, different factors can be evoked to proclaim dissimilarity. Islam Islam as we've seen time and time again has featured prominently in attempts to imagine a core to Malay identity. It is in fact presented as a condition: the protection of Malays, we're told repeatedly, depends on the preservation of Islam. History has had much to do with this. The growth of Islam in 15th century Nusantara converged with the Malay apex of imperial grandeur, where for centuries Malay kingdoms dominated commerce, producing diplomatic relations and maritime armies that placed the Malaccan Straits on the map of world trade. This began as a very much elite affair, for the earliest Muslim converts in the Peninsula were among the feudal and merchant classes. It was not only until Islam eventually reached the commoner that its defining presence in Malay notions of identity began. Gradually, Islam became appreciated as a force of enlightenment, as it inspired Malays to leave their supposedly superstitious animistic ways of life towards a higher stage of civilization. The necessity of learning the Quran for basic rituals meant that Islam was also the context with which Malays experienced their earliest exposure to systemic, although largely informal, learning. In fact, Islam as education remained the case for common Malays for centuries. But while education and memories of empire shaped Malay attachments to Islam, its legalistic thrust ensures that it would remain a useful tool. One would be right, for example, to dismiss the recurring Hudud polemics as mere political ostentations between two parties seeking to out-Islamise one another, but in doing so we must not forget how much Islam, with its endless list of dos and don'ts, makes for a convenient resource of conformity and control. Islamisation That would not be so troubling, if not for how the pressures for more and more Islam are actually coming from the ground up. Today, Islamic validations are increasingly sought for things as mundane as medicine, fashion and entertainment, as can be seen in the rising trend of halal living. Academic discussions on Islamic science have produced volumes of theoretical literature, albeit with little effects on actual scientific practice or meaningful discoveries. Unsatisfied with the already rigid curriculum of Islamic studies in national schools, more and more private Islamic schools, including kindergartens, continue to be established throughout the country. The list can go on and on. The state has had little need to take issue with the above demands, for the simple reason that any Islamisation, given present circumstances, would only secure a more Malay definition of Malaysia anyway. Thus it was not at all surprising to see the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), always already seeking to solidify Malay rule, having no qualms about competing on this turf. They seemed to have even relished the challenge, excelling – in realpolitik terms – in ensuring the drastic insertion of Islamic policies into the Malaysian state. Historians highlight the early 1980s as the point of no return. The revivalism of Islam was the demand of a strong Malay grassroots then. The regime, eventually armed with the credibility of Anwar Ibrahim's Islamist background, launched its deep and thorough project of Islamisation in response: Islamic banking was introduced. The International Islamic University, Malaysia (IIUM/UIA), now heavily sustained by Saudi funding, was established. So was the Institute of Islamic Understanding (IKIM), which has since then served as the intellectual mouthpiece against pluralism and apostasy. A more Muslim oriented foreign policy was initiated. New laws were imposed, banning imports of non-halal beef and Muslim entry into casinos. Marriages and sermons were made subject to Islamic certification and approval. Today, JAKIM (Malaysian Department of Islamic Development) is the third most funded department under the Prime Minister's Office, receiving RM 402 million in 2010 alone. It stands among several other Syariah institutions that were recently erected in rapid succession such as Jabatan Kehakiman Syariah, Malaysia (Department of Syariah Justice) in March 1998 and the Syariah section of the Attorney General's office in 2003. The latter is to ensure that all laws – including international laws Malaysia are to ratify – are Syariah compliant. In 2009, planning for a Jabatan Penguatkuasaan dan Pendakwaan Syariah (Syariah Enforcement and Prosecution Department) began. Power But what is all that power for? Curiously, the persistence of conservative presence in Malay politics suggests that the increased Islamisation of government, on top of the huge representation of Malays in the military, police, civil service, the cabinet, petit bourgeoisie and banking, in addition to our nine monarchs, are still somehow not enough to assuage insecurities. It can also be argued that the significant powers that Malays have amassed through the government and bureaucracy over the years are mere catalysts for greater conservative demands, for in apprehensive hands no amount of power will suffice if it cannot translate to total control. Thus it may be more accurate to look past the power held to see what the power is meant to protect in the first place. And for this we will have to inquire into a prior anxiety, one that is more essential in driving the politicisation of Malay identity as a whole, and that is the fear of losing control over Malaysia's multicultural complexities. To clarify, the conservative claim is not that the Malays were here before everyone else. Rather, the Malays, at one point the subjects of a glorious medieval empire, were the ones who shaped the customs and civilization, and by consequence the historical significance, of the Peninsula. It was therefore the bitterest injustice for the Malay nationalist imagination that independence from centuries of colonialism began with the masses of Malays in wretched poverty. They were 70% of Malaysia's poor at the time, confined mostly to low level-menial work. University education was far from reach and with little, in fact inconsequential, ownership of capital (Malays owned only 4% of all businesses) Malay control of the country was nothing more than ceremonial despite the triumphant proclamations of Merdeka (Independence). Malays in fact became poorer in the ensuing decade, a reality that soon compelled the demand which we are all too familiar with by now: that only the material enrichment of Malays can mend inter-communal relations since they would no longer have to bear the shame of being poor sons of the soil. Shame and self-loathing
The Malay Dilemma by Mahathir Mohamed (Malaysia's longest serving Prime Minister at 22 years) has for some reason survived as the most frequently reissued attempt to defend that thesis. Not only did it draw a direct causal link between Malay laziness and poverty, they were also somehow taken as certain proof of Malay racial inferiority. But if we are at all to recall that book for its originality, it would have to be for the rather taxing attempt it made to explain that link with pretensions of evolutionary science. Otherwise, the Malay Dilemma was merely reiterating an impression that was already prevalent among early Malay bureaucrats. After all, it was published only a year after Revolusi Mental (Mental Revolution), a longer book comprising of essays that also insisted on the Malay poverty-laziness-inferiority idea, this time by the most prominent Malay educators in government then. It is painful, though not unfair, to acknowledge that there was some hint of inevitability to all that, especially when viewed from a broader historical perspective. Munshi Abdullah, the pioneer of Malay reformist thought, was already lamenting Malay inferiority – also in the manner of simplified sweeping claims about Malay laziness – as early as the British takeover of the Straits. Indeed, it was against his profound awe of British science and technology that the lazy, inferior, bumbling, dumb and superstitious Malay which he took constant note of was often "portrayed" in his works (although always, somehow, in the pretext of some deep care and concern he had for Malay progress). This spirit of supposed tough love resonated again in the early 20th century, this time in Pendeta Za'ba's works which was also not short of bile. The modern man of Malay letters said that the Malays were poor in "all aspects of life" – in demeanour, attitude and worldview, "in all the conditions and necessities that can lead to the success and greatness of the nation". Malay youths spend too much time on wasteful activities, he said, and "are perverse in indulging in their carnal and animalistic needs" while having no foresight or prudence in spending. Their elders, on the other hand, are too caught up in stupid superstitions. The works of Malay literature are also "poor and not of the kind that can uplift spirits and improve thought". One can argue that such frankness is common to all nationalist rhetoric. It can be likened by analogy to the kind of direct criticism we have all encountered in one way or another in heated family arguments, only the end message in this case is of course broader and more political, to provoke Malays to wake up and strive. But what makes the above preoccupations with racial inferiority particularly pernicious is the conclusion drawn at the end of it all: the Bourgeois Malay's ultimate prescription for independence was not revolt or rebellion against exploitation and underdevelopment. Rather, the way forward was conceived in terms of the capitalist ethos, through hard work, self-reliance and private enterprise. Obstacles The central role of British colonialism in perpetuating myths of the lazy native is a subject that is best dealt in another discussion, although it would suffice at this point to state the curious fact that the notable Malays who were most willing to uphold and defend that myth were significantly influenced by the colonial lebensvelt. Munshi Abdullah, for example, taught and translated Malay for Stamford Raffles on top of many other notable Orientalists. Both Za'ba and Mahathir – whose treatises on the subject were originally written in English – were educated via the British system. It was indeed through this orbit of circumstances that the capitalist ethos brought by the British found their advocates among Malay nationalists, however indirectly. For a better sense of what's at stake here, we should consider the contrasting attitudes of Malay nationalists who were not as fortunate. For example, Rashid Maidin the labourer, or Ahmad Boestamam the son of a peasant, saw little to no virtue behind the laziness myth or British capitalism, having witnessed and lived through first-hand the violent exploitation of labour that was needed to service British industries. The Malayan left, with whom they mobilised, advocated instead a more confrontational and militant route towards self-determination. Naturally, the British, in the post-war ruin of their empire amidst fears of a Communist takeover of Southeast Asia did all they could to suppress all manifestations of leftist unrest, often with little hesitation to resort to violence or outright political intervention. The fact that the Malay left and the British ended up more and more preoccupied with one another after independence also meant that Malay capitalism was met with less resistance. This, however, did not mean that it was without its obstacles. There was, for one, the absence of a critical Malay mass: the majority of Malays at the turn of Merdeka were rural, illiterate, uneducated and, more significantly, unfamiliar with the belief in "grace-through-hard-work" that the early Malay elites and bureaucrats embraced. There was also a problem in the form of an apathetic Malay elite, the old guard of UMNOists close to Tunku Abdul Rahman (Malaysia's first Prime Minister) who were not seen as committed enough to the cause of Malay development. The Tunku recalled the Malays as "a simple and contented people, used to their own way of life, their distinctive traditions, their deep Islamic belief in God and the hereafter, and respect for their Sultans. Sons of the soil and the sea, they lived close to nature in a bountiful land. Why bother to work so hard?" But nothing stood in the way as agonisingly as the peninsula's demographic realities. In 1955, the Malays constituted 84.2% of the total electorate. After independence it was reduced to just 56.8% due to the formal mass incorporation of Chinese and Indians as Malaysian citizens. This was not an easy fact to accept especially for those who just regarded them as temporary migrant workers whose presence in the Peninsula was due to colonial, rather than Malay, demands. It didn't help that the Chinese were soon perceived as threats: When they were not smeared as mere greedy businessmen, they were feared as treacherous communists.
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This shame left a deeply bitter mark, for the little real political power that Malays could claim also translated to a crisis in self-esteem. The worst of this fermented into the long tradition of self-loathing that one can find in bourgeois Malay thought, whereby Malay poverty is often explained away as an obvious outcome of laziness.| You are subscribed to email updates from Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
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