Ahad, 9 September 2012

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Tanda Putera: Deconstructing Prejudice

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 04:04 PM PDT

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I really doubt the capacity of Ms Shuhaimi to "look at all angles" if after looking at the records produced in my book she still insists that the communists were responsible for May 13.

Dr Kua Kia Soong, SUARAM Adviser

 

I am in full agreement with the director of the forthcoming film 'Tanda Putera', Shuhaimi Baba that we should withhold any critique of the film until we have seen it. I have so far merely warned Malaysians about the record of the Barisan National in resurrecting the spectre of 'May 13' at every general election since 1969. Others have protested against some of the images posted on the Facebook for the film. But judging from Shuhaimi's interview in an online media (FMT, 6.9.2012), I am not too sanguine about her impartiality and capacity to discern fact from prejudice in a mature manner:

"When I first read Dr Kua (Kia Soong's) book, I thought what came out first and shining through was his prejudices against Malays and his resentment against the office of the prime minister then. His accusations – alluding to who was responsible for May 13- that is, Tun Razak, was not only atrocious but irresponsible. But then he knows that, I am sure, since he's more intelligent than most men, and he does it for effect and propaganda and to rile up Chinese sentiments. It was too easy for him. As a writer, he preferred to be biased and did not shed any light on the riots but even considered the communists had nothing to do with it.

His obvious biasness – not questioning why in Tunku's own book, and later in an authorised biography of Tunku as late as 1990 – Tunku did not cast aspersions on Tun Razak. There were reports and books written by people who were not present during May 13. Some were based on third party reports. Yet in one publication, no mention was made that the writer was not in the country, the author did not point out he was not present but his comments and observations on May 13 were like a first-person report. Complete with prejudices against the Malays and the Malaysian government. How is it that this author can be quoted as a reliable source? He had deliberately too omitted details of what were the insulting behaviours towards the Malays before May 13.

I find the NOC (National Operations Council) report on May 13, 1969, may not be as complete, but it was more useful and reliable because they were verified with statistics and signed support reports and documents. The NOC report was also verified by a committee appointed by Tun Ismail. The head of the committee was a person of high integrity. So that's where I am coming from when I say I looked at all angles…"

 

Prejudices against Malays?

First, I would like to thank her for reading my book although I am very disappointed that she has drawn very odd conclusions from it. I have read such accusations of my supposed "prejudices against Malays" among the mindless blogheads in cyberspace but I would expect better of an artist who seeks a reputation for integrity.

For a start, she fails to provide any evidence for my supposed "prejudices against the Malays and (my) resentment against the office of the prime minister". Many respected Malay intellectuals have critiqued my book and made no mention of it being "prejudiced against Malays". I may be guilty of using class analysis in my writings but you will not find a more committed anti-racist crusader than me in this country…

The late Rustam Sani (bless his soul!) wrote in his blog on 13 May 2007 after attending the launch of my book:

"May 13: A Sunday morning well-spent at the book launch. There was absolutely no doubt in my mind that Dr Kua had penned a very important book – indeed, to my mind, he has made "publishing history" of sorts. I came out of the book launch feeling only half-satisfied with the discussion that took place and half-pessimistic about the future. It did not, however, diminish my appreciation of Dr Kua's book as an important contribution to my understanding of Malaysia's contemporary history, and for such interesting and thoughtful presentations by the guest speakers."

Among the guest speakers was highly respected Malay intellectual, Professor Syed Husin Ali who  disputed my "coup detat" thesis but he did not think that my book displayed "prejudices against the Malays".

Azmi Sharom, writing in The Star on 31 May 2007, had this to say about the book:

"As with Kua's earlier works, it is written in a passionate style that drives the narrative forward with a sense of urgency, so much so that reading it was a pleasure. I think that this is an important book. It raises issues and questions that challenge the official story of the riots and it adds new information that is vital if we as a nation are ever to truly understand that horrible period of our history."   

Again, he did not get the impression that I was "prejudiced against the Malays". Likewise, my socialist comrade Dr Mohd Nasir Hashim has not mentioned to me that he finds my account "prejudiced against Malays" because he also subscribes to class analysis of society and history.

I am therefore dubious about the amount and the quality of research done by Ms Shuhaimi on May 13 and whether she seriously read my book. She says that "no mention was made that the writer was not in the country, the author did not point out he was not present but his comments and observations on May 13 were like a first-person report."

 

The Full Story of May 13 is Yet Untold

First, my book uses declassified documents which I researched first-hand in London and made available in The British Public Records Office, Kew Gardens. That's a lot of valuable legwork that is potentially helpful research for Ms Shuhaimi's film. The suggestion that I was trying to portray this as a first-hand account is puzzling, as the title itself clearly states the fact that such first-hand accounts are extracts from the declassified documents themselves. Ms Shuhaimi is certainly the first person to make such an observation.

The reason my book created such a sensation was because many Malaysians do not find the official versions credible. Contrary to what Ms Shuhaimi says, the official statistics on the casualties during May 13 are the least credible of all. I may not have been there but my brother in law was a professor at the University Hospital at the time and my brother was a medical student at Malayan University too. They saw the number of bodies that were tarred to conceal their ethnicity and they certainly exceeded the official figures. The documents in my book testify as much to this fact.

I provided a class analysis based on the available evidence provided by the records at the time. A fuller story will only emerge with a Truth & Reconciliation Commission when families of the victims, the police, the army, hospital doctors and staff come forward to tell us their stories. A serious artist should welcome as many stories from the people as possible and not be beholden to the official version.

 

The Tunku's Views on Tun Razak

Ms Shuhaimi accuses me of bias and claims that the Tunku didn't cast aspersions on Tun Razak. Again, this reflects on the quality of her research and her capacity to weigh historical documents. Obviously Ms Shuhaimi does not consider the documents produced in my book to be worth consideration or to be objective. She falls back on the Tunku's early writings and apparently, "the Tunku's authorised biography".

For the information of Ms Shuhaimi, K. Das was the Tunku's official biographer and they had carried out a series of interviews which can be read in my 2002 title: "K. Das & the Tunku Tapes". Yes, a copy of the tapes was given to me by K.Das' family. Can any records beat these audio recordings done in the twilight of the Tunku's life when he could finally speak his mind? Will Ms Shuhaimi challenge me to produce the Tunku tapes to verify if the Tunku actually said these words to K. Das?

"You know Harun was one of those – Harun, Mahathir, Ghazali Shafie – who were all working with Razak to oust me, to take over my place…" (Kua Kia Soong, 2002: 112)

For the further information of Ms Shuhaimi, I am not the first person to see May 13 as a coup detat against the Tunku. A Malay (yes, Malay!) intellectual, Subky Latiff had already put forward this thesis in an academic journal, Southeast Asian Affairs, Singapore in 1977. Although I was not at the seminar when Subky Latiff presented his paper, I am sure there were no gasps of "how atrocious and irresponsible!" among the academics gathered there.

 

Why the deference to Authority?

We can understand deference to authority in a feudal society. But why do we need to be deferential to the people we elect? Ms Shuhaimi refers to the Prime Ministers as if they are deities to worship. In fact, whenever a general election approaches, that is the time when the politicians including prime ministers eat humble pie and plead for our support. What are prime ministers but the leaders of the respective parties who happen to win a majority in the general election? If we take the trouble to research into Malayan/ Malaysian history, we will invariably find that the leaders of political parties often use foul underhand means to maintain their political positions. This goes not only for the incumbent but also for the opposition parties.

My recent "Patriots & Pretenders" gives an account of the way the British colonial power connived to ensure the victory of the Alliance in the pre-Independence manoeuvres. Take UMNO as an example. If political chicanery had not come into play, Dato Onn Jaafar leading the Independence of Malaya Party could have become Prime Minister at Independence.

If the British colonial power had not backed the Alliance, the PMCJA-PUTERA coalition could have given the Alliance a good run for their money and we could have had a socialist prime minister who would not want such feudal deference from the people! The proclamation of The Emergency in 1948 through to 1960 was to ensure the British colonial power passed political power onto their local custodians at Independence and not to the PMCJA-PUTERA coalition.

Then again, if it had not been for Dr Mahathir's "tengkolok trick" in 1990, Tengku Razaleigh might have become Malaysia's prime minister. Likewise, the arrest of Anwar Ibrahim in 1998 altered the history of UMNO and assured Dr Mahathir's hold on power into the 21st century.

Yes, like any democrat I have a healthy disrespect for authority in an oppressive regime and I would have imagined an artist with ideals and integrity would share such aspirations for truth, justice, freedom, democracy and human rights.

 

Were the Communists Responsible for May 13?

I really doubt the capacity of Ms Shuhaimi to "look at all angles" if after looking at the records produced in my book she still insists that the communists were responsible for May 13. In my book I have shown that in the Tunku's broadcast at 2230 on 17 May 1969, he had qualified his earlier assertion that the disturbances were caused by communists, putting the blame instead on assorted "bad elements".

Is this Ms Shuhaimi's own prejudices or does she have stronger evidence to show that the communists were indeed responsible for May 13? The regime used the communist bogey at the time because it was necessary for it to justify imposing a state of emergency and to carry out the agenda of the new Umnoputras.

To conclude, I fervently hope that Ms Shuhaimi will seriously study my views like any honest artist and ponder the deconstruction of prejudice. Perhaps, this is an opportunity for Ms Shuhaimi as an artist to be more circumspect – be more of a calligrapher with a deft brush rather than follow the mindless mob that tars and feathers any detractors…    

What’s sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander, Tun

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 04:00 PM PDT

Isn't Mahathir, in his desperation to ensure the BN remains in power forever, indulging in undemocratic actions to deny the opposition the space and opportunity to form an alternative government that would guarantee the demise of the BN, wonders P Ramakrishnan.

 

Tun Dr Mahathir's warning that the country may never see a Barisan Nasional (BN) government again if Pakatan Rakyat (PR) is voted into Putrajaya, would provoke the response, "Good riddance to bad rubbish!" from many Malaysians who are totally fed up with BN rule.

After 55 years of BN rule, it is time to say, "Enough is enough! It's time to go!!"

Mahathir should stop whining that the federal opposition would do "everything possible" to stay in power forever if they were to form the next government.

What's wrong with that, Tun?

Didn't you do that, Tun, to stay in power forever? Why is it when you did "everything possible" to cling on to power, it was the proper thing to do but it is utterly wrong now for others to aspire to, as you did.

Didn't you refuse our beloved Tunku, the honest Hussein Onn, the fearless Tengku Razaleigh and others admission into Umno Baru so that you could remain in power forever without any opposition from within the party?

Didn't you introduce the system of 10 bonus votes for every nomination you received from Umno divisions to ensure that you would continue to be the President of Umno without any threat of a challenge?

Didn't you fix a minimum number of nominations from Umno divisions to be eligible to contest the president's post? And didn't this effectively prevent Tengku Razaleigh from challenging for the president's post?

Didn't the BN amend the federal constitution to disqualify those who resigned and thereby forced a by-election so that you could not be put to the test again? The amendment came soon after Shahrir Samad resigned as a BN parliamentarian in 1988, forcing a by-election in Johor Bharu, which he won convincingly as an independent, thus embarrassing you in the process.

Didn't you have absolute control of the party and government so that your position would remain unassailable as long as you chose to stick around?

Wasn't the BN guilty of gerrymandering to ensure that the BN had the best advantage to win the elections so that you and the BN could lord over the nation forever?

Didn't you destroy the judiciary in 1988 when you played a role in the sacking of the then Lord President, Tun Salleh Abas? Wasn't it to preserve and perpetuate your position?

Didn't you shackle the powers of the royalty by holding semarak gatherings throughout the country to run down the royalty and by amending the constitution so that you and the BN could remain in power forever without any obstacles or obstruction?

Didn't the BN deny allocations for all elected MPs and State Assembly members – unfairly and unjustly – so that the BN could continue to rule forever by pulling the purse strings?

Didn't the BN engineer the overthrow of the legitimately elected Pakatan government in Perak ignoring the choice of the voters so that the BN could forever continue to be in power by whatever means?

Isn't the BN hounding Anwar through trumped up charges and all other foul means to prevent his political ascendancy, which threatens the BN's greed to remain in power forever?

Isn't it because the BN wants to be in power forever – and by any means – that it is going after the brave Bersih leaders who had inspired Malaysians to march in their thousands demanding free and fair elections?

Aren't you in your desperation to ensure the BN remains in power forever indulging in undemocratic actions to deny the opposition the space and opportunity to form an alternative government that would guarantee the demise of the BN?

Why is it, dear Tun, that only you and the BN can have the licence to do everything possible to remain in power forever? Why are you denying the loyal opposition the same opportunity to protect and preserve their position?

Haven't you heard of the saying, "What's sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander"?

Your hypocrisy is really nauseating, Tun!

P Ramakrishnan, the immediate past president of Aliran, now serves on the Aliran executive committee.

Why Tun M is terrified of the opposition!

Posted: 08 Sep 2012 03:17 PM PDT

Daniel John Jambun

If we look at how Tun Dr. Mahathir has been making political comments during the last few months we would have noticed very clearly that he is actually very worried, yes, utterly terrified, about of the possibility of the opposition taking over the government.

The basis of this fear is real. Mahathir is not merely having a nightmare for nothing. And he has a lot of good reasons to see it all coming. Firstly, the great tsunami of 2008 changed the way the BN looks at itself. It made BN realize how fragile the national coalition is. In fact 2008 was such a close call that had it been without Sabah and Sarawak, the powerful BN leaders would no longer be sitting in Putrajaya right now. And he knows things had gone further downhill for the BN since then. In spite of all the dirty tactics, all the scandals against opposition leaders, all the manufacturing of endless good news about the economy, the Santa Claus programs, the people had continued to lose confidence in the BN.

Now wonder Mahathir had gone into the bad habit of saying a lot nonsensical and downright stupid things! In desperation he said it's better to have a devil that you know that a devil you don't know. It was admittance that the BN is a devil. He had justified the huge influx of illegal immigrants into Sabah and made the totally ludicrous proposal that as long as they can speak Malay, they qualify to become citizens of Malaysia. This statement set off a barrage of firings from both the opposition and the BN leaders. It made us wonder what kind of mind was ruling us for 27 years. Now he had gone into fear mongering by saying again and again that if the opposition takes over the country, it would lead to total chaos, which goes in line with PM Datuk Seri Najib's idea that the opposition is not qualified to take over the government. Well tell that to Lim Guan Eng and Datuk Khalid Ibrahim.
 
But to top it all, Mahathir's most interesting remark was his idea that if the PR takes over the government, it will rule Malaysia forever. The funny thing about this childish remark is that it is actually a compliment to PR! Mahathir said if the PR takes over, it will do things to make sure the BN can never come back to rule again, saying he "knows a few things." What he said here is very telling about what kind of government the BN has been running for 27 years under Mahathir. He doesn't know a few things; he actually know A LOT of things, meaning underhanded tactics and dirty tricks to ensure the opposition can never take over the government. Well, if he knows all these tricks and he had used them over the years, how come the BN is in real danger of toppling over now? Maybe Abraham Lincoln was right when he said, "You can fool some of the people some of the time, but not all of the people all of the time" or as the Malay proverbs says, "Sepandai-pandai tupai melompat akhirnya jatuh ke tanah juga."
 
Or maybe Mahathir's many tricks – increasing the population of Sabah with immigrants by four folds, gerrymandering, threatening and penalizing the opposition leaders and dissenters with draconian laws, manipulating the economy to keep Sabah and Sarawak poor so they continue to be beggars and dependants in Malaysia, suffocating the press, promoting social polarization through manipulation of race and religion, etc. etc. – had failed to put Malaysians under anymore control because they have had enough of it and realized it is time to change the government. He thought he could continue to put on a benign face and manipulate the people forever. But guess what, you can't fool the people forever.
 
It is interesting that he believes that a new Malaysian government will become more corrupt than his government. Only a dictator who controlled a regime which put on a benign face for so long can think like this. He is actually telling the world, that by knowing "a few things" he was really corrupt and evil as a Prime Minister. By saying all these things he is actually admitting that he is a Machiavellian politician who would stop at nothing to get what he wants. And now, frustrated that he no longer calls the shots, he thinks he is helping Najib's government by going into fear mongering. And poor Najib can't say or do anything because Mahathir has a lot of clout, being able to play the role of a puppet player behind the scene. Najib has to keep quiet, or else. And when we fully realize the reality of this situation, in which our Prime Minster is at the mercy of his predecessor, we will have reasons to have even less confidence in the present BN government! So Mahathir is not doing Najib any favour by talking endlessly like a drunken and frightened monkey. Despite his praises for Najib, he only causes the people to see out PM as a weak puppet.
 
It will be very interesting to observe what Mahathir will say on the next few days. You can bet he won't be able to keep quite more than a few days. He is too paranoid to keep quiet more than a few days. But what he needs to understand is that his ideas are getting more and more ridiculous and only to serve to convince us even more that our former PM is losing his marbles and showing clear signs of senility.
 
But what is the real reasons Mahathir is so frightened of the prospect of the BN falling? Believe me Mahathir's reasons are less patriotic than what he tries to show to the public. The real reasons are personal. If BN falls, protective walls around him will crumble and he stands to face the music for a lot of misdeeds during his heydays. Why else is he so paranoid about the RCI and so eager to defend the illegals? Because of the reality of the Projek IC Mahathir. And this is not the only can of worms that are waiting to be exposed. There will be so many that the whole world will have to reel back in shock and disgust. But what can he do now, that the dark clouds are descending on his head and his family? The days of reckoning are here and nobody, even Mahathir with all his clout and money, can stop it.

 

Batang Kali - Britain must take moral responsibility for massacre

Posted: 07 Sep 2012 10:28 AM PDT

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The smokescreen of 'defeating communism' was used to justify atrocities such as Batang Kali 1948. Notice that the Malaysian government has kept a guilty silence over this case despite hounding Mat Sabu over Bukit Kepong.

Dr Kua Kia Soong, SUARAM Adviser

On 4 September 2012, the London High Court of Justice handed down a judgement that there was no legal duty for Her majesty's Government to hold an inquiry over the killing of 24 civilians by HMG's Scots Guards at Batang Kali on 11/12 December 1948 and that the claimants had no grounds to challenge the decisions of the Secretaries of State not to hold an inquiry.

The conclusion of the court was that the decisions of the Secretaries of State "were not unreasonable…" They had maintained that the facts of the case remained in dispute; the veracity of the accounts was in doubt as most of the witnesses had died, and the evidence would be unreliable since it happened more than sixty years ago.

Regarding the claim that the Secretaries of State had an obligation to conduct an inquiry under Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights, the court cited the House of Lords decision [Re McKerr and McCaughey UKHL 12, 1 WLR 807] that "there was no duty to investigate a death before the coming into force of the Human Rights Act on 2 October 2000." (para 93)

Although this may seem like a setback for the claimants and all who demand justice for the 24 victims, there are certain positive dimensions in this judgement and hope in comparable cases elsewhere.

1.       The court established that the 24 victims were civilians and not combatants (para 1):

On 13 December 1948, the British High Commissioner had reported the deaths to the Colonial Office as "the shooting and killing of 26 bandits..." This was standard propaganda during the Emergency by the British colonial government and their local custodians. It has taken all these 64 years for this fact to be established by a British court!

2.       The British Government had command and control over the Scots Guards

The Secretaries of State had argued in the court that the British Government had no legal responsibility for the actions of the Scots Guards who did the killing at Batang Kali, so they were under no duty to hold an inquiry to pin the responsibility. They had argued, very much like our learned professors in the Mat Sabu/ Mat Indera case, that the Scots Guards were merely assisting the Federation or the Selangor Sultan or both, in maintaining order. In any case, they further argued that any responsibility would have lapsed to the Federation of Malaya upon independence in 1957 via Article 167 of the Constitution.

Nevertheless, the court decided that:

"It is clear, in our view, that the British Government had command and control over the Scots Guards. First, the Scots Guards were part of the British Army in contradistinction to the Malay Regiment and other local forces. Second, it is evident from the minute of the British Cabinet…that the reason for the decision to send the brigade of the British Army was to defend British interests against the advance of communism on what was in reality territory the British Government controlled, to prevent the deaths of British citizens and to protect its economic interests. Third, control over the deployment of the army in Malaya was vested in British Defence Co-ordination Committee Far East…Fourth, the Scots Guards were paid for by the British Government…" (para 112)

Thus, this judgement has wide applications in the Mat Sabu/Mat Indera case although I suspect many of our local professors need not just legal exposure but rather, political awareness of our colonial history.

 

Batang Kali is Britain's Rawagedeh

Another source of hope for the claimants of Batang Kali is the recent apology by the Dutch government for a massacre of 150 people at Rawagede committed by its soldiers in Indonesia in 1947, as the country fought for independence. Earlier in 2011, a court in the Netherlands ordered the government to pay compensation over the killings. The case was brought by relatives of those who were killed. Reports said the Netherlands would pay 20,000 euros to the relatives, but the exact figure was still being negotiated.

 

A Crime against Humanity

The Rawagedeh claimants had argued that what took place in Rawagedeh on December 9, 1947 was a crime against humanity. Like any other colonial power, the Dutch had used the euphemistic term 'excesses' to describe the tragedy. Like the British in Malaya, the Dutch state defined it as an internal problem. On December 9, 1947 Dutch forces raided the West Javanese village to look for weapons and the Indonesian freedom fighter Lukas Kustario. Unable to find him, the Dutch military lined up the men and killed almost all of the male population.

The widows of Rawagedeh and their children sued the Dutch state not only for the execution of their husbands and fathers, but also for failing to investigate the massacre. They wanted the Netherlands to acknowledge the unlawfulness of its actions, and sought financial compensation for their loss.

Like the British state, the Dutch had also argued that the statute of limitations had expired. But according to the Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity there is no statute of limitations on war crimes, or crimes against humanity. The Netherlands, however, like many other Western countries, is one of the states that did not ratify the convention.

But the Netherlands did ratify the Rome statute of the International Criminal Court – after all, the court is at The Hague. However, according to the Rome statute of the International Criminal Court the court can only prosecute war crimes, crimes against humanity committed on or after July 1, 2002 – the day it came into being. This is not dissimilar to the House of Lords judgement cited in the Batang Kali judgement of 4 Sept 2012.

 

Gracious and Glorious if Kate & Will Apologised for British State

It will therefore only be a matter of time before the British state will be forced to face up to its moral responsibility to the Commonwealth and follow the example of the Dutch government. In this the Queen's diamond jubilee year celebrations, would it not be a gracious and glorious gesture for Kate and Will to openly apologise to the families of the victims of the Batang Kali massacre during their Kuala Lumpur visit in a few months' time?

Britain has always tried to project a self-image that is civilized, dignified and humanistic. Apologists for the British Empire have painted a romantic picture of colonialists setting their colonies "on the road to modernity…" The ideology of colonialism, which rationalized and justified oppression and exploitation, has distorted Malayan history and this history has been passed intact to their local custodians (foreign lackeys?). The smokescreen of 'defeating communism' was used to justify atrocities such as Batang Kali 1948. Notice that the Malaysian government has kept a guilty silence over this case despite hounding Mat Sabu over Bukit Kepong.

Without accounting for past transgressions, the British state will remain for ever trapped in history and the families of the 24 men massacred at Batang Kali will keep reminding the British state that they have a moral responsibility to apologise for the tragedy and to compensate the families for the senseless loss of their loved ones. The claimants have already notified their lawyers to appeal to the higher courts forthwith…

Education Review Blueprint: Panacea or Placebo?

Posted: 07 Sep 2012 10:23 AM PDT

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A plan is only as good as its implementation, and judging by the Ministry of Education's (MoE) track record, execution has never been its strong point. 

Sandra Rajoo

 

People seem to be all excited recently over the education review blueprint which is due to be made public on Sept 11. Some even hailed it as the best thing since sliced bread, and this is before they even know the actual content.

Let us hold the applause until after we read the whole document and see where it is taking us. The proof of the pudding is in the eating, so to speak. Will this 'mother-of-all-solutions' blueprint stand up to scrutiny? Is it going to be a solid, excellent-for-education master plan or will it be a glitzy, complex and tricky-to-implement blueprint? A plan is only as good as its implementation, and judging by the Ministry of Education's (MoE) track record, execution has never been its strong point.

This effort at revamping the education system, which is long overdue, has to be commended though. Nevertheless I am not holding my breath. Decades of failed endeavours by the MoE tend to make people cynical, and I am wary of those who throw out feel-good statements to pacify a sceptical public. Clearly, there is an inability to look at education holistically and plan accordingly. Piecemeal and ad hoc initiatives which have been the norm will not bring desired results.  

Recall the time the ministry tried to design a curriculum aimed at producing creative and critical thinking (CCT) learners. Learning was going to be fun and enjoyable apparently. Unfortunately, it didn't look very good on paper, and fared even worse in the classroom. Obviously, the desired outcomes did not materialise. Many teachers had no idea what CCT entailed, and were not too eager to encourage it, lest students start asking questions and forming opinions. So that became a failed venture. What became evident and has remained entrenched were the obsession with grades, dropping of literacy levels, robotic methods of learning, emphasis on rote-learning, 'invisible' teachers, lack of concern for students' welfare, demotivated students and indifferent education officials.

The teaching and learning of Maths and Science in English (PPSMI) is another issue that makes our hackles rise. From its inception about 10 years ago until today it has been fraught with difficulty and mired in controversy. The education ministry appears helpless and at a loss, what with the flip-flopping and the inability to train competent teachers. The vagueness of the 'soft-landing' which promises the continuation of PPSMI for certain groups of students and the current situation where many teachers have reverted to teaching in BM reflect poorly on the ministry. There has so far been no effort made at monitoring the situation on the ground. Is it any wonder that many parents are moving their children to private or international schools, or resorting to home schooling?

Another point of contention was when the Prime Minister announced that Literature in English will be incorporated into the curriculum. This was picked up by the media and was heralded as the panacea for our English language woes. But Literature has been in the curriculum for a decade or so already. The subject is not something new. It is amazing that the people pertinent in education circles are unaware of this fact.

English woes aside, we need to also ensure that our children receive proper instruction in Bahasa Malaysia. The disorganised way in which BM is being taught in schools does not augur well for the present and coming generations. When English was the medium of instruction, it created many proficient and competent users of the language which cut across all ethnic groups. The same cannot be said about BM. How many are really competent in the language? This problem has been neglected for too long. Let's see what the new education blueprint has in store for us.

Going by the 153 proposals adopted by the Review Panel, our education system does appear to be in a bit of a shambles, doesn't it? Concerned groups have been voicing their views and giving suggestions over the years, but were largely ignored. Was the ministry waiting all this while for a 'saviour' to come save the day? Is this blueprint going to be the saviour?

The implementation of the blueprint will stretch over 13 years which is a long time. Is the ministry committed to carry the momentum over this long period? The revealing of the blueprint is expected to generate debate amongst stakeholders.  We hope any critique given by the public is looked upon as feedback to how things can be improved. Any comment deemed unfavourable to the ministry should not be frowned upon and disregarded. 

All the same, I believe that responsible and dedicated educators will have their own personal education blueprint which they use to plan, guide, execute and monitor their performance. If people involved in education, from the director-general to the school principal to the classroom teacher, have been doing this all along, the nationwide review exercise would not have been necessary. Good teachers don't wait for directives from the top before giving their best to students. Ultimately it is not the blueprint per se that can save our education system, it is whether officials and educators can save it through a good understanding of their roles and a commitment to the responsibilities they hold.  

We want to reach a stage in our education where we can say with pride that our children are bright and capable because of the education system, not despite it.

The type of letters I like to receive from our leaders

Posted: 06 Sep 2012 11:48 PM PDT

Dear Petra,

As you may have seen on the news, I've announced an ambitious package to get growth and housing building going. This is not only to make sure we're building the homes people so desperately need but it will also help boost the economy by kick-starting one of our most important sectors, the construction industry.

When Jo Swinson asked for input from you on growth, house building was one of the top responses. Today's announcement shows the kind of impact Liberal Democrats are having in the Coalition Government, thanks to our members, on this key issue.

At the heart of yesterday's announcement was a massive new £10bn guarantee from the Government to house builders which will see tens of thousands of new and affordable homes built. This money is first and foremost targeted at Registered Social Landlords, who have a proven track record in delivering social and affordable homes, and I'm really pleased that organisations including the National Housing Federation and the British Property Federation have welcomed the announcement.

In order to kick-start stalled developments where at the moment nothing is being built and no one is being employed, we're accelerating the point at which councils and house builders start discussing planning requirements. And to ensure that this leads to more homes being built rather than fewer, I am also ensuring that an additional £300 million is spent on building 15,000 new affordable homes and bringing 5,000 empty homes back into use.

To help first-time buyers buy these, we're underwriting another £280m to help 16,500 people access the FirstBuy scheme.

And last but not least, to support small, local builders, we're making it easier temporarily for homeowners to put in a new conservatory, loft extension or garage conversion and for businesses to expand their premises without getting mired in red tape. The precise details will be consulted on, but I hope that people will go ahead and get the local builder in.

This is a big package of measures that I hope will get people building, create more jobs and help those people who are desperately trying to find homes to live in.

You can read more at the Lib Dems' website.

Best wishes,


Nick Clegg
Leader of the Liberal Democrats and Deputy Prime Minister

 

Explain probe under Sedition Act

Posted: 06 Sep 2012 09:49 AM PDT

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Stepping on a photograph of the Prime Minister and his wife cannot be an offence under the Sedition Act 1948.

Gobind Singh Deo

I call upon the IGP to explain why and how it is Ong Sing Yee, 19 and others were arrested and detained for investigations under the Sedition Act 1948.

Stepping on a photograph of the Prime Minister and his wife cannot be an offence under the Sedition Act 1948.

Section 4 of the Act makes it an offence for any person who does or attempts to do any act which has or would have a seditious tendency.

Section 3 of the Act defines and outlines what is meant by the words "seditious tendency".  Of the 6 instances, (a) defines it as being a tendency to bring into hatred or contempt or to excite disaffection against any Ruler or against any Government.

And as for the definition of "Government", section 2 of the Act says it means Government of Malaysia and of any State in Malaysia.

Clearly therefore the Act does not apply to the Prime Minister and his wife individually. It must be taken in its proper context. The acts complained of must relate to the Government in terms of its governance and not otherwise.

To extend the application of the word Government to individuals who are part of the Government would be to stretch its definition too far.

It is further disappointing to note that despite the government saying openly that it proposes to repeal the Sedition Act 1948 because it is outdated, the Act is still being used.

In July this very year, the Prime Minister himself announced the proposed repeal of the Act.

Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz was thereafter quoted in the Star of July 14 2012 as saying:

"The Sedition Act has a provision of not allowing the raising of anger against the government, but now we have discarded it as criticism levelled at the government and its leaders is legitimate under the freedom of speech guaranteed under the Constitution."

The action of the police in moving to do what to my mind isn't condoned by the Act and against the July declaration aforesaid is therefore, and without explanation, an abuse of process.

As such, it would be best for the police to clear the air and explain forthwith.

 

 

Tioman Trip: Excitement turned into Frustration

Posted: 06 Sep 2012 09:29 AM PDT

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Insufficient life jackets, improper evacuation procedures and overloading contributed to the deaths and injuries suffered in 2007.
 
What is it going to take for the authorities to wake up from their slumber and do their jobs? Are they waiting for another 7 people to die, or maybe 15 or 20 people this time? Malaysian authorities are known for acting only AFTER a tragedy happens.

Nirmala Arunaselam

Tioman has often been touted as a great tourist attraction, on par with overseas holiday destinations. Adverts peddling the appeal and lure of the island are aplenty. But for my family and me, what was supposed to be an enjoyable and relaxing Merdeka weekend getaway on the island turned frustrating and traumatic on our trip home.
 
Mind you, Tioman island is a wonderful tourist destination and has its own quirky charm if you like a simple, laid-back relaxing-in-the-sun environment. It is also known as a divers' paradise and tons of people come to dive and snorkel. HOWEVER the facilities and services were a complete and total letdown.
 
We were to return home on Sunday, September 2, 2012 after a nice, relaxing weekend on the island. The ferry (Bluewater Express company) pick-up was at 10:30am and it was expected to be jam-packed with people. We decided to go to the jetty half an hour early so that we could wait at the front of the line to ensure that we get a seat on the ferry. What we discovered was that there was no line, no queue system and basically no system whatsoever for boarding the ferry.
 
So there we were waiting for the ferry from 10am. 10:30 passed, then 11am, 11:30am and still no ferry in sight. It finally arrived at 1pm. You can just imagine the crowd pushing to get on board. I had to board the ferry first with my two young children while my husband went to the back of the ferry to load the bags. Here I was with 2 small kids – holding onto one and carrying the other – and people were pushing me from the back, left and right. My temper started to rise and I had to tell them to stop pushing.
 
After boarding the ferry (Bestari 2), I noticed that there were people already on board – obviously picked up from the earlier stops. Usually this is not the case as Salang is usually the first pick-up point, but due to the delay I guess that they must have picked up passengers from the other stops while dropping others off.
 
I hastily tried to find 4 seats but was unsuccessful. I found two seats and left my 7 year old there while I went to look for another two. I finally found one other empty seat. Suddenly I realized that the ferry was moving. I looked out the window and saw my husband still waiting at the jetty, after not succeeding in loading our bags as the boatmen would not take any more bags on board. He called my handphone and told me that they were not letting anymore people on the ferry as it was overloaded already.
 
I quickly ran to those in charge and asked them to stop and go back for him. I spoke to 2 people, one of whom told me that my husband had to wait for the next ferry which might come in about another hour (not guaranteed). After I raised my voice, the other person finally agreed to radio the skipper and ask him to stop the ferry.
 
Imagine how I had to frantically negotiate with the boatmen to turn back for my husband while handling 2 girls aged 4 and 7 who were sitting in different sections of the ferry. Initially I thought they were going back for my husband but that was not the case. My husband called and said that the ferry was not turning back. I flipped out and almost yelled at the person in charge. I told them there was no way I was going to travel on the ferry for 3 hours with 2 small kids while my husband was left behind at the jetty. I insisted, "Let him on or let me off". I believe most of the passengers were staring at me but I was so furious I could not care less if I was upsetting anyone.
 
Well, the ferry finally turned around and my husband came on board. All this took quite a few minutes. For your information, out of nearly 80-100 people who were waiting for the ferry, more than half were not allowed on board and were thus left behind. We later overheard the boatman saying that this was the last ferry out for now. What was the fate of those left waiting at the jetty? I shudder to think if I was one of those left behind.
 
That the ferry was overcrowded is an understatement. There were people standing, sitting on the steps, squatting near the toilets as well as bags and stuff everywhere on the floor, steps and compartments. I saw only a few life jackets, and I wonder how many rules and regulations were broken that day.
 
Remember the Tioman ferry tragedy in 2007 where 7 people died? Ref: Ferry tragedy trials postponed - Nation | The Star Online
 
5 years have passed and I wonder if the authorities are waiting for another tragedy to occur before any action is taken to enforce the regulations meant to safeguard passengers. Or has integrity been thrown out at sea with authorities closing one eye so that the ferry company can rake in more money at the expense of passengers' safety.
 
Back to my story, when reaching what we thought was Mersing jetty, we were told that it was instead heading towards Tanjung Gemuk as it was low tide at Mersing and the ferry could not go there. Buses were supposed to be waiting at Tanjung Gemuk to transfer passengers to Mersing. 
 
The question here is, if they already knew that it would be low tide at Mersing after 2pm (as was told to us), why did the ferry not come on time at 10:30am to fetch passengers and make it back on time to Mersing by 1:30pm? And what about all the other passengers left stranded at Salang jetty?
 
The obvious answer could be that the ferry company was making sure that profits were maximized by overloading the ferry and cramming in as many people as possible (we paid for 4 tickets but only got 3 seats).
 
This is not my first time to Tioman and each time I board the ferry from Mersing, I pray for a smooth and safe trip to the island and back. On almost every trip, the ferry is overloaded and waiting for a disaster to happen.  Ref: A Tioman disaster waiting to happen - Malaysiakini
 
What is it going to take for the authorities to wake up from their slumber and do their jobs? Are they waiting for another 7 people to die, or maybe 15 or 20 people this time? Malaysian authorities are known for acting only AFTER a tragedy happens. 
 
What do the Ministry of Transport and Ministry of Tourism have to say about this? Why all the hype about local tourist destinations when they can't even enforce basic rules to ensure the safety of passengers on ferries?  Ministry officials should experience first-hand waiting for delayed ferries and suffering the congestion of overloaded ferries. 
 
They should also try using the public toilets, especially at Mersing jetty. There was only one female toilet and one male toilet catering to around 120-150 people. To make matters worse the lights were not working.  Imagine the STENCH!!! I am sure foreigners who visit Tioman will go home and discourage others from visiting the place.
 
Does the ferry company, Bluewater Express, have a conscience? What they did that day smacks of greed, recklessness and unprofessionalism. They are willing to put so many lives at risk, just to make a few extra bucks. Aren't human lives more precious than dollars and cents? 
 
I don't expect miracles overnight,  but I do hope that more people come forward and voice out their views and opinions, especially where safety and health issues are concerned. Only then will we see a change for the better in the tourism and other public sectors. 
 
I urge the authorities to take action and be proactive instead of reactive. Safety should not be taken lightly. Ensure that ferry operators act professionally and enforce safety regulations before another disaster happens!!!
 
 

Di bawah 1Malaysia, anak muda semakin kreatif

Posted: 06 Sep 2012 09:18 AM PDT

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GROSS INSULT: The student was detained when he turned up in Cheras to meet college management — Pic: RAZAK GHAZALI

Penghormatan adalah kurniaan dari rakyat tetapi bukan menghasut atau di minta. Penghormatan adalah suci dan indah tanpa diselaputi dengan ketakutan.

Meta trader

kDGLevboeRg 
Or watch at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kDGLevboeRg

Najib salah seorang Perdana Menteri yang dipilih parti UMNO, begitulah statusnya kurang dapat penghormatan dari anak muda. Dasar parti pemerintah memang haus dengan kuasa dari rakyat tetapi dasar pemerintah menganggap sesiapa yang menentang mereka adalah musuh, ini amatlah konflik macam mana parti pemerintah dapat sokongan dari musuh??

Penghormatan adalah kurniaan dari rakyat tetapi bukan menghasut atau di minta. Penghormatan adalah suci dan indah tanpa diselaputi dengan ketakutan. Penghormatan dianugerahkan dengan percuma tanpa dijual beli, dalam prinsip demokrasi kuasa rakyat adalah kuasa penghormatan.

Isu anak muda memijak poster Najib dan Rosmah menandakan anak muda terasa jijik dan benci atas corak pemerintahan 1Malaysia, Najib patutlah mengambil langkah yang bijak dan positif demi mengujudkan imej mesra dengan anak muda. Isu penangkapan anak muda memiak poster Najib memang kurang moral, ini adalah isu moral yang kurang sopan terhadap seseorang pemimpin tetapi kenapa diperkenakan akta hasutan?? Penyiasatan PDRM yang begitu pilih kasih bukan dapat menakutkan anak muda tetapi memberikan kesempatan untuk menjauhi parti pemerintah.  

Ruang siber bergitu luas, anak muda berupaya menggunakan minda kreativiti mereka dalam apa japa enis rekaan dan ciptaan mereka, meraka sanggup lakukan apa saja, sama ada dalam puisi, sajak, video, animation,.... demi melepaskan geram dan menyebarkan rasa ketidakadilan yang wujud dari hati naluri mereka. Selagi parti pemerintah bersikap angkuh dan enggan memberikan ruang untuk anak muda bernafas, khasnya akta 114A, Maka banyak lagi hasil kreatif sama ada dalam blog, forum, acebook youtube akan dijadikan medan perang mereka.

Begitu juga video klip janji di capati, kelihatan anak muda bijak menggunakan media alternatif menghiburkan rakyat, menyampaikan mesej dan pendapat pendapat yang waras dalam musik ciptaan mereka.

 

Revisiting the Malaysian School Curriculum

Posted: 05 Sep 2012 05:34 PM PDT

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Stephen Doss

Recently I had the good fortune of being part of a focus group on "national unity" which was formed by a local think tank which wanted to present a proposal to the Education Ministry. The proposal was to be included as part of the Ministry's blueprint for education reform.

The focus was on what was needed to be done to foster unity though the identification of a Malaysian identity unique to all Malaysians through the school system.

The questions posed were not new, just go to any seminar, forum, workshop on unity in Malaysia and the same questions would invariably surface if not by a panelist then from someone from the floor. Why are we still having problems defining what is it that makes us Malaysians? Why are we not united beyond the surface level? Why do we still have race-based organizations? Why aren't all Malaysians treated equally? And the list can go on and on.

But this particular focus group was a bit more focused. The think tank wanted to see what more can be done at the school level to change attitudes assuming that these problems begin from a young tender age.

It started off by asking questions about the curriculum, is there something wrong with our school syllabus that does not help foster a common identity? Does the syllabus not promote attitudes that lead students to appreciate unity among the different races? There were also question about the school environment, is the school environment not conducive to the building of harmonious relations?

According to dictionary.com, "Unity" is defined as ;
1. the state of being one; oneness
2. a whole or totality as combining all its parts into one.
3. the state or fact of being united or combined into one, as of the parts of a whole; unification.
4. absence of diversity; unvaried or uniform character.
5. oneness of mind, feeling, etc., as among a number ofpersons; concord, harmony, or agreement.

Now assuming that it is easier to achieve unity through a state of harmony, and harmonious relations are easily achievable if we have a common identity or purpose, then the question that we should be asking is after 55 years of independence, why do we still have problems with issues regarding national identity?

According to Wikipedia, "National identity" is the person's identity and sense of belonging to one state or to one nation, a feeling one shares with a group of people, regardless of one's citizenship status. National identity is not an inborn trait; various studies have shown that a person's national identity is a direct result of the presence of elements from the "common points" in people's daily lives: national symbols, language, the nation's history, national consciousness, blood ties, culture, music, cuisine, etc

Now let us dissect the above before we go back to our nation's school syllabus.

National symbols, we have no shortage of these, the flag, the rukunegara, the monarchy, architecture, national car, etc.

Language, there is no dispute that Bahasa Malaysia is our official language although there are still many Malaysians who are not able to speak or write in the language.

The nation's history, by and large we are all familiar with our nation's history, our colonial past, and our struggle for independence although not all of us may agree with where our ancestors came from, their different contributions, who were the actual freedom fighters and who benefited what, from whose struggles.

National consciousness, we might have a problem here as we seem to have different races championing their own cultures as superior to the other, trying to agree on a common culture and placing that above individual cultural practice belonging to each ethnic group in the country still seems a mighty challenge.

Blood ties, most Malaysians are by now second if not third generation Malaysians, by right not an issue, notwithstanding that Malaysians still like to call each "pendatang" or "bangsa asing' now and then.

Culture, as yet we still have a problem identifying a culture that is common to all of us, we seem happy accepting a mix of cultures belonging to all races, a cop out of sorts just to keep everybody happy.

Music, we've probably had more success here, but that is to be expected for music is a universal language.

Cuisine, to be sure this is the one thing we are all proud of to claim as our own, we have successfully incorporated unique characteristics in our cuisine that it is said that you will not find similar food anywhere else.

Looking at the list of items that are said to be part of what is required for forming a national identity, it is clear that we are far from a finished product, a nation that is still finding itself.

Do we find these ingredients in our national school syllabus? I am guessing not really and definitely not beyond scratching the surface or with any real substance. I suspect it is because the adults among us cannot yet seem to agree on most items in the list, not surprising since we cannot even agree on allowing our children the advantage of attending one school with one objective.

There was agreement among the focus group members though to be sure that our current school syllabus does not cause disunity among students, neither is it a cause for concern in the short term. Although the same could not be said of deliverers of the syllabus, most who attended were of the view that it is this aspect of the school system that we should look at, as it is these deliverers who have an impact on our impressionable children and there was real concern that what is being imparted to students is the reason why there is a perception that real unity will continue to elude us as long as these deliverers do not move beyond the superficial and away from their own racial discriminations.

An improved syllabus which incorporates national identity and promotes harmonious relations will mean little if the deliverers themselves do not believe in the project.

Stephen Doss is a social activist and political observer. He is currently the President of the International Social Media Chambers. He can be found on twitter @stephendoss

The Government and its paws must immediately stop the harassment and selective persecution of Suaram

Posted: 05 Sep 2012 09:31 AM PDT

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The notices to search and seize were issued under Section 7C and 7D(1) of the Companies Act 1965. The above sections of the law are essentially the powers of CCM to conduct searches and seizures or "fishing expeditions", indicating no particular offence committed by SUARAM.
 
Tony Pua
 
The Companies Commission of Malaysia has shown remarkable diligence in raiding the offices of Suara Inisiatif Sdn Bhd, the operating entity of Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM) non-governmental organization (NGO).
 
Yesterday, officers from the Companies Commission of Malaysia (CCM) had gone to Suara Inisiatif Sdn Bhd's company secretary and auditor's office and conducted a search and seized documents related to the company.
 
The notices to search and seize were issued under Section 7C and 7D(1) of the Companies Act 1965. The above sections of the law are essentially the powers of CCM to conduct searches and seizures or "fishing expeditions", indicating no particular offence committed by SUARAM.
 
The raid was conducted despite SUARAM having written to CCM on 20th July 2012 that they will provide full cooperation to the latter and will provide further documents and information upon receiving written requests to do so.
 
Even PERKESO, the agency which manages SOCSO payments had ordered SUARAM to produce a list of documents to the office on 30th August 2012. In compliance to the notice, SUARAM had produced the requested documents to the relevant officer, who in-turn was completely clueless to SUARAM's presence.
 
The actions by the Government agencies, under pressure from UMNO and right-wing racist organisations such as Jaringan Melayu Malaysia and PERKASA, particularly by CCM are of extreme prejudice in nature.
 
Over the past year, I have exposed many companies which have flouted many laws in the Companies Act 1965. They've included the companies owned by Datuk Seri Shahrizat Jalil's family members who own the National Feedlot Corporation (NFC).
 
For example, NFC has granted personal loans to the directors of the company that breached Section 133 and 133A of the Companies' Act where such loans are clearly prohibited. 
 
The family's other companies, National Meat & Livestock Company Sdn Bhd, Real Food Company Sdn Bhd and Meatworks Sdn Bhd have failed to hold the company's Annual General Meetings, file its Annual Returns to the Registrar of Companies together with their Audited Financial Report. These offences are clear breached of Section 169A of the Companies Act, which carries the penalty 5 years in prison and/or RM30,000.
 
Similarly, Yayasan Gerakbakti Kebangsaan (YGK) owned by UMNO Youth with Khairy Jamaluddin and Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan as directors, has never filed their accounts since 2009.
 
Why is it that up to today, despite the above exposes being made at least 6 months ago, the CCM has failed to act against the above companies despite the proven breaches? On the other hand, why is it that despite having done no wrong, the CCM and the other government agencies have been relentless in their pursuit to charge SUARAM.
 
It is clear as day that the current persecution is mediated the exposes on Najib and the multibillion ringgit Scorpene submarine scandal.
 
We call upon the CCM to stay away from politically motivated actions which will only tarnish its image as an impartial entity. If it has to act against SUARAM, then surely action must be taken against the many companies of UMNO leaders, family members and cronies which have clearly breached many aspects of the law
 
SUARAM has done an impeccable job with the Scorpene submarine scandal which implicates the Prime Minister himself. We hope SUARAM will maintain the course and double up its efforts especially to ensure that those corrupt leaders who abuses power will be rejected outright.
Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

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