Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- GE13: Tight hold on Umno fortress
- GE13: Put a stop to the mudslinging
- GE13: Unexpected backlash
- There’s much at stake in Sabah
- Altantuya chapter closed with Bala’s death?
| GE13: Tight hold on Umno fortress Posted: 23 Mar 2013 03:56 PM PDT
Lim Kit Siang's migration from Perak to a Johor seat signals a big power play for the Chinese seats in Umno's fortress but it will push the Malay vote to Barisan Nasional. At another level, it is about DAP trying to replace MCA as the Chinese connector. MCA has seven parliamentary seats in Johor which is about half of the 15 seats it won in 2008. DAP has been very successful in using the politics of hate and blame against Umno to defeat MCA. Joceline Tan, The Star REPORTERS in Johor have been looking high and low for Datuk Chua Jui Meng. The Johor PKR chief has not been taking calls, his mobile phone has been switched off and he seems to have dropped out of the Johor political scene. Even his aides have not been reachable. The media people are puzzled as to why he has disappeared at a time when every politician is trying to keep a high profile. The former MCA minister is not exactly an easy man to interview. He often talks like he is sitting in an ivory tower but he is always courteous and gentlemanly to the ladies. Jui Meng's no-show behaviour started after it was confirmed that PKR was giving up the Gelang Patah parliamentary seat for DAP's Lim Kit Siang to contest in the general election. Jui Meng had been eyeing Gelang Patah for himself and he is furious at the way his party has been made to play second fiddle to DAP in Johor. Like many politicians, he has an inflated ego. He feels that as the state party chief, he should have a major say on seats and candidates. Instead, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim seems to be making all the decisions without taking his views into account. He had wanted DAP to give up Bakri in exchange for Gelang Patah but DAP's Johor chief Dr Boo Cheng Hau has told him to "go fly a kite". Moreover, this was coming on the heels of PKR giving up the Bentong parliamentary seat to DAP.  Tan: Famous daughter outflanked by ex-general. "All sorts of rumours are flying around. Some PKR people said he may go in as an independent. That will be interesting to watch," said a Johor reporter. The DAP people never got along with Jui Meng when he was in MCA and after he joined PKR. They say he has too much baggage, find him to be a diva and feel he should climb down from his high horse. Jui Meng is not the only one to be played out by his own party. His Johor Baru chief Tan Poh Lai was all prepared to contest in Johor Baru but Anwar has named a retired general as the party's Johor Baru candidate. Tan, an attractive lawyer, is the daughter of the late Tan Sri Dr Tan Chee Khoon who was better known as "Mr Opposition". Tan probably had some inkling that she was about to be shuffled aside. During a PKR luncheon last month, she announced that she was the potential candidate for Johor Baru. It was Tan's rather amateurish way of pre-empting any queue-jumping, her way of saying: "Hello, this is my seat, okay?" Her party vice-president Tian Chua who was at the lunch was taken aback and issued a statement cautioning against premature announcements. People in PKR cannot quite understand some of Anwar's decisions of late but they know he intends to enlist the help of several other retired and high-ranking army officers to help its Johor campaign. He thinks it will help counter the bad press the party has suffered over Lahad Datu. But they had better think twice about using these ex-army top guns as ceramah speakers because some of them speak as though they are addressing the troops rather than voters. Jui Meng may soon become yesterday's news. The kopitiam talk has been less about him than about DAP and Kit Siang.  Shahrir: 'Up to voters to decide what they want' Kit Siang is trying to break new ground in the south while the younger Lim takes care of the north. His party has said he is making a "big sacrifice" and his admirers call it a homecoming because he is from Batu Pahat. They say he is taking a huge career risk in Gelang Patah. But insiders say he has done his homework and is confident of winning. Kit Siang leading the charge in Johor is a tested formula which he has applied to mixed results over his 50-year career. He began in Malacca in 1969, moved to Selangor in 1978, Penang in 1986, Perak in 2004 and now Johor. There were wins and also losses but his biggest scalp was Tun Dr Lim Chong Eu whom he toppled in 1990. Kit Siang is no sacrificial lamb and his aim is to create a ripple effect and help push through the other Pakatan candidates like PAS' Salahuddin Ayub who is contesting in Nusajaya, one of two state seats in Gelang Patah. They cannot win Johor but their bid for Gelang Patah and Nusajaya has symbolic purpose. Pakatan is striking at the heart of the Umno fortress. The multi-billion ringgit Iskandar economic zone is located there while the new state administrative centre is in Nusajaya. PAS deputy president Mohamed Sabu declared that Pakatan aimed to make the "kubu Umno" (Umno fortress) into "kubur Umno" (Umno's grave). Greener pastures But over in Perak, the perception is that Kit Siang is moving on because DAP has given up all hope of recapturing Perak. He does not want to waste his time in Perak and wants to put his brandname to better use elsewhere. At another level, it is about DAP trying to replace MCA as the Chinese connector. MCA has seven parliamentary seats in Johor which is about half of the 15 seats it won in 2008. DAP has been very successful in using the politics of hate and blame against Umno to defeat MCA. Pakatan leaders have privately admitted they have no chance of taking Johor. The question is how many seats they can add to their tally of one parliamentary and six state seats. Umno is confident that the majority of Malays will go with them. But the big Chinese crowds at DAP ceramah have cast doubts as to whether the Chinese are preparing to change horses. The Johor Chinese are not deeply dissatisfied with the government but they have started to acquire an appetite for opposition politics and want to hear what Pakatan has to offer. Dr Boo has told people that he has never seen this level of support from the Chinese in his 20 years in politics. "Lim Kit Siang is trying to be the voice of the Chinese in Johor. He wants to replace MCA by inciting the Chinese against Umno. Is that what politics in Johor is going to be about? It's up to voters to think carefully about the kind of politics they want in Johor, the kind of politicians they want to represent them," said Johor Baru MP Tan Sri Shahrir Samad.  Dr Boo: Johor strongman is moving to centrestage. Kit Siang, as one analyst put it, has a reputation as some kind of Chinese folk hero and his track record as an opposition figure is quite unparalleled. His lifestyle is still remarkably simple after all these years and one of his few luxuries is the Rolex watch that is a gift from his family. Kit Siang playing a leading role in Johor is a double-edged sword of sorts. He comes with loads of baggage for the Malays whose perception of him is the exact opposite of how the Chinese see him. The senior generation of Malays associate him with the politics of 1969. Younger Malays do not relate to him or to the way his party champions Chinese interests. The elderly politician knows this. That was why he spoke solely in Malay the night that Anwar declared him as the Gelang Patah candidate. Nusajaya assemblyman Datuk Aziz Sapian has described him as an outsider and said that Kit Siang should not assume he could plant himself anywhere he liked and expect people to accept him. Several local Chinese interviewed on Astro Awani earlier last week said they could accept DAP but not Kit Siang. His habit of hopping from one seat to another and from state to state has lent him a certain image. It is not quite like speed dating but it has given him a reputation as some sort of political hit man who goes bang-bang-bang in one place and when its mission is accomplished, he moves on to the next victim. It worked very well during the years when DAP was a struggling opposition party and people saw it as a necessary survival tactic. But DAP is now part of the government in Penang, Selangor and Kedah, and the hitman formula may not get the same sort of reception. MCA president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek has called him a "Touch n Go" politician. "As a parliamentarian, he raises pertinent issues. But to go from place to place the way he does, it shows that his politics is about Chinese killing off the Chinese. What he is doing is not going to lead to a two-party system. It will be more like a two-race system," said Dr Chua. The MCA leader has asked Johoreans to evaluate the policies and plans that have been put in place in the state. "Johor has benefited most from the PM's economic transformation policies and the state government has been good to the people. The Chinese groups and associations in the state know that, we have a close working relationship," he said. Of the 26 parliamentary seats in Johor, PKR is contesting 11, PAS eight and DAP seven. Despite all the hype that the political tsunami has reached Johor, only DAP is sure of winning any of the parliamentary seats. On paper, Gelang Patah looks tough because MCA won the seat by more than 8,800 votes. But DAP is banking on the new and first-time voters to make a difference. Johor has seen a registration surge of some 267,000 new voters with some 26,000 registered in Gelang Patah alone. Almost half of these new voters are Chinese and that is what Kit Siang hopes to ride on. Even then, DAP needs at least 30% of Malay votes in order to push past the tape. Kit Siang, 72, is looking rather jaded and his ceramah speeches often sound like an old record but he is still as tenacious as ever. Over the next few weeks, he can be expected to switch it up, to make Johor another do-or-die and now-or-never battle. His party leaders will likely plead to his audience that this is Kit Siang's last station. They will tug on the heartstrings of the Chinese to show their appreciation for all the years this old warrior has put into the political cause. Kit Siang's presence in Johor will shrink the Malay vote for Pakatan. But it signals a big Chinese play for seats in Umno's fortress.
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| GE13: Put a stop to the mudslinging Posted: 23 Mar 2013 03:52 PM PDT
A politically savvy lot, folks in Terengganu want the coming general election to be a clean game. Kampung folk are largely influenced by what they see and hear on TV and read in the mainstream Malay newspapers, he adds. But youngsters like him, with their smart phones and laptops, scroll the Internet looking for alternative views so they have a good idea of what's going on. Shahanaz Habib, The Star ROSNAH Sibaweh loves to challenge her six children. If they want a new mobile phone or the latest gadget, she will dangle that as a reward if they achieve a target or goal. "If you get something for free, you don't value it. But if you work for it, you'll value it," says the 46-year-old unit trust consultant who is a single mother with three school-going children and another three in university. For her, it is the same with university education. A private college she knows gives full scholarships to the children of Felda settlers but because everything is free, these students do not even need good grades to keep their scholarships. As a result, they have become quite "spoiled" and don't focus on their studies. She thinks this applies to public universities too. Rosnah feels the government should continue to subsidise university education with parents, except those who are poor, paying a portion of the fees. "If you pay for something, you'll appreciate it more. Sometimes, our people rely too much on the government," says Rosnah who, with fellow financial consultant friends in Kuala Terengganu, is discussing and strategising on how to make more money, gain financial freedom and retire young. As a financial planner, she thinks people should take their own initiative – have their own education and retirement plans – instead of leaving it all to the government. "We shouldn't rely on Mara and the PTPTN loans for education anymore because no one wants to pay the money back. It's pathetic. What happens to the next generation if people are not repaying their loans? Where is the government going to get the money to give out new loans?" Two of her children at university have managed to secure student loans but her third, who is studying architecture, has not. Rosnah, who has been funding her 100%, says it hasn't been cheap. "Her books are RM200 each. She's only in her first semester and I've already spent RM4,000 on fees, hostel accommodation, books and food. "And she hasn't even bought her laptop yet! That's why we are here discussing how to make more money," she says. Rosnah's generation is one that used to skimp and save to buy things, so they treasure whatever they managed to buy.  Hoping for better things: Jamal with Nor Fazila (second from right) and Rosnah (in blue). They believe the leaders should focus on winning the election instead of criticising each other. "But kids these days tell us 'last time you had no money, that's why you had to do that!' But that is what built our character and made us who we are today," she says. Her friend Nor Fazila Abdullah, 43, considers herself a "sporting" mother and gives her children about 80% of whatever they ask for. "They normally ask for gadgets, mobile phones or money. I don't mind giving them all that because I hope they will remember my kindness and give back to me when I am old," she says. As a financial planner, Fazila has also been putting aside money each month for her children's education plan. Both women follow the country's political developments and are not happy with what they see. Rosnah thinks the situation is "not healthy" because both sides of the political divide keep condemning the other. "As the rakyat, we see the political parties as our parents. When parents fight, the effect is on us." "And if a child chooses one parent over the other, he is seen as a 'betrayer' and undeserving of the other parent's care and help. Why?" Their other friend, Jamal Hj No, doesn't care who leads the country as long as it is peaceful and people are free to go anywhere they want. The trainer, 55, is optimistic about Malaysia but admits the mudslinging has got him a bit worried. "The politicians keep blaming each other. Make it a clean game. The rakyat can think so don't confuse us. Focus on winning the game rather than criticising each other. "You can't stab the other to be a great leader," he says. But many others in Terengganu are not quite as privileged as Rosnah and her friends, and they worry about their daily lives. At the famous Pasar Payang, keropok seller Adnan (not his real name) and wife are feeling frustrated. The state government plans to turn the market where they have a stall into a state-of-the-art air-conditioned building with a five-star hotel above it. "Our customers are kampung folks, not tourists. The makcik makcik and kampung people will not feel comfortable shopping for vegetables, fruits and keropok in an air-conditioned market. "And what about prices? If they build a new market, our rent will surely go up and we will have to increase prices. Then our business will suffer because kampung folks will no longer shop here. Why doesn't the government consider this," says Adnan who currently rents a spot for only RM50 a month. He is also upset that the state government acquired his house and land in town for RM70,000. The amount, he laments, is not enough for him to buy another house at a similar location. He is now renting a low-cost unit for RM300 a month. Adnan says large areas of land in town are being acquired by the government for development. In places like Kampung Ladang and Lorong Jamil, the Malay residents have to move further away because they can't afford to buy new houses that have been built there. "The Malays are not like the Chinese who will buy houses even if they are expensive. The Malays here are afraid to pay RM250,000 for a house," he says. Adnan feels the state government is not listening. "Why do they want to build a duty-free area on an uninhabited island in Kenyir?" he wonders. "Locals won't go. I don't know if tourists will even go. There's no one living on the island. "For something like this to work, there has to be a local population on the island, like Langkawi. It's ridiculous and wasteful." Politically savvy Adnan says the people in Terengganu are politically savvy, "If they are not comfortable with what's going on, they will change the government." Changing governments is not new to Terengganu. In 1959, the people in the state voted in a PAS government. Then they switched to Perikatan (Alliance Party) and Barisan in the subsequent elections before picking PAS again in 1999 and shifting back to Barisan in 2004 and 2008. Suhel Kassim owns and runs a business in Kampung Cina near the Pasar Payang market. He says before the state government could acquire their land for development, the Chinese community quickly applied for and received Unesco heritage status for Kampung Cina which means their land was spared. So Kampung Cina is now spruced up and looks as charming as Malacca's Jonker Street. Suhel feels for the traders at Pasar Payang and understands their anger. He says they've been doing business there for ages and had already taken a hit when bigger supermarkets opened up in the state. Property prices have shot up around the town with houses now selling for RM400,000 and shoplots going for RM1.6mil to RM2mil, which the Malays can't afford. He says there are many grouses over the low compensation given by the state government when they acquired the people's land. (The Auditor-General's Report 2011 found that the Kuala Terengganu Land Office paid less in compensation for land acquired by the state government than the official valuation made by the state Asset Valuation and Services Department in a number of places.) Noor (not her real name) feels sad that the town's heritage is diminishing in the name of development. "Foreigners come to Terengganu to see something authentic like Pasar Payang. It's a selling point for tourism. Why change something that is unique?" Kampung Ladang, she says, is famous for its copper industry and was even featured in a National Geographic documentary. But that too is gone as the land has been acquired for development. "Soon, nothing of the old will be left. They want to change everything, even what is unique and special about the place," she says nostalgically. Cheong, 70, is having bah kut teh with two friends, Edward, 37 and Swee, 30. All three are in business and often meet up for drinks. They are happy living in Terengganu, have lots of Malay friends and think it is easier to mix around here because it is less pretentious compared to big cities. "People don't care who you are. They mix with everyone," says Cheong. As there is no entertainment – no cinema, pub or karaoke – in the state, "we make our own entertainment", says Cheong. Calling himself a "junior businessman" who is still green and learning on the job, Swee believes 80% of Chinese living in Terengganu are rich because they have nowhere to spend their money. That is a good thing since property prices are on the high side here. "A double-storey link house costs more than RM500,000 because there is a shortage of non-reserve Malay land. I imagine houses would be cheaper on Malay reserve land," says Cheong. Having lived under both the PAS and Barisan government in Terengganu, Cheong doesn't find much difference between the two because "businesses like ours don't depend on the government to survive." In Setiu, Mohd Rizal Faizul, 26, works in a restaurant and earns RM30 a day. He worries about when he gets married and has a family. "I want to start my own warung but that would require capital. If my bank statement is not strong, banks won't give me a loan," he says. Rizal is not comfortable discussing politics because "there are things right and wrong on both sides". He says politics in the kampung is very different from politics in the towns. "Here, people get emotional and some go overboard. There are some who won't speak to others from the other side." Kampung folk are largely influenced by what they see and hear on TV and read in the mainstream Malay newspapers, he adds. But youngsters like him, with their smart phones and laptops, scroll the Internet looking for alternative views so they have a good idea of what's going on. In Besut, Halim Harun, 43, mixes with different groups of people, including Chinese and Thais. He thinks the young generation is so different from during his time. "When we first started to work, we'd wait two years before we bought a car and that first car might even be secondhand. And we'd wait five years before we could buy a house. "But these days, our youths want to buy a car and house once they start working. And when they can't, the easiest thing to do is to blame the government," he says. Corruption is not the monopoly of any particular party, he argues, adding that a lot depends on the strength and character of the individual because "when you are in power, it is not so easy to stay honest."
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| Posted: 23 Mar 2013 03:47 PM PDT
Chinese voters, however, remain difficult with the majority supporting the DAP in the 45 Chinese-majority seats. The problem is that even if the Barisan retains power at the federal level and most of the states, the governments would be dominated by the Malays if the Chinese candidates of the Barisan do not do well. In fact, the Chinese would end up sitting on the opposition benches, as in Sarawak. Wong Chun Wai, The Star AT the end of the Cabinet meeting on Wednesday, the Prime Minister told his ministers they would be meeting again this week. To some of his listeners, it meant that it would be business as usual and that Parliament would not be dissolved tomorrow, as the press has speculated. But some of his ministers are saying the dissolution of Parliament would take place, as speculated, and that the Wednesday meeting Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak alluded to would be a meeting of the caretaker Cabinet. In short, until now, the Prime Minister has not given the slightest clue as to when he will call for polls, which would start with having an audience with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to seek the dissolution of the Dewan Rakyat. On Wednesday, the ministers had expected Najib to give some indication that their meeting last week would be the last. But there was none. Instead, the top civil servants of the respective ministries were also told to go back to their offices for their post-Cabinet briefings and to announce there would be another Cabinet meeting this week. A minister cheekily told the PM that the "foreplay to the elections" is taking too long and those listening in broke out in laughter. In 2008, the then Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and his Cabinet had their group photograph taken on Jan 30, 2008, two weeks before dissolution. On Feb 13, Parliament was dissolved and the announcement was made at a press conference, called by Pak Lah and Najib, at 12.45pm. In the case of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, he preferred the group photograph to be taken at the start of a new term rather than at the last Cabinet meeting. Not only has Najib not given any clue to his Cabinet, Barisan Nasional component heads, Umno election strategists and the media, he has also got everyone to make the wrong guesses as far as dates are concerned. He has apparently told Defence Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi that he would be attending the Langkawi International Maritime and Aerospace Exhibition from March 26 to March 30 as the PM and not as caretaker leader. Then there is March 29, which is Good Friday, one of the most important dates for Christians. Good Friday is the day which Christians commemorate the death of Jesus Christ on the Cross, the act of salvation to all who believe. It will be followed by Easter Sunday on March 31, where Christians mark the resurrection of Jesus Christ. Come April 4, the Chinese will mark Qing Ming or Cheng Beng, or All Souls' Day, where Taoists will clean the graveyards of their departed family members as a day of remembrance. The PM has been reminded at previous Barisan supreme council meetings about the importance of these dates. The press had also reported that his pre-election nationwide tour stop in Kuantan last night was the last stop before dissolution. Over the past 48 hours, aides of the PM seemed divided in their speculation over when their boss would seek the dissolution of Parliament, having combed his schedule over the next few days for possible clues. The aides are still sticking to their prediction that tomorrow is the day, failing which it will still be in the next few days. The March 25 date is favoured by the media simply because the Negri Sembilan state assembly's five-year term ends the following day. The PM, on his part, has never indicated he would want to call for dissolution on that day, nor is he required to do so. The candidates' list for the Barisan has more or less been resolved and, except for some swapping of seats, those selected are already at kick-off mode. When the PM found time to have afternoon tea with some editors recently, he appeared relaxed and, more importantly, confident of the looming elections ahead. Figures from the various intelligence surveys have been rolling in, and they show that the Barisan will still be in power after the polls. The Malay votes, especially in the rural heartland of the 222 parliamentary seats, have remained strong while the Indian votes, which went to the opposition in 2008, have returned comfortably to the Barisan fold. Chinese voters, however, remain difficult with the majority supporting the DAP in the 45 Chinese-majority seats. The problem is that even if the Barisan retains power at the federal level and most of the states, the governments would be dominated by the Malays if the Chinese candidates of the Barisan do not do well. In fact, the Chinese would end up sitting on the opposition benches, as in Sarawak. There are already growing concerns that the Chinese voters, in wanting to punish the Barisan, will end up voting themselves out of a direct say in the federal government. Their belief in Pakatan Rakyat winning Putrajaya will just remain an elusive dream. Even the leaders of the DAP do not show any confidence that this would happen, as most of them continue to hedge their bets by contesting both federal and state seats. Analysts have already looked at the possible impact on race relations when such a scenario emerges. In Penang, while the Chinese dominates the island, the Malay Barisan opposition holds its grip on the mainland as race relations worsen. But time is running out. Choices have to be made soon and the outcome of the votes will have a deep impact for the next five years, or even more.
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| There’s much at stake in Sabah Posted: 23 Mar 2013 03:34 PM PDT The fact that individuals in the highest levels of the Malaysian and Philippine governments are suspicious of a conspiracy does much to lend credence to the possibility. Both the Malaysian and Philippine governments have launched official investigations into allegations that figures within Malaysia's political opposition had a hand in aiding the Sulu gunmen. By Nile Bowie, FMT Malaysia has been in the midst of an ongoing security crisis since early February, when a group of 235 rag-tag militiamen from the neighbouring southern Philippines slipped into the eastern state of Sabah and began occupying several villages. While engaging police in several firefights, the insurgents beheaded and mutilated several captured Malaysian security personnel, prompting Malaysian forces to deploy fighter jets in an unprecedented air assault over the area in an operation to flush out the intruders. The gunmen call themselves the "Royal Army of the Sulu Sultanate", representing the heirs of a long-defunct kingdom which once controlled the territory up until the late nineteenth century. The so-called Sultan of Sulu, Jamalul Kiram III, who is believed to be directing the militant incursion from Manila, insists that Sabah is rightfully part of his kingdom and has vowed not budge on his claims even if his personnel are killed in the standoff. Malaysians, who are preparing to vote in a pivotal general election just around the corner, have been fixated on events in Sabah as they unfold. The Philippines are soon expecting congressional elections as well, and given the timing, local analysts are wondering how exactly did this elderly self-proclaimed Sultan obtained the resources needed to establish his own private army. Both the Malaysian and Philippine governments have launched official investigations into allegations that figures within Malaysia's political opposition had a hand in aiding the Sulu gunmen. Reuters cited an anonymous Filipino military officer who claimed that Sulu rebels were "invited to Sabah by a Malaysian opposition politician". The blame has been laid on Malaysia's Opposition Leader, Anwar Ibrahim, who Malaysian reports say has links to Filipino insurgent networks that have long eyed the resource-rich state of Sabah in northern eastern Borneo. Local journalist Adrian Lai recently unearthed classified diplomatic cables from the US embassy in Manila brought to light by WikiLeaks, which document ties between Nur Misuari, former chairmen of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), and Malaysia's Anwar. The MNLF is a political movement that pitted itself against predominately Christian Manila by seeking political autonomy for Muslim majority provinces in the islands in the southern Philippines. Misuari's revenge? Misuari was detained by Malaysian security forces in Sabah and sent back to the Philippines where he was jailed until 2008. WikiLeaks cables claim that Misuari detested the Malaysian government for turning him over to Philippine authorities and that he was "a strong advocate for the recovery of Sabah". The cables claim that Misuari boasted that his militias could invade Sabah in the span of two hours. WikiLeaks has also confirmed that Misauri maintained close connections to Anwar and that the two had met on several occasions. A separate report issued by AFP cited US diplomatic cables that implicate a Saudi Arabian ambassador to the Philippines of funding Muslim groups seeking autonomy in the southern islands. Misuari recently criticised Philippine President Benigno Aquino for siding with Malaysia in his firm stance against the Sulu militants, warning the Aquino government of chaos if Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III is apprehended. Anwar, who has vehemently denied all accusations, has long been considered a darling of the West. Anwar is a slippery character of sorts; he was once Malaysia's deputy prime minister and sacked for, among other things, getting too close to the IMF. Anwar also has friends in high places, from billionaire financier George Soros to senior neo-conservatives from the Bush administration. In recent times, Anwar has appealed to Carl Gershman, president of the US-government funded foundation, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), requesting that he send a US observer team to Malaysia to monitor the upcoming elections. Anwar's ties Aquino recently conceded that events in Sabah showed signs of a conspiracy. A recent statement issued by Malaysian political-scientist Chandra Muzaffar alludes to reports of Malaysian opposition figures promising land, titles and other sinecures to the Sulu Sultanate if they emerged victorious in the upcoming elections. Muzaffar argues that a security crisis in Sabah, regarded as a political stronghold for the Barisan Nasional government, could weaken the ruling parties hold over the state, leading to a hung parliament or a narrow victory for the BN, prompting in his words, "massive street agitation which could pave the way for a regime change, which is the goal of not only the opposition but also its foreign backers." When Chandra talks of "foreign backers", he is referring to the US political establishment. The MNLF, under its current chairmen Muslimin Sema, has issued statements declaring that it disagreed with the incursion into Sabah, but acknowledged that MNLF forces aligned to Misuari were present there. Reports issued by Reuters also cited Malaysian officials who claimed that the Sulu terrorists had links to factions that were unhappy with the Philippines' recent peace agreement with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), an Islamist MNLF offshoot. The Malaysian government facilitated these peace talks, and Misuari made no secret that he publicly opposed them. The Philippine Daily Inquirer reported that some 10,000 MNLF fighters from the southern Philippines planned to join the insurgency in Sabah in solidarity with the Royal Sulu Army. Sulu Sultan Jamalul Kiram III has told media in the Philippines that he wants the United Nations, the United States and the United Kingdom to intervene in his claim over Sabah. The Sultan claims that the US must intercede, as agreed upon in a 1915 agreement signed with Washington's then-colonial government in the Philippines that mandated the US provide "full protection" to the Sulu Sultan in exchange for exercising sovereignty over the kingdom as the colonial administration.
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| Altantuya chapter closed with Bala’s death? Posted: 23 Mar 2013 02:50 PM PDT Does PI Bala's untimely death also put an end to the battle for truth to be revealed? Does his passing close the Altantuya murder ghastly chapter for Najib and Rosmah? Jeswan Kaur, FMT The country's sixth prime minister has blood on his hands; yet Najib Tun Razak did not even once consider the aftermath of his actions and continues to rape the laws of this nation. From allegations that he was involved in the murder of Mongolian native Altantuya Shaariibuu to the startling revelation by seasoned lawyer Cecil Abraham (through another lawyer) that Najib had directed him to prepare another version of the statutory declaration that absolved the premier from having anything to do with Altantuya, the prime minister has to reconcile with the fact that the rakyat no longer wants a scheming leader to lead the country. While the man who had revealed that Najib was instrumental in the death of Altantuya is now gone, the truth behind private investigator (PI) P Balasubramaniam's words however remains inexorable. In the first SD declared on July 3, 2008, Bala claimed Najib and aide Abdul Razak Baginda both had an intimate relationship with Altantuya. In the same SD Bala said he was hired by Abdul Razak to deal with Altantuya's harassment of the duo and that Najib had direct involvement in the murder of the Mongolian national. However, the very next day Bala retracted all his shocking allegations linking Najib to the murder of Altantuya. Bala who fled for India after his second SD and upon his return recently swore on the Bhagavad Gita, a Hindu holy book, that the contents of his first SD was true. However, Bala suffered heart problems on March 5 and was admitted for tests and discharged on March 12 and was to rest for at least a month, a move that halted the opposition's plans for his nationwide ceramah detailing Najib and wife Rosmah Mansor's role in the Altantuya murder before the 13th general election. Bala however died on March 15. Does his untimely death also put an end to the battle for truth to be revealed? Does his passing close the Altantuya murder ghastly chapter for Najib and Rosmah? Najib's abuse of power Najib not only denied any link to the Altantuya murder but he also had the audacity to continue to abuse his power by instructing sesoned lawyer Cecil Abraham to draft Bala's second SD which had the PI denying all claims of Najib being involved in the Altantuya murder.
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