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Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Political rivals in a strategic battle
ASEAN non-interference and the Sabah conflict
Ini Kali Kah? It's touch-and-go for the Opposition
Never a Suluk Filipino for CM
Muzzling the judiciary

Posted: 21 Mar 2013 04:37 PM PDT

Based on BN's election preparation progress, the changes in Pakatan Rakyat's strategy and Najib's cautious style, the date to dissolve the Parliament might be further postponed as the BN wants to make a sally only when it has greatest confidence.

Lim Sue Goan, Sin Chew Daily

BN has made an all-out effort to create a feel-good atmosphere but its political strategy is not as flexible as Pakatan Rakyat's.

Pakatan Rakyat has started to unveil its candidates and display its strength. BN, meanwhile, is still carefully selecting candidates and considering constituency exchanges, causing election campaign activities in some constituencies to now lag behind.

Take the DAP as an example. Some candidates have been decided such as Negri Sembilan DAP chairman and Lobak state assemblymen Anthony Loke, who will be contesting the Chennah state seat, party parliamentary leader Lim Kit Siang will contest the Gelang Patah parliamentary seat and Himpunan Hijau chairman Wong Tack will contest the Bentong parliamentary seat.

Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim had also announced on Wednesday some PKR parliamentary candidates. His daughter Nurul Izzah will seek re-election in Lembah Pantai and PKR strategic director Mohd Rafizi Ramli will contest the Pandan parliamentary seat. Also, five Sarawak parliamentary candidates have also been decided.

There are also some signs showing the deployment of PAS candidates, including party vice-president Salahuddin Ayub who will be contesting in Johor while former Perak Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin will be contesting the Changkat Jering state seat.

As for the BN, the candidate list remains unclear. It was reported that MCA vice-presidents Datuk Seri Dr Ng Yen Yen and Gan Ping Sieu would not be contesting in their original or preferred parliamentary constituencies. Gan's supporters even rushed to the MCA headquarters with the hope to change the situation.

There might be undercurrents in Kluang forcing Gan to shift and contest in Tebrau. However, he has been rejected by members of the local division.

Umno is eyeballing the Wangsa Maju parliamentary seat while the MCA is not willing to make a concession. Regardless of who is going to be fielded to contest the seat, it will trigger discontentment of the other party. If this is not suppressed, it would be unfavourable to BN, and PKR candidate Datuk Dr Tan Kee Kwong could then wait for redemption.

In addition, there are also different views on whether former MCA president Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat will seek re-election in the Pandan parliamentary constituency under the BN banner.

Pakatan Rakyat leaders are also taking the strategy of making a breakthrough to drive its election campaign. The decision to field Lim Kit Siang in Gelang Patah has disrupted the MCA's original plans. Who would be fielded by BN to counter the DAP's attacks in Chinese-majority constituencies? No one among MCA candidates can rival Lim. The MCA is now hastily defending against the DAP's strong attack.

Lim has started to canvass for votes in Gelang Patah and once the Parliament is dissolved, he can then help his compatriots in other states or constituencies.

After Lim shifted to contest in Johor, Anwar said he might not seek re-election in Permatang Pauh and instead may contest in Perak or Selangor.

Permatang Pauh is the political base of Anwar and thus, regardless of who is contesting, the seat will be kept. It can help to create a momentum and seek an additional seat if Anwar contests in other states.

It might be a move to confuse BN when Anwar said he might leave Penang to contest in other states, but it has reflected that the Pakatan Rakyat's strategy is more flexible. If Pakatan Rakyat leaders disperse to different frontline states, BN will have to develop a different strategy to cope.

Basically, the three component parties of the Pakatan Rakyat have placed their leaders in different states, while Umno's mentri besar candidate for Selangor remains a mystery. BN has been too dependent on coalition chairman Datuk Seri Najib Razak's personal charm while the image of individual leaders is not obvious enough.

Another example showing that Pakatan Rakyat's election preparation progress is ahead of BN's is that Pakatan Rakyat revealed its election manifesto on February 25.

ASEAN non-interference and the Sabah conflict

Posted: 21 Mar 2013 02:08 PM PDT

Yet while the regional organisation has trumpeted its 'central role' in maintaining peace, security and stability in a region which has experienced both internal and intra-member conflicts since post-independence, it is has so far been 'silent' on the Sabah crisis.

Imelda Deinla, New Mandala

The recent incursion into Sabah of more than 200 armed groups styling themselves as the Royal Army of the Sultan of Sulu has put another challenge to ASEAN's claim to its centrality in the region.

There seems to be consensus that the Sabah conflict has become another flashpoint that has broader regional security implications for members of ASEAN. Yet while the regional organisation has trumpeted its 'central role' in maintaining peace, security and stability in a region which has experienced both internal and intra-member conflicts since post-independence, it is has so far been 'silent' on the Sabah crisis. The United Nations through Ban Ki Moon issued a statement two weeks after the incursion urging parties to end the violence through dialogue and to seek a peaceful resolution of the conflict. Member countries were more adamant in not expressing their views with the exception of Indonesia's President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono who remarked during a state visit to Hungary on 6 March 2013 that a diplomatic approach must be pursued in the future and called on ASEAN's current chair, Brunei Darussalam, to take a proactive move to resolve the conflict peacefully.

There are two ways to interpret ASEAN's lack of visibility in the Sabah crisis. One is that there is no willingness among member countries to 'regionalise' the conflict and a preference for treating it purely as an internal security matter primarily for Malaysia. In this way, the principle of non-interference on sovereignty is maintained. The fact however that the conflict involves cross-border actions and personalities from Malaysia and the Philippines belies its characterisation as an 'internal' matter. However, this is also indicative of an evolving pattern following the failure to reach a consensus on the South China last year, and the muted statements of ASEAN involving the skirmishes between Thai and Cambodian forces at the Preah Vijear temple in 2011.

Ini Kali Kah? It's touch-and-go for the Opposition

Posted: 21 Mar 2013 01:34 PM PDT

Between Umno and PKR/Pas, the great majority of the older generation Malays would vote for the former. The majority of the younger generation and new voters remain to be seen. Will they buy the pemimpin yang di sanjung tinggi crap?

Joe Fernandez

We are forgetting the older generation Malays who want 100 per cent the NEP to be retained although the majority of them have nothing but their two you know what.

But like gamblers or lottery ticket buyers or alcoholics, they all hope to benefit someday when they become YBs or even PM and can put their hands in the National Cookie Jar under the guise of affirmative action and/or bringing so-called development to the people.

East is East and West is West and never the twain shall meet.

The great majority of the Malays in Malaya will not vote the same way as the great majority of non-Malays.

Malays think that to vote as the non-Malays would only benefit the latter and thereby it's a loss to them somehow.

Between Umno and PKR/Pas, the great majority of the older generation Malays would vote for the former. The majority of the younger generation and new voters remain to be seen. Will they buy the pemimpin yang di sanjung tinggi crap?

The Indians, who decided in 67 of the parliamentary seats in 2008, remain an unknown quantity this time except for the younger generation and new voters who are all largely anti-government.

In 2008, 85 per cent of the Indians voted against BN. Yet BN still managed to form the Federal Government with the help of Sabah and Sarawak where they lost only two parliamentary seats.

This time BN can lose 14 parliamentary seats in Sabah and Sarawak in a delayed tsunami provided the Opposition -- read Anwar -- can get their act together. Anwar's thinking in Sabah: "Never mind if I lose. Jeffrey must not win so that Muslim domination of Sabah can continue." He expects Umno in Sabah to cross over to PKR if PR seizes Putrajaya.

Sarawak is one-to-one but what about Sabah?

Anwar is being bull-headed in Sabah instead of withdrawing gracefully in favour of the local parties.

Sabah does not need PR or BN.

PKR and Pas will not win even one seat in Sabah.

In Sarawak, PKR will win only one parliamentary seat -- Mas Gading -- if Star doesn't take it, Dap six and Pas none.

If PKR and Pas withdraw from Sabah, the Opposition can win seven parliamentary seats including two by Dap.

At the same time, if left alone or ignored by PR, less Indians can be expected to vote against BN this time. The Indians should vote against all incumbents. They don't need MIC or Hindraf because the Indians will not benefit whoever -- whether BN or PR -- is in power. Hindraf should remain an NGO and apolitical.

Even more Chinese this time will vote for the Opposition. The Chinese don't need the BN or its development.

What is important is that the ruling party does not get a two-third majority.

The Opposition will retain Kelantan and Penang but what about their other two states and Perak? It's 50:50. That's why Kit Siang is moving to Johor and Anwar may move to Perak, if not Selangor. There's a need to rattle Umno. The Opposition has a chance to seize Terengganu, Perak and Negri Sembilan.

Change in Malaysia will depend on the younger generation and new voters, the Indians and Sabah and Sarawak. At least BN in Malaya can be wiped out. Umno will survive.

BN's free money policy is merely saving some of the money that would have otherwise been lost to corruption. Better to make the majority happy than the corrupt minority. BN will not stop the corruption completely because that's why they are in politics.

The GE will be sometime between May 10 and mid-Oct after Parliament expires on April 28 undissolved.

Just as not more than six months must lapse between one parliamentary sitting and another parliamentary sitting, not more than six months must lapse between one parliament and another if it expires undissolved.

The GE needs to be called within two months only if Parliament is dissolved.

The longer the GE is delayed, the better for Umno in Malaya but not in Sabah and the worse for BN in the country.

The longer that the GE is delayed, the worse for PR including Dap in Sabah and the better for the local Opposition parties.

Never a Suluk Filipino for CM

Posted: 21 Mar 2013 01:01 PM PDT

Even if there are circumstantial cases against the Amans in Sabah, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak is unlikely to rock his 'fixed deposit'.

Selvaraja Somiah, FMT

The Suluk Filipinos are after Musa Aman's head in their renewed bid for the Chief Minister's post. But this time, Musa is not alone. He is taking Foreign Minister and brother Anifah Aman along for the ride.

Many want to see Anifah destroyed along with Musa to minimise any possibility of the younger brother taking up the challenge of being the chief minister if ever the opportunity presents itself.

Anifah is getting closer by the day to the chief minister's post as he has since chalked up an enviable record as foreign minister.

Having made his money and tonnes of it before he went into politics, Anifah has since stayed out of business and professional dealings which would cast aspersions on his character and his integrity in public service.

So, the critics would appear to be barking up the wrong tree on Anifah.

Both the Suluk Filipinos and opposition PKR have alleged that Anifah is Musa's "real nominee", who is involved in all sorts of shady dealings involving timber.

Even the recent arrest of Manuel Amalilo aka Mohammad Suffian Syed, who scammed 15,000 Filipinos of 12 billion pesos (RM895 million) in a ponzi scheme in the Philippines, is purportedly engineered by the Aman brothers.

But those who know Anifah will swear that the Kimanis MP is one shrewd operator and scrupulous about the way he arranges his public and private life.

Aside from Anifah, Deputy Chief Minister Joseph Pairin Kitingan is the only other leader who will get Musa's support as his successor.

But Pairin was chief minister from 1985 to 1994 and is unlikely to accept his old post even if offered.

So even if there are circumstantial cases against Musa and Anifah, current Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak is unlikely to rock his "fixed deposit" state of Sabah just because some Suluk Filipino (read: Semporna MP Shafie Apdal) got too big for his boots and wants to be chief minister.

Dream on

It is common knowledge here that Shafie, who is also a federal-level minister and an Umno vice- president, is eyeing the chief minister's seat.

Shafie is a Suluk and his "turf" Semporna is undoubtedly infested with illegal immigrants, from the nearby Sulu Archipelago in the Philippines.

But be assured no Suluk Filipino will ever become chief minister of Sabah.

Why? Because the local native Dusuns in particular — including the Kadazans and Muruts – would not allow it.

Muzzling the judiciary

Posted: 21 Mar 2013 12:37 PM PDT

Over the past half a century the lines of separation of powers between the three have been blurred by numerous amendments to the constitution affecting some 700 pieces of legislation.

Bob Teoh, Sin Chew Daily

Is our parliament muzzling the judiciary or the judiciary muzzling itself? This poser was highlighted by a recent High Court ruling where the court itself decided it has no power to review or provide remedy to bad laws made by the legislative.

We are taught in a parliamentary democracy there are three branches of government, the legislative, executive and the judiciary, all acting to keep each in check and balance so none encroach into the sanctity of the Federal Constitution as the supreme law in the country.

However, over the past half a century the lines of separation of powers between the three have been blurred by numerous amendments to the constitution affecting some 700 pieces of legislation.

Some of these seemed to go beyond the scope or ultra vires the constitution. These are mainly in the areas granting powers of absolute discretion to executive action. To make matters worse, these executive powers are not subject to judicial review. In other words, the judiciary is muzzled. This is no doubt a violation of the supremacy of the constitution.

But this did not stop the judiciary from playing its role in providing remedies to those seeking it. It is not uncommon then to see that the judiciary in some instances has refused to be muzzled. We have seen the courts intervening and providing remedies even in cases under the draconian (now defunct) Internal Security Act.

In the area of press licensing under the Publications and Printing Presses Act (PPPA), the minister has the absolute discretion to grant or to revoke such licenses. This executive action is not open to judicial review. However, in rare instances, the courts have intervened and provided remedies in the public interest.

A case in point is the high profile Catholic Herald case. The High Court in Kuala Lumpur decided in 2009 that the minister was wrong in imposing a condition that the Malay version of the publication is not allowed to use the word 'Allah' otherwise its publishing licence would not be renewed. The judgement is currently under appeal.

There have been some attempts at law reforms. For instance the ISA has been replaced by another law. The PPPA has also been amended, where among other things, the absolute discretion of the minister in press licencing has now been removed.

The decision of the High Court in Shah Alam recently is indeed a setback. Has the judiciary muzzled itself?

In an application brought Klang MP Charles Santiago for a review of the principal and supplementary electoral rolls for his parliamentary constituency was dismissed by the court.

He said that he had raised sufficient grounds to show the existence of phantom voters in the electoral rolls.

The court said it was bound by the Section 9A of the Elections Act 1958, in that it cannot review a gazetted electoral roll. It said the Federal Court previously ruled that a gazetted electoral roll is final and cannot be questioned in court.

Responding to the decision, Santiago said the court had failed to address the key issue that Section 9A is ultra vires the Federal Constitution.

Section 9A, which was introduced into the Elections Act 1958 after the High Court in Kota Kinabalu declared the Likas by-election of 2001 null and void as there were discrepancies in the electoral roll. As a result, former Sabah Chief Minister Datuk Seri Yong Teck Lee lost his seat but he regained it with a larger majority in a subsequent by-election.

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Jumaat, 22 Mac 2013

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

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