Ahad, 7 April 2013

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Not all is fine in PKR dynasty

Posted: 06 Apr 2013 05:03 PM PDT

TURBULENCE: President's non-candidacy points to looming trouble

Nurul Izzah must have been slighted on the notion that her mother was being sidelined completely this time around. It is as if Dr Wan Azizah had outlived her usefulness and her party post is just lip service to show a semblance of respect.

Syed Umar Ariff, NST 

THERE was a time when opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim celebrated the formation of a family dynasty in Parti Keadilan Rakyat, as his wife was made president and daughter, vice-president.

He was always smiling and proud before a battery of camera flashes during "joint family" press conferences alongside Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail and Nurul Izzah Anwar. PKR had become such a personal party to one man.

In this writer's opinion, such familial ties in the party's top echelon have provided a shield for Anwar against any sort of impending coup by his lieutenants. Political greenhorns and relatives are not likely to cross that line.

He was quite comfortable being a ketua umum and used "merit" as the reason why his family members had made it as top leaders. For years, allegations of nepotism, which have also been hounding DAP for a similar reason, did not leave Anwar perturbed -- until recently.

In trying to assuage mounting criticisms, Anwar has decided to announce Dr Wan Azizah's non-candidacy, despite strong rumours that she would be contesting in Selangor and which some claim should contribute to an easy win for PKR.

His decision was confirmed by PKR election director and deputy president Azmin Ali during an interview with Al-Jazeera. But Nurul Izzah has since refuted her father's statement and reduced it to mere "political talk".

For quite sometime, observers among members of the media from print and online to pro-government and otherwise, have noted a subtle undercurrent of antagonism between Anwar and Nurul Izzah.

Many have commented that both have not been exhibiting the usual familial closeness. Some claimed that during a political dialogue, Nurul Izzah walked off the stage as soon as Anwar entered the venue to give his speech. She did not even stop for a chat.

Casual observations aside, Nurul Izzah's comment on Anwar's announcement which watered down his credibility as a decision-maker, may lend some weight to talk of friction between father and daughter.

If nothing else, a communication breakdown is obvious. How does a party vice-president move to assert her function when such an important announcement was not made known to her?

Her mother, PKR president Dr Wan Azizah, who vacated her parliamentary seat to make way for Anwar as opposition leader in 2008, has already been made redundant in the party. She is now a presidential puppet and, at best, PKR's de facto women's wing chief.

While Anwar may have removed her from candidacy due to pressure to stop the practice of nepotism, it is also known that Dr Wan Azizah had, from time to time, served only as a means to ensure his political survival. She had helmed the party when her husband was imprisoned and later became the opposition leader, only to save the post until Anwar's return to mainstream politics.

The soft-spoken 60-year-old even held out her hands to help Anwar stand up, in a public display of affection -- or perhaps sympathy -- before the media during PKR's annual convention down south two years ago.

Azizah has yet to speak on this controversy. But in the end, she is widely expected to accept the decision to prevent further strain in family ties that would ultimately affect PKR's journey into the election.

Nurul Izzah must have been slighted on the notion that her mother was being sidelined completely this time around. It is as if Dr Wan Azizah had outlived her usefulness and her party post is just lip service to show a semblance of respect.

The 32-year-old must have also thought that her mother, befitting her stature as party president, should at least be regarded as important enough to contest in the toughest election yet. The situation now, judging from the current circumstances, can be quite telling; not all is fine and dandy within the PKR family dynasty.

 

Terengganu support for Pas eroding

Posted: 06 Apr 2013 04:57 PM PDT

Actions speak louder than words and going by that adage, the action that the Barisan Nasional government has taken since wresting Terengganu from Pas in the 2004 general election could stave off the opposition's challenge in GE13, writes Satiman Jamin

Satiman Jamin, NST 

THOSE who think of Terengganu as an idyllic holiday destination without much to show in terms of development will be in for a surprise if they visit the state today.

From the state capital to the industrial hub in Kemaman, Terengganu has seen rapid transformation from various programmes and initiatives taken by the state government since taking over from Pas in 2004.

The RM5 billion Kuala Terengganu City Centre (KTCC) project aimed at transforming the state capital into a modern city while maintaining its traditional charm is already under way.

Covering a 7km radius from the Terengganu river estuary, KTCC will be a magnet for domestic and foreign investments and was projected to create more than 80,000 jobs by 2020.

Further south, the Kertih Biopolymer Park had attracted world giants from France and Korea to build a RM2 billion integrated bio-methionine and thiochemical plant, while the Teluk Kalong Industrial area in Kemaman will soon have its fourth steel mill.

Of projects that affect the rakyat directly, the drive to build 10,000 affordable homes initiated by Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Ahmad Said are among the most important.

Despite the constraints of finding suitable sites and the rising cost of building materials, the state had managed to build 8,000 homes.

Ahmad has pledged to build 10,000 more homes in the next five years if BN is returned to power in the 13th General Election.

Based on the stellar performance of the state government over the last five years, BN has a good chance of not only retaining the 28 of the 32 state seats and six of the eight parliamentary seats but they could also retake some of the seats currently held by Pas.

In the Kuala Terengganu parliamentary constituency, which state Pas commissioner Mohd Abdul Wahid Endut won in the 2009 by-election following the death of Datuk Razali Ismail who defeated Pas deputy president Muhammad Sabu by 628 votes in 2008, Pas may face an uphill battle.

This is because the support for Pas has eroded after the completion of the Ladang Gemilang apartments, which provided proper housing for squatters around the Kampung Ladang area.

Pas had banked on its supporters of the three state seats (Ladang, Batu Burok and Wakaf Mempelam) in Kuala Terengganu to win the Parliamentary seat in the by-election, so the dwindling support in key areas like Ladang could hurt its chances this time around.

The personality of candidates may also be a factor as Wahid is expected to recontest the Wakaf Mempelam state seat to pave the way for another candidate to contest the parliamentary seat.

Pas will be hard-pressed to find a candidate that can rally the voters like the five-term veteran Wahid and this factor could turn the tide against them.

With Pas having announced that Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) will be given a parliamentary seat in Terengganu and state PKR chairman Azan Ismail making way for the Pahang PKR chief in Indera Mahkota, Kuala Terengganu could be given to Azan to contest.

BN is likely to field a new face in Kuala Terengganu and if the party can find a candidate who is popular, it would be an uphill battle for Pas to retain the seat.

Even Pas president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang may not be safe in his Marang stronghold as the Marang BN's strategy is to wrest the seat by combining the strength of its four candidates in the Rhu Rendang, Alur Limbat, Pengkalan Berangan and Bukit Payung state seats.

Hadi is expected to stand in Marang and let a younger candidate contest in Rhu Rendang.

As party president, Hadi has not had the time to get close to his constituents over the past five years and this, combined with national issues such as the kalimah Allah controversy, has led to some Pas supporters in Marang to join Umno.

Although the handful of people in Kampung Jerong Seberang who joined Umno in February may not cause much of a dent to Pas' influence in Marang, the fact that Umno managed to woo support from areas that were known to be Pas strongholds speaks volumes about the growing dissent among Pas supporters.

Hadi's influence in Marang is not as strong as often projected in the media, as evident in the BN wins in Pengkalan Berangan and Alur Limbat in 2008.

Bukit Payung can hardly be called a Pas stronghold as the Terengganu Pas Youth chief Mohd Nor Hamzah won the seat with only a 115 vote majority.

Another state seat likely to go BN's way is Manir, which Pas Dewan Ulamak chief Datuk Harun Taib won by 406 votes.

BN is likely to field popular local leader Yusof Awang Hitam, who put in a sterling performance, especially in providing services to the constituents.

His initiative to provide a free health clinic on alternate Saturdays is a hit with the people of Manir and the approachable Yusof could give veteran Harun a tough fight if they were to face off at the polls.

However, Pas has also managed to make inroads in some areas, especially Dungun.

State Pas deputy commissioner Satiful Bahri Mamat has increased his efforts to wrest the Paka state seat from BN after losing by just 344 votes in 2008 and could be a threat if he contests there again in GE13.

Kuala Nerus, Tepuh and Teluk Pasu have also seen increased Pas presence and BN must work extra hard to improve on the 430- and 462-vote majority in the two state seats. Unity within BN is also an important factor that will decide how the party fares in Terengganu this time.

As highlighted by Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin during the launch of Gelombang Biru here recently, any rift among BN leaders and supporters must be eradicated if they want to win the state.

Factions within Umno had surfaced after Ahmad replaced Datuk Seri Idris Jusoh as the menteri besar in 2008 and it is crucial that everyone puts that episode behind them and work together.

Ahmad's announcement of his candidacy for the Kijal state seat on the day Parliament and the state assembly were dissolved on April 3 quelled rumours that he would not be contesting in GE13.

It also showed that Ahmad, who prefers to act rather than just talk about issues, is in charge and will lead Terengganu BN in its quest to trounce Pas.

And such clear signs of leadership is what BN needs to stave off the threat posed by Pas and Pakatan Rakyat during GE13.

 

The seeds of Malaysia's 'social media election'

Posted: 06 Apr 2013 04:39 PM PDT

They culminated in 2008 in startling elections – which became known as the "political tsunami" - that saw the poorest showing for the ruling coalition since 1969. And yes, it was computers and mobile phones in urban areas and in the kampungs that helped bring about the change. With the next election imminent, in a country with one of the longest-ruling governments in the world, the noise online is rising to a crescendo. When everybody piles in, it's harder than ever to say who's telling the truth.

Chen May Yee, Straits Times

In 1996, as Kuala Lumpur correspondent for the Asian Wall Street Journal, I was sent to cover an event at a five-star hotel downtown.

The guest of honour was Malaysia's then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad. The event was the launch of something called the Multimedia Super Corridor.

Not sure what it's about, my boss said. See what you make of it.

Like almost every official Malaysian event, it started late. But unlike most events, this time, even the prime minister was kept waiting. After the emcee kicked things off, the giant screen overhead stayed stubbornly blank, even as the voice-over began.

Organisers panicked. The prime minister, his face dark, drummed his fingers on the arm of his chair.

In front of some of Malaysia's biggest foreign investors – including officials from Microsoft and Intel – a technician found the problem: Somebody had tripped over a cable, yanking it out of its socket.

It was not an auspicious start to Malaysia's big information technology push.

At the time, I was probably not alone in underestimating Tun Mahathir's dream. An unfettered Internet? E-commerce? E-government? Computers in the kampungs? It all seemed far-fetched.

I went back to my office and wrote something. My paper ran it inside the main section.

But even Tun Mahathir could not have foreseen the extent to which the people would seize on his vision of a networked Malaysia. Or how they would use its new powers.

Today, what Tun Mahathir articulated has come to pass. Malaysians now buy and sell products and services online. Most government departments have basic information and official forms on their Web sites. And an e-mailing, texting, Facebooking, Tweeting, Whatsapping populace can hardly imagine a time when they didn't.

The biggest effect of this information revolution has been to open new avenues of public discussion. Lively exchanges on once taboo subjects such as official corruption and race relations are now all over the Web.

The combination of multiplying Internet connections and the longtime hunger for alternative sources of news has been combustive.

They culminated in 2008 in startling elections – which became known as the "political tsunami" - that saw the poorest showing for the ruling coalition since 1969. And yes, it was computers and mobile phones in urban areas and in the kampungs that helped bring about the change.

With the next election imminent, in a country with one of the longest-ruling governments in the world, the noise online is rising to a crescendo. When everybody piles in, it's harder than ever to say who's telling the truth. 

But this is one cable that can't simply be yanked out of its socket again.

This isn't being called the "social media election" for nothing.

 

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

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