Isnin, 1 April 2013

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Muhyiddin, the other Prime-Minister-in-Waiting

Posted: 31 Mar 2013 02:12 PM PDT

http://fz.com/sites/default/files/styles/1_landscape_slider_photo/public/opinion%20landing%20page_1.jpg 

Don't complain five years later that Muhyiddin is a Prime Minister without popular mandate.  This is his election, not Najib's, much like the 2008 poll was Najib's, not Abdullah's. 

Wong Chin Huat, fz.com 

IN hindsight, the 2008 elections were really a choice between, not Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, but between Datuk Seri Najib Razak and Anwar. 
 
One reason Najib is attacked today for not dissolving parliament early is that he did not win his mandate in 2008, as the BN victory was won in Abdullah's name. 
 
This was however true only if we were completely ignorant of the possibility that Abdullah would be significantly weakened, thanks to his predecessor Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad's relentless attack.
 
If Abdullah could not rein in the warlords in UMNO in 2004 despite a 91% parliamentary majority, how could he survive his party comrades' onslaught after losing the conventional two-thirds majority. And denying Abdullah his two-thirds was what Mahathir, the opposition and a large segment of the public tacitly agreed on.
 
In that sense, the 2008 elections were Najib's inaugurating elections, just unannounced. Of course, some would cry foul for not being informed explicitly of the built-in succession agenda.
 
In the same way, the 2013 elections may be Muhyiddin's inaugurating elections but we have no excuse that we are not explicitly informed. For a year or so, many UMNO leaders have been talking aloud of the BN restoring its two-thirds majority, effectively denying Najib his chance of a soft landing – i.e. continuing to rule with a modest majority.
 
In the past five years, Malaysians have become bolder and bolder in standing up for their rights, and opposing unpopular government policies.
 
As shown in the Psy concert, they would not even "give face" to the Prime Minister by hiding their rejection. 
 
How likely is it for the BN under Najib to even just do better than when under Abdullah? 
 
In 2008, BN was eight seats away from the super-majority.  Based on the outcome of the 2011 Sarawak state election, the ruling coalition will lose at least six more parliamentary seats there to the opposition.
 
This is before taking into consideration the marginal seats that BN may lose due to the recently released video clip implicating Taib and his relatives in land sale scandals.
 
Now, out of the 15 seats currently held by MCA, the BN's second largest party, 13 have an electorate with one third or more being Chinese voters. 
 
If the Chinese support for the opposition goes to 80%, MCA must be able to get at least two-thirds of non-Chinese votes to keep these seats. 
 
With MCA chief Chua Soi Lek's sensitive-sounding statements on Islam, it is quite unlikely that MCA can even count on a two-thirds majority amongst the Malay voters.
 
Even before including a couple of Sabah seats that are expected to be lost, thanks to the Project M and the government's handling of the Sulu incursion, the BN may lose up to 19 more seats alone due to the Sarawak and Chinese discontents.  

Now, can UMNO – the strongest party in BN – deliver 19 more seats to just maintain the status quo in 2008, let alone another eight more seats to regain the two-third majority?

Read more at: http://fz.com/content/muhyiddin-other-prime-minister-waiting 

Suluks next big wave after Hindraf's makkal sakthi

Posted: 31 Mar 2013 12:58 PM PDT

http://www.loyarburok.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/sabah.jpg 

There are an estimated 800,000 Suluks in Sabah albeit including illegal immigrants. The fear of such a political tsunami is evident in the declaration of the Eastern Sabah Security Command (ESSCOM) and the Eastern Sabah Safety Zone (ESSZONE).

Joe Fernandez

The Suluks are the next big wave in Malaysian politics, indeed a political tsunami, after Hindraf's makkal sakthi (people power in Tamil) in 2008.

Why not?

There are an estimated 800,000 Suluks in Sabah albeit including illegal immigrants. The fear of such a political tsunami is evident in the declaration of the Eastern Sabah Security Command (ESSCOM) and the Eastern Sabah Safety Zone (ESSZONE).

It may be time to say makkal sakthi in Suluk!

No one can begrudge the right of the Suluks to stand up and be heard separate from the concerns and dictates of Putrajaya in Sabah and Sarawak.

But the Suluk and their Bajau comrades in politics have to keep in mind that they are not Orang Asal (Original People) in Sabah. Sabahans can still point to the ancestral lands of the Suluk and Bajau elsewhere in the Philippines. As long as these two communities remember that, their politics will be more acceptable in Sabah. It would not do to underestimate the Orang Asal of Sabah.

 

Orang Asal support crucial to Suluk politics

If the Suluks want to have one leg in the Sulu Archipelago and another leg in the east coast of Sabah that's entirely their business. After all the kakas from Kerala who sell rojak in Malaya and the teh tarik mamaks from Tamil Nadu are doing it as well besides the Pakistanis and Banglawallahs in Sabah. Throw in the odd ah pek or two. But just in case anyone gets some funny ideas, they should remember that eastern Sabah is not part of the territory of the Orang Asal in the Sulu Archipelago.

If the Suluks want one of their kind to be Chief Minister of Sabah again, they have to sort it out with the Orang Asal. No one, Orang Asal or non-Orang Asal, can be Chief Minister of Sabah without the support of the Orang Asal. The late Mustapha Harun, the Suluk Chief, learnt it the hard way.

The Chinese will follow wherever the Orang Asal are going, a direction which is by no means clear to most people. This is a synergistic relationship between one group which has unfortunately never learnt to count and another which can buy at a loss and sell at a profit since time immemorial. Granted that many Orang Asal leaders are stooges of Putrajaya's proxies and rogue elements in Sabah but that's a different story.

We have to keep on the safe side and assume that there might be some method in their madness.

It's not always the rice wine -- tuak, lihin or montokou -- talking! That could prove to be deceptive.

One should also note their more sober moments and take the cue from there.

 

Putrajaya leaders should be hauled before ICC for war crimes

Nur Misuari of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) is also the man to watch if Suluk politics in Sabah is to get anywhere. Poor chap! Everyone is playing him out and his people.

Putrajaya is the Chief Culprit.

They have blood on their hands.

Think of all the thousands of innocent people on both sides who died in vain when they were not maimed for life, and traumatised.

Nur Misuari is right in pointing out that Malaysia is the main stumbling block to peace in the southern Philippines. Right is right and wrong is wrong. He should know what he's talking about. He admits to being trained, armed and financed by Malaysia to wage war against the Manila Government in the southern Philippines under the guise of Muslim Brotherhood, whatever it means.

In fact, there's a case for bringing Putrajaya before the International Criminal Court for war crimes, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing and genocide in southern Philippines. If every tinpot dictator in Africa, the Balkans and elsewhere can be hauled up before the ICC, why not the Malaysia Boleh leaders in Putrajaya committing a multitude of sins under this nefarious label. The involvement of Mustapha should be revisited too although the Suluks would beg to disagree. We can't indulge in selective prosecution.

We can only wish Nur Misuari well at the peace talks in Jakarta but without Malaysia.

 

Case for a Federation of Sabah and Sulu if Manila gives up Archipelago

However, Suluk politics must accept that Sabahans and Sarawakians will disagree with him saying that Sarawak belonged to his great great grandfather or something to that effect. He's not Orang Asal Sarawak. End of discussion.

The Suluks in Sabah must also accept that defunct Sulu Sultanate also does not have a leg to stand on Sabah or parts of it. It's unthinkable that the Suluks, after having fled the evil of the Manila Government, would want Sabah or parts of it to be awarded to the Philippines. If the Suluks can wrest the Sulu Archipelago away from the Philippines, there might be a case for forming a Federation of Sabah and Sulu, one country, two systems, two immigration systems, and one common market.

The sovereignty of Sabah rests with its people and not the defunct Sulu Sultanate which has long been consigned to the dustbin of history.

True, the Sulu Sultans used to extort tolls at one time from the terrified traffic along the waterways in eastern Sabah. It's best for the Suluks not to make a song and dance act of this and misrepresent this criminal act of a pirate as representing private property rights or as having sovereignty.

By Adat and history, the entire land area of Sabah and Sarawak is NCR (Native Customary Right) and belong to the Orang Asal. Again, the descendents of the heirs to the defunct Sulu Sultanate cannot claim private property rights to Sabah or parts of it.

 

Nur Misuari, Sulu, Malaya have no business in Sabah, Sarawak

Nevertheless, Malaysia should agree to go to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and settle these matters.

If Sabahans are going to end up as Filipinos, so be it. At least the Filipinos don't endlessly indulge in hysterical talk, as if they are in a trance, about ketuanan Tagalog.

Maybe Jeffrey Kitingan will finally have a chance to get somewhere in his politics as President but of the Philippines.

He may appoint me as the Philippines Ambassador to the UN, the Vatican or Malaysia, not that I am pushing for it. I might even go to Washington which I am told is only as big as Kajang. I have always wanted to visit Washington, New York and the original 13 colonies in the United States. Something happened here to push the US towards greatness.

However, the ICJ is certain to rule that Misuari, Sulu and Malaya have no business to be in Sabah and Sarawak.

 

Malaysia a plot against Sabah, Sarawak by British sodomists

So, that's why Putrajaya will never agree to go to the ICJ in a million years. They would rather commit hara kiri en masse since so great would be their so-called shame in the eyes of the world. They would stand unmasked for the entire world to see for what they really are and what they are more than capable of doing for narrow, selfish self-serving ends.

Strangely, none of the ketuanan Melayuists in Putrajaya, including Mahathir Mohamad the advocate of the hara kiri culture among Malays, killed themselves when the ICJ ruled that Pulau Batu Putih or Pedra Branca belonged to Singapore by virtue of Malaysia's inaction on the island to maintain sovereignty. Had the ICJ noted that Singapore was unconstitutionally, unlawfully illegally expelled from Malaysia in 1965, Pulau Batu Putih would still be Malaysian territory. The then Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman had the doors of Parliament locked until the MPs agreed to vote to expel Singapore.

There was No Referendum on Malaysia in Sabah, Sarawak, Brunei and Malaya. The ketuanan Melayuists in Malaya, like Sulu and Nur Misuari a la the Brunei sultanate, think that Sabah and Sarawak are their grandfather's ancestral property bequeathed to them by the British sodomists, who were only too fond of the Malay boys they kept, as a parting gift to run their own little colonial empire.

The question of a Referendum on Malaysia in Sabah and Sarawak, 50 years too late, does not arise. Sabah and Sarawak should regain their independence of 31 Aug, 1963 and 22 July, 1963 respectively. In fact, in the case of Sarawak, their independence was restored when the Japanese occupation forces in the country surrendered towards the end of World War II. The British coerced the Rajah of Sarawak to hand over his country to them for their nefarious plan to set up Malaysia.

 

Mahathir should only have the Right of Reply

The ICJ is certain to rule that the Manila Government has no business to be in the southern Philippines. The internal colonisation issue alone, as in South Sudan, will kill them at The Hague. Nur Misuari should focus on this issue at the UN Security Council. Why lay waste to the homeland through endless armed conflict when the truth is with the people of the southern Philippines?

The Suluks complained well before Lahad Datu about them and the Bajau being marginalised and disenfranchised by the increasing influx of illegal immigrants, especially from Sulawesi. Ironically, the leaders of the Suluk and Bajau communities were the only ones in Sabah to support the formation of Malaysia.

Also, the Suluks in particular complain about them and the Bajau not having any political party to represent them and instead were being submerged under the so-called Muslim Bumiputera label in the electoral rolls and being politically choked to death.

There is also the issue of the Pala'u (sea gypsies or Bajau Laut) being stateless.

The protem United Sabah National Organisation (Usno) of the Sabah Suluks and the State Reform Party (Star), its ally, can be expected to speak up on these major issues in the wake of Lahad Datu and in view of the forthcoming 13th General Election.

Usno does not appear to have its own website to highlight issues.

It posts its material in FaceBook. There might be some websites they can identify to help get a hearing and spread the message. But there are very few who will publish something even if they disagree with it.

Everyone, except Mahathir, has a right to be heard and the right of reply whether we agree or not. Mahathir, as a former PM, should only be seen and not heard but subject to the right of reply.

 

Not easy for Suluks to get space in the media

The Opposition in Sabah and Sarawak should not get bogged down by the rhetoric and polemics of the politics of disruption and distraction.

Often, this is nothing more than cheap entertainment when not being used as a ploy by cheap publicity seekers or by the media looking at their bottom lines and to collect angpows.

However, it won't be that easy for the Suluks in Sabah to get space in the media.

The media, both mainstream and the great majority of the alternative media, is public enemy number one in Malaysia.

One alternative media owner confided in frustration that the great majority of his people are on the take. He intends to sack the entire lot after the 13th General Election. He can't believe that they are capable of running all the "nonsense" that they are uploading on Sabah and Sarawak in particular.

Many will agree with him on this observation.

 

Mahathir more confident than PR in handling criticism

The corruption of the media in Malaysia is complete. One needs to beware of the media! Forewarned is forearmed.

It's an uphill battle for any 3rd Force in Malaysia to get a hearing in the Court of Public Opinion.

Both Mahathir and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) are funding the alternative media and various blogs. This amounts to hundreds of millions in ringgit.

Mahathir runs a blog to cover up the fact that he's funding the alternative media and various blogs.

In the case of Mahathir, he just wants his views to be carried and he wants to exercise his Right of Reply. He doesn't mind if others are extended the same privilege because that's one way that he can keep himself in the news and alive. Besides, unlike PR he's confident that he can fend off any criticism against him.

In the case of Pakatan Rakyat, their funding comes with a condition: "Don't carry anything that makes PR look bad. Don't promote a Sabah/Sarawak-based 3rd Force in Malaysian politics." The 3rd Force is routinely criminalised, demonised, dehumanised, neutralised, isolated, and marginalised with a view to exhausting it and therefore that much easier to eliminate and exterminate.

 

Free media like looking for needle in haystack

However, when it comes to Mahathir, there's nothing that PR can do. He can afford to dole out more money -- a tiny fraction of his reported US$ 44 billion in ill-gotten gains can go a long way -- to the alternative media and blogs than PR. So PR has no choice but live with Mahathir in the alternative media and blogs. As a fallback option, they rely on lawsuits to bankrupt their critics and shut them up. They have tried suing Mahathir too but gave up after he said he's willing to be bankrupted but he won't shut up.

Taib Mahmud of Sarawak relies more on the mainstream media and so the alternative media and bloggers are after his blood simply because he's being tight-fisted with his money when it comes to them. They care two hoots whether he's corrupt or clean.

The people can only hope for a media that does not shut out anyone and gives a hearing to all.

That's like looking for a needle in a haystack.

 

Joe Fernandez is a graduate mature student of law and an educationist, among others, who loves to write especially Submissions for Clients wishing to Act in Person. He feels compelled, as a semi-retired journalist, to put pen to paper -- or rather the fingers to the computer keyboard -- whenever something doesn't quite jell with his weltanschauung (worldview). He shuttles between points in the Golden Heart of Borneo formed by the Sabah west coast, Labuan, Brunei, northern Sarawak and the watershed region in Borneo where three nations meet.

 

Are Malays now a wounded civilization?

Posted: 31 Mar 2013 12:40 PM PDT

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Malay unity has suffered owing to the NEP and other factors.

Christopher Fernandez, FMT

Prior to the attainment of Merdeka (Independence) and up to the point and until Tunku Abdul Rahman was the prime minister, Malaysians enjoyed a certain camaraderie till the May 13, 1969 riots caused the shift in power towards Abdul Razak.

When Razak assumed power, he hastily conceived and implemented the New Economic Policy (NEP). He most likely meant well for the Malays and other Bumiputeras, but he failed to gaze into the future to see how the NEP will evolve.

This was the failing of the NEP and Razak, which is to be now blamed as the root causes for the factionalism and strife occurring among the Malays in this country. This is why, since the advent of the NEP till now, the Malays have most likely emerged as a wounded civilization.

Tracing the root causes of the general unhappiness, discontent and strife within the Malay community now is difficult, as this involves the complicated and daunting task of going through seamless and vast decisions that have been made for them since Independence.

But the fact that they are now splintered and disunited is obvious.

While Umno, often labelled as "Uniting Malays Not Over", got down to work to get the Malays to reconcile their differences and be united with a stronger voice in this country, the reality on the ground is that Umno has failed to do so. The Malays are still as disunited as ever.

What is more worrying is that the Malays have caused the disunity among them to fester for so long, which is why they have now become a wounded civilization.

Ironically, it is the well-meaning NEP, an affirmative-action plan to assist Bumiputeras, that can be singled out as the main cause of misery and disunity among the Malays throughout the 30 years of its tenure.

Perhaps if the Malay leaders back then had stuck to the Tunku's ideals and practice of meritocracy and decided to play by the rules of the game, the Malays would have fared much better now.

Still a discontented lot

By dangling the NEP carrot to the Malays – instead of dealing with them with a stick – the community now lacks the resilience and true capability to stand on their own especially in a globalised era.

While Malay leaders of the post-May 13, 1969 era should perhaps not be faulted as they needed to quickly address the situation to bring about racial harmony, the failure on their part to deal with the actual causes of the problem in a fair and just manner is to be blamed.

By being the largest number in terms of race, the Malays, through their leaders, ganged up on the other races: they bullied and cowed them into submission, and all the while thinking that the NEP would work wonders for them.

The Malays failed to adhere to the tenets and obligations of social justice and democracy, and instead took the easy solution. This has backfired on them: today they are incapable of rising up, prompting the government to continue to bail them out.

Read more at: http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2013/04/01/are-malays-now-a-wounded-civilization/ 

Why we must vote

Posted: 31 Mar 2013 12:25 PM PDT

http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/12/rasuah-malaysia.jpg 

Crime and corruption loom large; racial integration is at an all-time low; education woes are unresolved; justice hangs in the balance; equity and equality are miles away. Pointing fingers at the government is easier to do than to admit that the people themselves are creating these perennial problems. 

Halimah Mohd Said, The Sun Daily 

IN A HUGE way, the procrastination over the timing of the 13th general election has created the perfect opportunity for the rakyat to seriously weigh the good, the bad and the ugly.

For close to a year, we have been inundated with statements and counter statements, attacks and counter attacks from both sides of the political divide. Going by the vigorous campaigning of the opposition parties, it would appear that nothing is going right for Malaysia.

In their eyes, the nation is in a state of near collapse or chaos, all the policies are wrong and their implementation flawed – until they take over.

Yet on the side of the ruling party, we have been exposed to the daily barrage of structural changes and systems transformations; achievement records and policy successes; innovative paradigms and motivating game changes.

There are promises and more promises of what is to come. Indeed, despite what the economic pundits and financial whiz kids warn, the next phase of Malaysia's development will be even brighter according to the official spokespersons.

Then there are the numerous counter-arguments highlighting the national boo-boos and failures. Crime and corruption loom large; racial integration is at an all-time low; education woes are unresolved; justice hangs in the balance; equity and equality are miles away. Pointing fingers at the government is easier to do than to admit that the people themselves are creating these perennial problems.

Those who are able to resist the political blame game see the national dilemma as one of failing ethics and falling moral standards in a society that is growing more materialistic by the day.

Businesses evade regulations to maximise profits; lawyers exploit loopholes in the law to earn big money; politicians dole out ringgit to secure power; the public and private sectors are graft-ridden; enforcement officers and criminals seem to be entangled in bribery cahoots.

It seems as though we have created a culture where money begets money, political and economic power at the expense of sound values and principles.

However, in a country where more than one half the population are still grappling with a low-income status and one quarter are aspiring towards the highest income levels, talk of economic advancements and business opportunities is the crowd puller for the government in power at the state and federal levels.

Public platforms promoting discourse on ethics and decorum, values and principles attract mainly a sprinkling of the urban converted thus leaving out a huge chunk of those that need to be educated in them.

One exception seems to be the congregations in places of worship – mosques, churches and temples. If only the arguments about ethics and morality can be removed from a strictly spiritual perspective and injected with greater relevance for day-to-day living.

Thus when we talk about winnable candidates for the elections and who we should vote for, the question remains as to who is winnable and in whose eyes?

When we talk about who has taken the election integrity oath and who has not, the question remains as to what exactly they have sworn to do or not do? If the pledge requires candidates and their parties not to indulge in money politics, then we have to ask why the BN leaders have readily agreed to take the oath and the opposition parties have not?

It is obvious that Malaysians will vote in the candidates and the party that are winnable in their own eyes. People will choose the candidates/party with a sound track record and with considerable persuasive powers to convince the constituents that they will continue to deliver.

Indeed, when we are faced with the ballot paper we should be looking at candidates who are known in the community and not complete strangers thrust upon us from afar.

Foremost on our mind is whether the person has the capability and the clout to get work done. Our main consideration should be that the candidate is able to work with the authorities to bring about the necessary improvements in the lives of the people.

An overriding concern is whether he or she will be fully committed to the promise of bringing optimal benefits to the people.

We have had ample time to reflect on the type of political leaders we want to lead us into the next phase of the nation's life. Whatever our convictions are about Malaysia's needs for the next five years, we have to exercise the greatest wisdom in selecting the right people to be our state representatives and MPs.

Most will agree that Malaysia needs visionary leaders with the foresight to anticipate and plan for the nation's economic development.

Some will insist the country needs courageous leaders to innovate, implement and enforce strong socio-cultural policies. Some are convinced we need principled leaders to put us back on high moral ground. A few will abstain for reasons best known to them. 

Rosmah and black magic? No way!

Posted: 30 Mar 2013 03:27 PM PDT

To indulge in black magic, one must be mindful of its pantangs and must cleanse one's mind, body and spirit of life's impurities. Can Rosmah do that? 

CT Ali, FMT

When we write we have a responsibility to tell the truth. At times I wish we could write unburdened by the need to be factual or to maintain a semblance of journalistic integrity – but not to do so would put what we write into the realm of fiction.

Fiction and facts swirls in and around Putrajaya – none more so as in and around Seri Perdana. That is why I believe that the story making its round on the Net about Rosmah Mansor dabbling in black magic should never have seen the light of day.

For surely it borders within the realms of fiction or at best, half truths.

Black magic in the halls of Seri Perdana? Conversing with the spirit world, delving into the world of the supernatural and the occults, removing negative energy and breaking cycles of bad luck?

Are any of the rooms in Seri Perdana boarded up so that the Prince of Darkness can make his abode there and call upon all of those dark forces to neutralise Rosmah's enemies and allow her to fulfilled her potential? Another five years in Seri Perdana as FLOM perhaps?

Are Friday nights the time to sprinkle salt and black pepper, have mutterings of incantations and casting of spells, with goblins abounds, with the aroma of scented oil and kemayan wafting through Seri Perdana?

If Rosmah had any use of these bomohs, surely it is not for their healing services. Would she then be seeking the services of these bomohs ala Mona Fandey – seeking power and wealth?

But these are surely the conjectures of an over active Pakatan Rakyat mind or their rabid supporters! Surely not of CT Ali.

Consider this!

The strict regime

To indulge in black magic and be in the company of  bomohs requires one to be mindful of its pantangs (prohibitions) and demands one to cleanse one's mind, body and spirit of life's impurities.

Could Rosmah do that?

Abstain from meat, rich fatty food and the excesses of a decadent life style (Hermes handbags and shopping trips abroad included!). Rosmah just cancelled herself out of that one.

Despite badminton and all the nutritional advise available to her as FLOM, Rosmah is still generously proportioned.

How can she maintain the strict regiment of kosher meals required of any proponents of the occults?

One must also abstain from having sex or engage in any sexual activities of any genre. Err, susah sikit to confirm but safe to say they (as in Najib and Rosmah) may possibly be able to comply.

Have any of you seen Rosmah muttering to herself and then taking a few deep breaths and keep still for 10 seconds (hard enough for her to do even for five seconds what more for ten!)?

If you have, then you will know that she may well be into the bomoh 'thing' – perhaps reciting a secret mantra or her bomoh's name  – who may perhaps be Tok Memuri Temu Sarji.

Tok Memuri Temu Sarji is a Jerantut-based bomoh who was under the tutelage of an Indian guru and a Thai monk – the ultimate Harvard of bomoh's tutelage if ever there was one.

The body and the mind must be clear of any imperfection in thoughts and deeds – easier said than done for Rosmah – both for the mental and physical aspects required.

READ MORE HERE

 

Anwar’s exciting political strategy?

Posted: 29 Mar 2013 08:29 PM PDT

So it's obvious that PR aims to win federal as well as the states. But the DAP source has this to add: "Anwar will surely know the risk if he leaves Permatang Pauh for a tougher seat. What if PR forms the federal government but Anwar were to lose his seat. Who then shall be PM?" 

WHEN Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim said he could stand in Perak or Selangor (preferring Perak) instead of defending his Permatang Pauh stronghold in this election, Perak Umno chief Datuk Seri Zambry Abdul Kadir responded by saying Umno and Barisan Nasional (BN) "are not afraid of Anwar".

Perak Umno youth head Khairul Azwan Harun reportedly said he welcomes the de facto PKR leader to contest in Perak. And should he be given the chance by the BN leadership, he would very much like to stand against Anwar.

To Khairul, the Opposition Leader "won't have much impact" on Pakatan Rakyat's (PR) challenge in Perak as "Anwar's popularity in the state is on the decline".

Of course, Perak PKR begs to differ. To Anuar Zakaria, the state PKR secretary, his party's de facto leader will have a big impact and Umno/BN "are actually very worried" despite the "bravado" and claim Anwar's popularity is on the wane.

Supporters of PR, even outside Perak, will surely go along with that view. So too some (or should it be many?) "neutrals" who are saying BN is "running scared" pointing to Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad's recent remarks that "Anwar is running away from Permatang Pauh as he is not confident of winning in his constituency".

That remark, they say, "proves the impact Anwar will have wherever he goes" and as such Umno/BN, especially Mahathir, wants to "confine" him to Permatang Pauh. To them, Mahathir would not have said what he said if that wasn't the case.

"I'd prefer he goes to Perak to spur the assault to regain the state. It'll also signal that he's a leader acceptable anywhere and not just in his comfort backyard." That's how Dr Hatta Ramli, the PAS election director, puts it.

But a Perak-based political observer is not "in favour of Anwar plying his trade in Perak, only because his presence will boost PR's chances in the state". With or without Anwar in Perak, said the observer, "PKR and PR have a good chance of winning."

To the observer, "the trend is already there. Anwar should stay where he currently belongs. Muhammad Nur Manuty and the current crop of PR leaders, especially PAS and DAP, are at their best".  (Former Abim president Muhammad Nur Manuty is the current PKR information chief and is the party's designated candidate for the Bagan Serai parliamentary seat for the upcoming election).

However, a source at the DAP headquarters feels "Perak could be a good choice for Anwar because PKR will contest the most seats".  He goes on to say that "Anwar can boost the morale of PKR people as well as strengthen the resolve of DAP".

And as Malay votes are crucial, "Anwar [and PKR] can help PAS to convince Malay voters", said the source.

All that is dismissed — as expected — by an Umno strategist linked to the office of party president Datuk Seri Najib Razak. According to him, Anwar "will not change anything".

To him, the battle for Perak has always been "50:50", adding that Anwar should instead go to Negri Sembilan or Melaka where it's more challenging.

He feels "this is personal ego. Anwar wants to defeat a minister, Husni, Zahid and so on".  Federal ministers from Perak Umno include DatukSeri Ahmad Husni Mohamad Hanadzlah, the second finance minister; Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, the defence minister; and Minister in the Prime Minister's Department Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz.

Zahid, a one-time ally of Anwar when the Opposition Leader was in Umno, does not want to be drawn into discussing  this except to say:

"Silalah bertanding di mana sahaja. Malaysia negara demokrasi." (Go ahead. Contest anywhere. Malaysia is a democratic country).

As the Umno strategist sees it, Anwar contesting in Perak is "not a national consideration but more a personal consideration".

To many, "national consideration" from the PR standpoint would be winning the federal administration. From what has been said thus far, the impact Anwar would have on PR's challenge at state level  is "clear" for want of a better word. (In the case of Perak, it is to win back the state, while if Anwar goes to Selangor it's to help defend the state, won in 2008).

Hence, the one question popping up now is, well, on the "national consideration". How will Anwar's candidacy in Perak or for that matter Selangor, help the PR? At the federal level?

Said a political commentator, while for state seats Anwar contesting outside Permatang Pauh will have an impact, "it makes no difference for the battle for parliamentary seats".

But for Hatta it's like this: "Since we are moving to Putrajaya, I support the leadership plan to reshuffle their seats."  Leaders, said Hatta, can help mount a real challenge for not so safe parliamentary seats currently held by BN stalwarts.

He went on to say: "The presence of leaders will create excitement among voters and hard work among party election workers, not just in a particular constituency but statewide."

So it's obvious that PR aims to win federal as well as the states. But the DAP source has this to add: "Anwar will surely know the risk if he leaves Permatang Pauh for a tougher seat. What if PR forms the federal government but Anwar were to lose his seat. Who then shall be PM?"

Anwar, like Lim Kit Siang and PAS' Salahuddin Ayub, could very well be "willing to make the ultimate sacrifice for a better Malaysia". Still the risk for Anwar is much bigger than for Lim or Salahuddin.

The DAP source is quick to draw us to what Anwar said or rather did not say: "Anwar didn't actually say he wants to contest outside

Permatang Pauh." The source believes Anwar "is testing the waters". So too the Perak political observer: "Probably Anwar wants to test the waters."

Perhaps. What's that they say about politics being the art of the possible?

 

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

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