Klik GAMBAR Dibawah Untuk Lebih Info

Sumber Asal Berita :-

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Pakatan: Life beyond Anwar Ibrahim
Of election manifestos
Can SUPP rise to the challenge?
How Malaysia Press Ignored 'Gangnam Style' Pratfall Ahead of Elections

Posted: 26 Feb 2013 03:27 PM PST

Ooi Kok Hin, The Malaysian Insider

Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim flirted with his smartphone throughout the Fourth Pakatan Rakyat Convention on Monday. The fact that he took the convention so nonchalantly and let others run the show is a sign of how much things have changed in the opposition camp.

Back in 1999 when DAP, PAS and Keadilan first formed a pact, the Barisan Alternatif, he was the shadowy overarching figure behind bars. Anwar Ibrahim, the man, was the glue, the purpose and the Messiah.

Anwar is so deeply intertwined with the very existence of Pakatan and its predecessor that many people couldn't imagine how Pakatan can move together when Anwar is no longer around. However, while the former deputy prime minister is still a very influential leader, Pakatan has outgrown the man.

The Making of Anwar and Pakatan

To know how Pakatan can take on a life of its own beyond the PKR de facto leader, we have to understand why Anwar is so important at first. He's able to play the mediator role like no other politician, and in no small part, this is due to the fact that he and Tok Guru Abdul Hadi Awang has known each other for more than 30 years since their days in Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM).

In fact Anwar was so closely associated with PAS in his youth days and him joining Umno was seen as an act of betrayal by some. But the bond they once shared was not broken, in fact resurrected in 1999.

Anwar's relationship with PAS is a clue to understanding his political journey. He understands PAS's ideology, its values and its history. He knows how things work according to the party's tradition. Hence he is able to fit in and accepted by most leaders and members, discounting those who have personal feud with him or find his history in Barisan Nasional too much to swallow.

The same principle applies to his association with DAP. Anwar's ability to churn out verses from the Quran is as good as his ability to quote Shakespeare and Edmund Burke. He's incredibly informed about secular and democratic principles which are cherished by the DAP.

DAP's leaders and supporters have no better representation of an ideal Muslim-Democrat than Anwar, the Newsweek's Asian of the Year in 1998. This is no small matter in demonstrating why he's able to fit in. He understands them and they accept him as a man who knows their tradition and values. This is someone they can trust.

That is also the main reason Anwar Ibrahim is Pakatan's prime minister candidate as agreed by Tok Guru Nik Aziz Nik Mat, Lim Kit Siang and well, Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Ismail.

Hadi Awang is the preferred candidate by some in PAS but that's precisely the limit of that claim. Lim Guan Eng is even more unlikely. This is something worth clarifying. It is not that a non-Malay cannot become prime minister. It is constitutionally legal as Article 43 makes no prohibition on this matter.

But the prime minister must be someone trusted not only by the majority in Parliament but also by his or her political allies from the top to grassroots level. A non-Malay or/and a female will only become prime minister when he or she gains such trust on a large scale, like Barack Obama. And of course, good governance, fluency in the national language and appreciation of Islamic values improve one's chances.

Beyond the man

On December 2010, Anwar did not speak at the Second Pakatan Rakyat Convention. The rejuvenation process has started without many of us noticing. Anwar was planting trees under whose shadows he would not sit. It seemed that his colleagues and him agreed that it was necessary to not be over-dependent on him and hence let others take to the platform and shine.

Over the last four years, we have seen the result of such deliberate strategy through the younger batch of leaders like Rafizi Ramli, Tony Pua and Mujahid Yusof Rawa who are playing more important roles. Faces which we barely recognize years ago are now the key spokespersons for their parties.

Just like how Anwar, Hadi Awang and their cohorts first developed their association, Pakatan's next generation leaders are having the same, in fact more opportunity to cultivate trust and bonds.

After five or more years of working together in their 30s and 40s, the crucial years in which one's political career, they must have established at least a working, if not a much appreciated relationship. More of such cross-party collaboration, understanding and unity are catalysts for creating trust among those young leaders. Indeed there are much more dynamic cross-party interaction and cooperation in Pakatan than ever before, especially in Selangor.

At the Shah Alam Convention Centre, Rafizi, Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad and M. Kulasegaran presented the coalition's new election manifesto. Pakatan's decision to let the next generation leaders craft and deliver the manifesto is a clever one. Indeed this is something Barisan must learn.

Celebrated football coach Jose Mourinho said, "Individuals don't win you trophies. Teams win you trophies."

READ MORE HERE

Of election manifestos

Posted: 26 Feb 2013 03:19 PM PST

PKR deputy president Azmin Ali disclosed that once the Pakatan Rakyat is in power, the New Economic Policy (NEP) will be replaced by a non-racial economic policy. It shows that Pakatan Rakyat knows the crux of economic stagnation. In addition to changing the policy, however, there should also be reforms in economic structure to release economic potential, increase the people's incomes and alleviate the burden of life.

Lim Sue Goan, My Sinchew

Pakatan Rakyat has unveiled its election manifesto even before the Parliament is dissolved, reflecting the opposition pact's high degree of confidence.

The manifesto is divided into four parts, namely The People's Well-being; The Fraternity of the People; The People's Economy; and The People's Government.

Commitments under the People's Well-being alone are attractive, including abolishing toll charges and the AES while lowering fuel prices, car prices, as well as water and electricity prices. It seems like the Pakatan Rakyat's manifesto has further implemented the welfare state idea of PAS.

However, the country and the people have been caught in the middle-income trap with stagnated political reforms, declining management performances, rising cost of living and increasing number of livelihood problems. Pakatan Rakyat must explain how it will settle these problems once it is in power.

Pakatan Rakyat has put forward some new ideas in economic and government transformations, such as creating one million of jobs in plantation, manufacturing and service sectors. It would also like to reduce one million of foreign workers by the fifth year after taking over the office. It is our first political party or coalition to include the target of reducing the number of foreign workers in election manifesto. However, the key lies on execution.

Pakatan Rakyat is quite forward-looking in government transformation, which has been neglected by Barisan Nasional. It includes the commitment to reform the judicial system, Attorney-General's Chambers, MACC and the police force to free them from political interference.

The Parliament will also be reformed to enhance its overseeing function. All one sided regulations and laws limiting media freedom will also be repealed, including the Universities and University Colleges Act 1971 ( UUCA) will also be repealed.

In fighting for swing votes, Pakatan Rakyat also promised to stop the operation of Lynas rare-earth refinery and review the Refinery and Petrochemical Integrated Development (RAPID) project in Pengerang, directly hitting BN's vital spot.

Pakatan Rakyat also promised to recognise the Unified Examination Certificate (UEC). The BN might face difficulties in gaining Chinese votes if it does not announce the recognition for the UEC before the election.

Pakatan Rakyat is also concerned about law and order, as well as public transport. However, there is a fly in the ointment as no specific strategy to fight housing price rise is mentioned.

The manifesto of Pakatan Rakyat is close to the people and it will indeed pressure BN. In fact, BN is also aware of its governance weaknesses. That is why Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak introduced the Government Transformation Plan (GTP) covering seven National Key Result Area (NKRA), namely reducing crime, fighting corruption, improving student outcomes, raising living standards of low income households, improving rural basic infrastructure, improving urban public transport and addressing cost of living.

The coverage of the seven NKRAs is similar to Pakatan Rakyat's manifesto, but the standards of some areas have not yet been achieved.

If Najib wishes to fight for the return of votes with this transcript, he should then work harder, particularly in terms of livelihood issues.

I hope that the Pakatan Rakyat's manifesto can drive a healthy competition between the confronting coalitions, particularly in terms of policy, as well as political and economic transformations, instead of encouraging them to continue competing in social welfare which diverts the focus and cause their election manifestos to lose meaning.

Can SUPP rise to the challenge?

Posted: 26 Feb 2013 11:07 AM PST

Ng Ai Fern, fz.com

THE absence of Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP) Sibu branch chairman Datuk Seri Wong Soon Koh at the recent Chap Goh Mei celebration in Kuching on Feb 21 caught the attention of many political observers, including the guest-of-honour Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

In an apparent reference to party strongman Wong, Najib, in his speech said he would like SUPP to "play your part".

Agreeing with the views of Pehin Sri (Sarawak Chief Minister Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud), Najib said SUPP must be united, "you must set aside some of your personal differences, and become one unit. Only with the unity of SUPP, can you command the support and respect of the Chinese community."

He then exhorted the party to prove it can be strong once more.

"SUPP must rise to the challenge. SUPP must be the party of choice for the Chinese community, that is what we hope and that is what Pehin Sri hopes as well," said Najib, who celebrated the joyous occasion for the first time with some 10,000 people in Kuching.

Despite Najib's clarion call, can the reconciliation of the different factions in SUPP help the party rise up to the challenge? Can SUPP once again be a force in Sarawak politics?

Party infighting

Briefly, the internal tussles within SUPP, Sarawak United People's Party – the oldest political party in Sarawak – began seven years ago after the party's dismal performance in the 2006 state election. It was between the then president Tan Sri George Chan and Wong, who was the deputy secretary-general at that time.

In the last party election in 2011, Datuk Seri Peter Chin Fah Kui was elected as the new president, after Wong and his group staged a walkout.

Wong and his group, who comprise the majority of SUPP's elected representatives, claim that Chin's election and that of his office bearers was not valid because of irregularities during the branch elections. He has since refused to work with the new president.

The quarrel between Wong and Chin is also being perceived as a tug-of-war between the state BN leadership and its Federal counterpart.

Chin is the federal Energy, Green Technology and Water Minister, while Wong is the Minister of Local Government and Community Development, the only full minister from SUPP in the state cabinet.

Chan, who is now the party's advisor, was present at the Chap Goh Mei dinner. As noted by a veteran journalist, it would have been news if Wong Soon Koh was present.

All's well with PM and CM

During the dinner, both Taib and Najib appeared very much in sync, both in their attire (they were wearing identical red colour Chinese shirts) and in their message.

Taib asked the people to give a stronger mandate to Najib, like in 2008, or greater.

Najib, in return, said BN would work with closely with Sarawak BN under the leadership of Taib to ensure Sarawakians can enjoy a brighter future.

After tossing the yee sang, Najib immediately served the colourful dish to Taib, who was sitting on his right, while his wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor simultaneously served Taib's wife Puan Sri Ragad Kurdi.

Mindful political observers had not forgotten that less than two years ago before the state election in April 2011, Najib had announced a succession plan for Taib – a move that was widely believed orchestrated to get the support of the Chinese.

This was due to the community's strong negative sentiment against the longest-serving chief minister and the corruption allegations that have dogged him.

However, the announced succession plan – which Taib refused to acknowledge – did little to win over the Chinese electorate.

In the 2011 elections, SUPP suffered a big blow, losing 13 of the 19 seats they contested in to DAP and PKR. Many senior politicians lost to DAP's new faces, including the then deputy chief minister Chan.

All the election promises, grand development and economic transformation plans, as well as concerts with free Tupperware, lucky draws, free 1Malaysia goodies and many others that were generously given out during the campaign period did little to win over Chinese support.

This time around, BN has changed tact.

How Malaysia Press Ignored 'Gangnam Style' Pratfall Ahead of Elections

Posted: 26 Feb 2013 10:59 AM PST

Newspapers such as The New Straits Times, The Star and My Sin Chew are linked to governing parties, and for the most part omitted any sense that the Psy gig -- seen by many as an electioneering stunt -- could have backfired.

Simon Roughneed, MediaShift

On Feb. 17, Malaysia's still-influential former Prime Minister Mahithir Mohamed weighed in on an ongoing debate about freedom of the press in Malaysia, a rising Southeast Asian economy.

"Frankly I would rather have the government censoring me ... [I]f I don't like what the government is doing, I can work for the rejection of the party which forms the government. But there is nothing I can do to stop people who may wish to deprive me of my freedom through the alternative media," wrote Mahathir on his blog. He was prime minister from 1981 to 2003, the longest such stint in Malaysia's history.

Mahathir was reacting to videos posted online showing sections of the crowd mocking current Prime Minister Najib Razak at a Chinese New Year event in Penang, an electronics hub and tourist draw in Malaysia's northwest.

Mahathir's comments come as Malaysia gears up for a national election due sometime in the first half of 2013, with the country's print and online media both slated in various quarters for partisan coverage.

ARE YOU READY?

The prime minister was warming the crowd up for the appearance of Psy, the Korean pop star, who flew in for the event at the invitation of Malaysia's governing parties, which are getting ready for parliamentary elections.

Asking three times if the crowd was ready for Psy, Najib was met with a resounding round of "yes." He followed up by asking, again three times, "Are you ready for BN? (BN stands for Barisan Nasional, the governing coalition in Malaysia)." Sections of the crowd in Penang, an opposition stronghold, yelled back "No!" as you can clearly hear in this YouTube video: http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=GxjjmnxlCUc

But going by some of the coverage in Malaysia's long-established print press, you would not think the prime minister was on the end of such a rebuke, lighthearted as it was.

Advertising Malaysia's New Straits Times at a bus stop in Kuantan. Photo by Simon Roughneen.

"People from all walks of life gathered for the festive event that saw Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak conveying well-wishes to all Malaysians celebrating the Lunar New Year," reported the New Straits Times.

For Keng Khai, from Penang, the event was all about Psy. Speaking an hour before the Korean took to the stage, he told MediaShift that "we're here for Gangnam, I think most people are," acknowledging however that he supports Malaysia's opposition parties.

MOON-WALKING

Such reporting is suggestive of how local newspapers have long been kept on a short leash by Malaysia's press licensing system, which until recently required publications to apply annually for a permit renewal.

That provision, which critics said prompted self-censorship as publications feared that licenses could be revoked if the government took umbrage at unfavorable coverage, was amended last year.

However, Malaysia's government can still revoke a license if a newspaper prints anything deemed "prejudicial to security, morality, public order public interest or national interest."

Ross Tapsell, of Australian National University, told MediaShift that "critics have since labelled this 'moon-walking,' giving the illusion of moving forward but actually doing a backpedal that goes nowhere.

And while the government has enhanced civil liberties in a number of areas in recent years, there are concerns about an April 2012 amendment to Malaysia's Evidence Act, which makes online publications liable for comments made by third parties.

While anonymous or pseudonymous "cyber-troopers" often post partisan remarks on stories published online, a phenomenon that should be reined-in, say some, the introduction of "intermediary liability" for third-party comments is making editors and moderators increasingly likely to block, edit or delete any and all remarks that could land the website owners in trouble, such as questioning the place of Islam in Malaysian law or insulting the country's royalty.

BIAS IN REVERSE

Watching for such comments is a new concern for online news outlets -- who though not entwined by the licensing restrictions around print-only counterparts -- have been accused of acting as echo chambers for opposition policies.

However, a slight majority of Malaysian news readers interviewed by MediaShift do not regard online media as pro-opposition. "I don't think the likes of Kini (Malaysiakini) are biased," said Wong Siong Kiat, a 33-year-old engineer. "The government has control of the other papers so we have to read around."

K. Kabilan is editor of FreeMalaysiaToday, an online news and comment publication. He told MediaShift that there are several reasons why online media can come across as opposition-leaning.

"The reforms sought by the online media are almost similar to what the opposition wants. As such, there seems to be a common cause between the two," he acknowledged.

Kabilan says that the opposition has little option but to pitch its message to Internet-based news outlets. "The print media has denied total access to the opposition, leaving them only the online media to reach out to," he pointed out.

Malaysia is formally a democracy, but critics say that incumbency tilts the playing field toward the BN, as seen in the pro-government leanings of the print media. The BN, which means National Front in English, has ruled nonstop since independence from Great Britain in 1957, overseeing Malaysia's rise from poor country in the post-independence era, to "upper middle income" today, with a per head gross domestic product of around $8,000 and having the 30th biggest economy in the world, by U.S. government measurements.

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Rabu, 27 Februari 2013