Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Subversive practices
- Appointment of Prime Minister
- Living in the shadows of our vote
- Who’s your Daddy? Part 2
- Innocence of Muslims: How fiction creates reality
- Why should politics be in black and white?
- The basis of it all
- Who’s your Daddy?
- There’s something about Selangor
- Azizan is not ready to let go yet
- Why is the Arab world so easily offended?
- Tanda Putera: Potrait of an apologist
| Posted: 19 Sep 2012 02:27 PM PDT
Lim Sue Goan, Sin Chew Daily Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak has committed to fight for votes from swing voters, who vote based on political parties' words and deeds, since he took the office in April 2009. However, two recent missteps of the BN might cost the coalition some votes. Domestic Trade, Cooperatives and Consumerism Minister Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob disclosed that legal action would be taken against Suara Inisiatif Sdn Bhd, a company linked to non-governmental organisation Suara Rakyat Malaysia (Suaram) due to its misleading and confusing accounts. The move is expected to cause a rebound from other non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and members of the public. The image of the BN's government could also be further damaged. The Ministry proceeded with caution and convened six government agencies and units, namely the Companies Commission of Malaysia (SSM), Bank Negara, Registrar of Societies (ROS), Home Ministry, Malaysian Communications & Multimedia Commission ( MCMC) and the police. The result, however, found no way to take legal action against Suaram for receiving foreign funds and thus, they to investigate based on five sections in the Companies Act 1956, attempting to charge Suaram for its confusing accounts. What does it mean by confusing accounts? The Minister did not describe it in details. However, it is not a wise move to charge a NGO based on such a vague accusation. Suara Inisiatif had submitted its accounts every year and they were all passed. If it is confusing, the SSM should also be responsible for it. The Domestic Trade, Cooperatives and Consumerism Minister recently admitted that there are over a million of companies in Malaysia and it is impossible for the SSM to audit the accounts of all the companies. Since that being the case, the accounts of other companies might have problems, too. It is a double-standard to take legal action only against Suara Inisiatif. Suaram is a human rights NGO founded after the 1987 Operasi lalang by social movement activists and Operasi Lalang participants being detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA). Suaram published the annual Malaysia Human Rights Report since 1998 to monitor the progress of human rights. The organisation also started to award the Human Rights Award to those members of the society who fight for human rights. Suaram has been fighting for human rights over the past 23 years. It has quite a number of supporters and a network in the international community. Therefore, it is not surprising at all to find it backed by about 200 domestic and foreign organisations. If Suaram is charged in court, the government's credibility might be harmed and the people's confidence in the Government Transformation Plan (GTP) might also be undermined. Meanwhile, the guidelines on tackling the issue of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) among students drawn by the Yayasan Guru Malaysia Berhad and Putrajaya Consultative Council of Parent-Teacher Associations is also splitting the society, creating an atmosphere of discrimination against the LGBT. Should we categorise all boys wearing tight-fitting, sleeveless or V-collar or colourful attire and girls hanging out and sleeping with their female friends as homosexual? The guidelines could turn parents to become extremely suspicious while interfering with young people's freedom of clothing and making friends. They have actually drawn such a set of guidelines to serve political purposes. No wonder it has become a laughingstock in the international community. Immature thinking leads to inappropriate words and deeds. Voters with independent thinking will never have confidence in such officials and law enforcement personnel. This is also an obstacle of the BN in fighting for votes from swing voters.
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| Posted: 19 Sep 2012 01:18 PM PDT
When the House has no one commanding a majority, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong's discretion can change the course of the nation's history. Shad Saleem Faruqi, The Star OF all the constitutional functions of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, the most critical and controversial is the appointment of the Prime Minister. In exercising this function, His Majesty is bound by Article 43(2)(a) which imposes two requirements: the PM designate must be a member of and have the confidence of the majority of the members of the Dewan Rakyat. Membership: Unlike in Australia where the PM can belong either to the House of Representatives or the Senate, our PM must be an MP in the Dewan Rakyat. It is conceivable, however, that in some extreme circumstances we may follow the Douglas Home precedent from the UK. In the 60s, Sir Alec Douglas Home, a peer in the House of Lords, was elected leader of the Conservative Party. When his party won the elections, he resigned his peerage and was appointed PM. Soon thereafter, a vacancy was created in the Commons which he contested and won. In Selangor in the 80s, Datuk Abu Hassan was similarly appointed Mentri Besar of Selangor even before he was elected to the State Assembly. Confidence: The wording in Article 43(2) that the PM must be a person who, in the opinion of the monarch, enjoys the confidence of the majority of the members of the Dewan Rakyat, creates the impression that the King has a wide, subjective discretion to anoint any MP with the premier's post. The truth is quite different. If there is a party or coalition enjoying an absolute majority in the Dewan Rakyat, the King has no choice but to appoint its leader as the PM. Unlike the Constitutions of nine states with Malay Rulers where the basic law explicitly mentions that the MB must be a Malay/Muslim, the Federal Constitution imposes no requirement of race, religion or region. However, there is a constitutional convention in favour of a Malay appointee. Conventions are not rules of law and this convention may face pressure in the future from a bumiputra aspirant from Sabah or Sarawak. We must remember that the two states together possess 56 parliamentary seats. In the appointment of a PM, his support in the Dewan Negara is irrelevant. His party's or coalition's total popular vote at the elections does not count. It is his seats in the Dewan Rakyat that determine the King's choice. Some factors that may trigger the King's personal discretion are as follows: Death or illness of the PM: If a vacancy arises in the office of the PM due to death or illness (as happened on the demise of Tun Razak in January 1976), the proper course for the monarch would be to wait for the ruling party or coalition to choose its new leader. However, His Majesty may elevate the Deputy to the top post right away without waiting for the party leadership decision. Lack of unanimity: If the ruling party is hopelessly divided on the choice of a leader, it is conceivable that the monarch may make a personal choice from the parliamentary party. Alternatively, as in Australia many times, the King may appoint a person from another party to hold the post temporarily till the majority party makes up its mind. Caretaker government: Malaysia follows the British convention that the PM who advised dissolution, and his Cabinet, remains in office in a caretaker capacity without the need for a new swearing-in. However, if during the dissolution, the PM dies or suffers serious illness, then Article 43(2) permits the Yang di-Pertuan Agong wide discretion to appoint any person who was a member of the last House of Representatives to helm the nation. Hung Parliament: A hung Parliament is one in which no party or coalition commands an absolute majority in the House of Representatives. The government in power can lose its majority in the House for a number of reasons. It may suffer deaths, resignations or defections causing its membership to dip below the 50% + 1 vote. Or, the general election may result in a stalemate and no party or grouping may emerge a clear victor. In such a situation when the House has no one commanding a majority, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong's discretion assumes a critical, central role and his decision can change the course of the nation's history. What are his choices? First, he cannot run the country on his own. That would be contrary to the overall spirit of the Constitution. Second, His Majesty cannot order another general election after the just completed indecisive one. The Constitution is clear in Article 55(4) that after a dissolution, the new parliament shall be summoned not later than 120 days. This means that after an election, a PM must be appointed, the House must meet, and a vote of confidence must be taken. Third, if election results are indecisive and no majority government can be installed, the King can follow the "incumbency rule" and allow the caretaker PM to remain at the helm till Parliament is summoned within the 120 day rule. Fourth, in some countries like Nepal the rule is that in hung Parliaments the party with the largest number of seats is given the first chance to form a coalition government. The fifth choice for the monarch is to indulge in broad consultation with all parliamentary factions to see if any one of them can form a viable coalition government capable of enacting the budget and pushing through critical legislation. In such a scenario it is not uncommon for the head of state to require the PM-designate to supply written lists or letters to prove his support and to subject himself to a vote of confidence within a stated period. If no viable coalition can be cobbled together, the sixth choice for the monarch is to allow a minority government or a unity government to lead the nation till new elections are called. |
| Living in the shadows of our vote Posted: 19 Sep 2012 01:14 PM PDT
Living in a deteriorating Malaysia requires all citizens to compromise principles. Praba Ganesan, The Malaysian Insider Most people tell me that we need to change government so that a small dishonest group ceases to live off the rakyat. Though this is true there is the other more human reason, we need to change government so that all of us can cease to be dishonest. Face the fact — or as they say these days, read the timeline — living in a deteriorating Malaysia requires all citizens to compromise principles. Reverting to our zeitgeist, "Ini kan Malaysia" (This is Malaysia, after all). For as a matter of survival, to get along — can't swim upstream since we are not salmons — we compromise, maybe less and maybe just enough to get by, but we compromise. Compromising in limited parameters so that we can still point and pontificate at those who flagrantly take without restrain. While the slothful may not know what is shy, the brutal assessment will be that we are both dishonest, with the varying degrees of distinctions just Pyrrhic victories. A change in government offers the chance for everyday Malaysians to take a new road, one that possibly gives them the chance to not be dishonest as a matter of course living in this country. As these paths of dishonesty illustrate. Sub-con the sub-con The evolution of "social engineering" our economy has created a class of those who do not need experience, ability, track record or integrity to win contracts. May it be infrastructure, technology or services. The RM2 company is still king. But the work is then passed down through a chain of sub-contractors, cutting more and more from the rich meat. This is when the sub-contractor's sub-contractor steps in. He will accept the terms. Saying that you will not take tainted business will not feed the employees of an SME, or even yourself. There are seats at the family table, and the bowls need to be full. However, with less meat and just bone staring at you at the commencement of the project proper, adjustments are instituted, as quality and reliability are taken for granted so that an agreeable profit margin remains. Squeezed by the chain of sub-contractors, the actual service deliverer squeezes the end customer. The pain flows down while unfortunately the shame has no name. Have shop must "accommodate" Entertainment outlets — cafes, restaurants, massage centres, bars and mamak stalls (Indian street eateries) — face hidden costs. There are several arrangements necessary with various state agencies — enforcement, regulatory or moral. For many practical needs are not codified into law and the laws we are left with — by-laws and agency purviews — are ambiguous and wide-reaching. If you don't play ball it will always be more laborious to operate. Play ball would mean less emphasis on security, parking and sanitary needs, unless the outlet can pass the hidden costs back to the consumer. Operators opt to work the system, not fight the system. Fighting is no way to run a business. ... So I'll just not pay income tax No one enjoys paying taxes, but in Malaysia there is a Thoreau-like objection to paying taxes. Malaysians at large are convinced it is taxation without representation. The prime minister reads the upcoming Budget, the rest of us have to just suck it up. Neither our MPs or emails matter. They give what they want, to whom they want and in the manner they prefer. So there is massive under-reporting. Can you blame them? It is the government of the day's job to convince that all expenditures have the intention to give the most utility to most numbers of Malaysians or in areas of greatest concern. Stretching the ringgit like the proverbial mother of the pooled income of all family members. And then the long list Of taxi drivers squeezing commuters since they are squeezed by taxi companies. Squeezed without healthcare. There are dishonest taxi drivers worldwide because of the job's nature, but the prevailing culture of oppression they are confronted with eases them into unscrupulous behaviour with greater alacrity. Foreigners get the brunt of it, and everyone is scarred. Of parents facilitating their children relying on tuition centres to game their public examinations. In some instances outright cheating as exam papers are leaked by those in the "game." They say they have to, they are just getting along. They'd cringe and defend themselves by pointing out to the opaque occurrences in boarding schools leading to competitive grades. Everyone is doing something to give their children that extra metre in the sprint, they are just keeping to the rules of engagement. Reducing education, or at least educational excellence, to beating the system. After 11 years conditioned like this, why is anyone surprised that the young thing cheating online is caught? And when caught, there is no remorse just a realisation that the next cheat has to be better arranged. Of millions of Malaysian homes renovated without local council approval because there are no straightforward processes at their offices. Better than running around government offices like a headless chicken, just do it and "arrange" things with enforcers when they show up. Of hiding your sexuality because there has been no engagement by the state; to protect the civil liberties of citizens as expressly stated in our Constitution. Sure, religions present absolutes but states are about benefiting all members, not just those you agree with or share your religious proclivities. There are no easy answers, but there can never be an outcome or equitable compromise if the state is unwilling to engage biological realities. Of hiding your ethnicity for political expediencies. Those blokes in Penang who immensely enjoy banana leaf meals (Indian food-style) — not the sanitised ones, the "karat" (unadulterated) ones. Or my Rawa friend who speaks of his community in Gopeng. The Acheh, Javanese, Filipino, Arab and rest who downplay their own origins so that they are fit into the single conveyor belt the system has. Of tertiary institutes — new public colleges, polytechnics turned to universities, foreign universities' local chapters, tuition centres turned to colleges, etc — that mushroomed in the last 15 years, focussed on looking at undergraduates as cattle. Drawing unqualified students to waste five years only to be incredibly unemployable. Two years in technical school to be a plumber and auto mechanic would have given them more job opportunities and better pay, as specialised training matters — if only to make sure that cars don't crash because of poor maintenance. Of performers in TV and other shows who wear multiple layers of clothing to sate the Puritan censor, and in their club performances get back to their own preference. Same too film and TV writers and directors despite all their training and ideas have to tell all kinds of stories in only the acceptable ways with predictable endings. Read more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/opinion/article/living-in-the-shadows-of-our-vote/ |
| Posted: 19 Sep 2012 01:12 PM PDT
Everyone knows how much ministers make. So you tell me how do the wives afford all the jewellery and bags? Where do they get the money from? Dina Zaman, The Malaysian Insider While crime is top of mind among most Malaysians, talk of who's rich and how they got there are the topics du jour. People are turning to crime because of the worsening economy, rising cost of living, and yet there's a flashy crowd in KL. Who on earth are they? In a multi million-ringgit apartment, where access requires a security guard to escort you to a lift, which stops right on the floor of, and faces your destination, a family rests after a hearty lunch. The matriarch is having tea and being taken care of by a nurse, while her daughters recline on plush sofas. They are familiar faces in society pages, and are acknowledged as old money. The appointment is to discuss the new rich, which they find very fascinating. This new generation is different from the new rich of before. "They tend to be Malay. Not saying that Malays can't be rich, we are all Malay too, but they're different. When I was younger, there were the new rich too. Every generation, there's a new rich but the last five years, this… group is…" observed the doyenne and designated speaker for the family. "They are crass," her sister interjected. "They are crazy." Stories of how Chopard bracelets are given to toddlers as young as five are told in shocked tones. Seven-year-old girls are given Chanel handbags by their mothers "for fun."  A Chopard bracelet for a toddler? The new rich think nothing of showering such gifts on their children. — Picture courtesy of Chopard They shook their heads. "For example, let's look at ministers' wives. Everyone knows how much ministers make. So you tell me how do the wives afford all the jewellery and bags? Where do they get the money from? We are wondering also! Now, we're in business and we can't spend the way they do! Do you know how much an Hermès bag costs? I don't understand why people are not questioning this more. Yes, I know they have fringe benefits, but I have never seen a poor politician." As a frequent flyer, she has observed many of the young and new rich flying First Class, and she wondered how their parents could pay for the tickets. "You don't see this so much among the Chinese and Indians. The Chinese, you know-lah, they are rich and it's generational wealth. The Indians who are rich, are discreet. It's the Malays who are flashy," she said. "But you know, the money is not going to last long. Me, I feel sorry for these young people. Maybe that's why they're spending money. It's not going to last forever." Read more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/features/article/whos-your-daddy-part-2/ |
| Innocence of Muslims: How fiction creates reality Posted: 19 Sep 2012 01:05 PM PDT  Vito Laterza, Al Jazeera The recent wave of protests spreading throughout the Muslim world questions many assumptions we commonly make about national and global politics. We all want to know why and how it started; what groups and organisations are behind the riots and attacks against American targets and most importantly, how do we deal with such a rapid and unpredictable escalation of symbolic and physical violence? However, these may be the wrong questions. The alleged anti-Islam film is nothing more than a 14 minutes long video widely circulated on the internet. We know very little about the producers. Conspiracy theories will keep on multiplying around the identity of the production team, the director and cast. Either way, this search for the people behind the movie misses the point. When content goes viral on Facebook, we don't usually ask who sent it or why. If it provokes our thoughts and feelings, we engage with it. We might like it or dislike it, comment on it, perhaps share the content further. Something similar happened with the trailer of the "Innocence of Muslims", except that action well exceeded the boundaries of the virtual world. What is it that makes us react to media content over the internet? Why are so many people worldwide reacting so vigorously against this video? I think that it shows the crucial role played in everyday politics by people's deep-seated attachment to powerful images, symbols, messages and ideas. The latter are often glossed over as mere emotional hang-ups, the inevitable side-effects of human politics that can be corrected and harnessed through the development of sound democratic institutions. Contemporary reality The dominant western assumption is that - despite the complexity of today's world - individuals, groups and institutions have clearly defined identities and consciously pursue specific interests and act upon them. For many politicians and analysts, these are the dimensions that are most important to a deeper understanding of political events. This point of view overlooks an important social fact: in the "real" reality out there, messages, ideas, emotions and reactions spread virally, just as they do in our "Facebook" worlds. Contemporary identities are multiple and fragmented. There are undoubtedly numerous groups and institutions that do try to direct collective action and mobilise military, economic and social resources in pursuit of their interests. There are also billions of people that, not unlike Facebook users, move in and out of groups, social movements, actions and protests. Sometimes endorsing a cause and then supporting the opposite cause, without a clear linear rationale. Today's social world is not rational, certainly not in the way we assume it to be. Focusing attention solely on terrorist groups and Islamic fundamentalist preachers inciting people for their own undemocratic goals does not bring us closer to a deeper understanding. It serves the purpose of providing a sensible explanation for what is happening to citizens of Western "liberal democratic" states. We are told that if we catch the leaders of the protest, and make sure that these countries adopt the same democratic institutions that we have at home, it will all be fine. These messages reveal at best a delusional understanding of contemporary reality, and at worst are a lie distracting our attention from the worrying realisation that Western leaders in fact have little or no control over such events. We are seeing people storming the streets with anti-American messages in the same countries where mass rebellions against dictators and authoritarian regimes were hailed by the West as the "Arab spring" only some months ago. We cannot separate these events, they are part of the same reality. We cannot easily distinguish the "democratic" desires of the people rising against their tyrants from the "fundamentalist" delusions of crowds blinded by inflammatory rhetoric and bad leaders. Alternative means of violence It is just as hard as trying to categorise our own Facebook activity in some linear model that would clearly and neatly explain who we are and who we will vote for in the next elections. We will most likely fail. Sometimes we engage in contradictory thoughts, and that's just the way it is - we don't think about it, we just do it. Nor is the US response on the whole any more "rational". Obama and his entourage went to great lengths to explain that the US and its representatives have nothing to do with the movie, which they condemned as "disgusting and reprehensible". At the same time, the president also tried to reassure Americans that security is being stepped up by sending warships to Libya in the wake of the embassy attacks. The truth is that this is not a struggle between US interests and its military establishment on one side, and the anti-US Islamist "insurgents" and fundamentalists fighting for their own interests, using alternative means of violence and political consensus, on the other. At least not in the sense in which we usually mean it. We often tend to think of these interests as the primary "stuff" of which social reality is made. The imagery attached to these struggles, circulating in the form of videos, books and other media, is seen as a derivate of the real material struggles for power and resources on the ground and indeed it may well have been this way in the past. Today however we live in a different world where the production of images and symbols shapes who we are, what we do in our lives and how we act as political beings. To put it more crudely, Facebook is the "real" reality, and the "physical" reality out there has just become an extension of our Facebook worlds. From this perspective, the reactions of the protesters make more sense: their anger and concerns originated in this "virtual" world and then they took to the streets. This is not to say that material factors don't count. It is clear that poverty, corruption, exploitation, military repression and colonialism are all realities that have shaped and negatively affected the lives of protesters. And yet the eruption of these repressed feelings were spurred and driven by a visceral reaction to a video. It is the production of images that drive the material reality and not the other way around. |
| Why should politics be in black and white? Posted: 18 Sep 2012 05:16 PM PDT Narrow view of politics reduces it to a two-size fits all dichotomy: you are either all Pakatan or all BN, writes Ong Kar Jin. By Ong Kar Jin, FMT The world is not black and white. Even for the colour blind, there are shades of grey (indeed, as many as ahem, Fifty Shades of Grey!). One of the first things we learn as we grow up is that things are often not simple – nuances permeate our world. Somehow, however, this awareness that the world is not binary is suspended in our perception of Malaysian politics. Depending on whether you follow the mainstream or alternative media, every forthright political participant is pigeon-holed as either an anti-government/pro-opposition troublemaker, or a government-paid lapdog cyber trooper. Following on from this artificial labelling is the "all-or-nothing" expectation of the personalities involved. Nothing good must be said of the other side, and 100% adherence to your side is demanded. A recent example is the comment by PAS member of parliament for Hulu Langat Che Mat Che Rosli that radiation levels from the much-loathed Lynas plant were low. He was swiftly bombarded with criticisms including charges that he was paid by the government to lie and he had turned traitor. Che Mat, a nuclear scientist by training, was blasted for stating a fact as he saw it. Or consider the issue of low wages in Malaysia: those who opposed minimum wage were swiftly branded as selfish rich capitalists while those who supported it were labeled socialists. This binary view turned Twitterjaya into a class warfare background. Lost in the hostilities was a deeper consideration of the issue at stake, and the reasoning behind the different positions. Refsa considers this narrow view of politics a serious impediment to the development of a mature democracy in Malaysia. It reduces politics to a two-size fits all dichotomy: you are either all Pakatan or all BN: "[My side] is always good. [My side] is always right. [The other side] is always wrong." This all-or-nothing approach is presumptuous and undesirable. It is presumptuous as the stifling of dissent suggests that only the views of the party leaders are correct and important. It is undesirable as it fails to recognise different opinions on particular issues and prevents constructive discourse. The fact is there can be many potential approaches to address the social problems of our day. Rational, intelligent thinking people would be expected to evaluate proposed policies on a case-by-case basis, and cannot be expected to always support everything a particular party is doing. Constructive criticism must be welcomed. Dissenters must not be labelled as traitors. Expanding our horizons All mature democracies accept constructive criticism as necessary for improvement. Consider this: back in 2008, then Democratic US presidential candidates Barack Obama and Hilary Clinton had differing opinions on how to run the economy and conduct foreign policy. They intensely criticised each other's proposals, and the debates allowed a consensus on the 'best' policies to evolve. So much so that Mrs Clinton subsequently agreed to serve as President Obama's Secretary of State! No one was called a traitor or chucked into some stereotypical category, because the American public recognised the goal of the discourse. Recognising the colourful views that people have can be bitter, but is ultimately beneficial. For our democracy to mature, we Malaysians must expand our horizons and realise that people have a right to express different stands on different issues. We may have our political leanings but it does not mean we have to support our particular party blindly all the time, for we are not mindless automatons. In fact, like any parent who has scolded their child will know, it is those who give fair criticism that truly have their beloved's best interests at heart. Sadly, our mainstream media is not facilitating this maturation process. Part of the internet vitriol directed at Che Mat following his comments on the Lynas plant were probably because he was misrepresented in the mainstream media. He said that radiation levels were low but the most critical issue of waste disposal had yet to be addressed; the mainstream media quoted him as saying Lynas was safe!
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| Posted: 18 Sep 2012 05:05 PM PDT  Looking beyond the recently-signed Kuching Declaration, the most important thing is not about what's being said before the elections, but what comes after it. Yet, the document is quite vague on how best to address the states' problems beyond the royal commission of inquiry on illegal immigrants (which the Barisan-led government has already agreed to) and increasing oil royalties. "These are all essentially the same things they promised in 2008," said Dr Jeniri Amir, a political communication and history lecturer at Universiti Malaysia Sarawak. Yu Ji, The Star THE Kuching Declaration, by the Pakatan Rakyat, seeks to redress the development imbalance between Peninsular Malaysia, Sarawak and Sabah should it win the impending general election. The declaration's seven points relate to restoring the spirit of the "Malaysia Agreement". It includes upping the number of Sarawakians and Sabahans in decision-making positions within the civil service, initiating a royal commission on illegal migrants, and increasing oil royalties for both states from 5% to 20%. In the last paragraph of the declaration, it summarises the points as "an incontrovertible contract between Pakatan Rakyat and the peoples of Malaysia". Leaving aside the outcome of the polls, the declaration brings to light two significant points. Firstly, will the majority of Sarawakians and Sabahans see the significance of the declaration? Secondly, does Pakatan Rakyat, and in particular PKR, have enough good candidates in rural constituencies? The second point will determine whether Pakatan has a good chance at taking the helm of Putrajaya. We know how strong DAP is in the urban and a couple of semi-rural areas. PAS, meanwhile, has not had much success in this liberal state. One of the prime movers of the Kuching Declaration is a restaurateur, who happens to be the ex-manager of singer/actress Ning Baizura. Vernon Kedit runs the popular "the Dyak" restaurant in Kuching, which has a 4.5 out of five rating on tripadvisor.com. When asked to help organise Pakatan's Malaysia Day celebrations here, Vernon applied the same flair he had acquired as a pop star's manager as well as the attention to detail so evident in his restaurant's food. The man is smart, eloquent and has a passion for all things Sarawak. "We could have just had an 'event', or we could have a significant one. We chose the latter," Vernon told me in an interview this week. For two weeks, Vernon and his Pakatan counterparts — including state DAP secretary Chong Chieng Jen, a multi-term MP and state assemblyman, and PAS officials — discussed and debated the contents of the declaration. Several key words were removed and then reinstated just days ahead of Malaysia Day. The final version was preceded by eight drafts. On Sept 16, six state and national Pakatan leaders signed the declaration at Chong Lin Commercial Centre, the venue of a massive ceramah on the eve of 2008's general election, which led to Barisan's worst showing since Merdeka. Altogether, six documents were signed - one for each of the signatories to take home. Three billboard-sized declarations were also on their way back to the headquarters of each of the Pakatan parties. The Kuching Declaration, according to Vernon, is a legal document. "Whereas Buku Jingga is a book of policies, the Kuching Declaration is a very legal piece of paper. You cannot bring Buku Jingga to court, but you can bring the declaration to one," Vernon said. "It guarantees us autonomy and as equal partners within Malaysia." The underlying theme of the declaration is the ones stating "Sarawak for Sarawakians," and "Sabah for Sabahans". Yet, the document is quite vague on how best to address the states' problems beyond the royal commission of inquiry on illegal immigrants (which the Barisan-led government has already agreed to) and increasing oil royalties. "These are all essentially the same things they promised in 2008," said Dr Jeniri Amir, a political communication and history lecturer at Universiti Malaysia Sarawak. Jeniri also dismissed the declaration as a "gimmick to win the "hearts and minds" of Sarawakian and Sabahan voters. How exactly would autonomy translate into better governance to ensure that Sarawakians and Sabahans have, say, better education opportunities, he asked. "Yes, there are inequalities and yes, the Opposition has made inroads into the rural areas, judging by the votes in the last state elections. "Barisan should seriously consider some of the problems raised by Pakatan. "But on the declaration, it's just the same promises all over again." Personally, I doubt the declaration would have much impact beyond the urban middle-class. How many people in Baram or Hulu Rajang know about the Malaysia Agreement? How many young people know about the 18- and 20-point agreements? In time, will the Kuching Declaration be remembered as a significant happening; or will it fade away as a mere footnote in history? All that depends on the outcome of the general election. After all, the only thing that matters the most is not what is being said before the elections, but what comes after it.
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| Posted: 18 Sep 2012 05:00 PM PDT
Malaysia is also facing an economic downturn, no matter what the bastions of power say. It's getting harder to get jobs, be promoted and be awarded projects, the right way. Brilliant graduates and professionals are dismayed when they find out that meritocracy doesn't exist in corporate Malaysia. Dina Zaman, The Malaysian Insider Of course, everyone is talking about this phenomenon. From the office worker, to the budding fashionista, right up to high society itself. "Well. I suppose it is a good sign…. that… Melayu dah maju," a friend said. You must have seen them: The New Rich and Beautiful. The young men are handsome, and the young women appear regularly in local magazines. They drive the best. Porsche Cayenne is the car of the moment, though by the time this is published, the new rich may have moved on to another make. An 800 square feet apartment with a RM4,000 rental tag does not deter them. Their precincts? "Oddly enough," the said friend observed, "there's a lot of them in Kota Damansara. (pause) Well. The cars." Inevitably the conversation will lead to the ever oft question: Who's their father? Or mother? This phenomenon is nothing new. Edith Wharton and F. Scott Fitzgerald recorded the clash of old and new money in their novels. Vanity Fair – the high brow magazine which reports on politics plus lifestyle and entertainment – and Tatler UK are glossy and excellent bibles of the rich and powerful. In Malaysia, local editions of high society magazines like Tatler, Prestige, as well as the uber fashionista's must-have, GLAM, are showcases of the who's who, who's rising, who's had a botched nose job, and occasionally the fallen. And in this gilded world, the backbiting, the status jostling and social brokerage is only for those with courage and tenacity. This seems to be the domain of social opportunists. So who are the new and young rich? A good majority belong to the Concession Generation. Daddies and mummies were shrewd proxies and held government contracts. Not all of them were given contracts through unethical means, but nevertheless, their wealth sprang from work and projects with the government of the day. How are they different from the offspring of old money? Anoura (names have been changed to protect the privacy of those interviewed) captured the difference rather succinctly. Anoura parties with them. "These kids go to national schools, or private schools which only teach the national curriculum. They don't go to private international schools, that the children of old money do." Why is that? She laughed. "Sebab they all tu ramai bodoh. You think they can pass IB (International Baccalaureate?) The expat kids and the old money kids are bloody smart, okay? Their worldview is global. Budak-budak ni, at the end of the day, Melayu beb." May we quote you on that? "Sure. Just don't use my real name. I'm part of the system too." Anoura sighed. She knows the system too well. Her father is part of it. "To get the deal, sometimes, he has to 'kill' the tenders." Her father was once a civil servant, and most of his friends were too. Like the many brokers and wheeler-dealers in the city, he and his friends just need to strike that ONE deal, and they'll be happy. And because of their former work in the government, they understand the protocols. This leg-up has helped somewhat, but they haven't got that deal yet. Not yet. "Even a small meal with the guys at the bottom of the rung costs RM500. That's one dinner. Imagine a few dinners a week. In all the years my father has started brokering for deals, he has been swindled by friends. They have to pay cuts to the people who may help them along the way. Why does he do this? Simple. After all the things they've gone through, they think they deserve a deal."
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| There’s something about Selangor Posted: 18 Sep 2012 01:54 PM PDT Najib's speeches now are no longer subtle. His message is loud, brash and clear. Selena Tay, FMT The decision by the Pakatan Rakyat-helmed Selangor state government to dissolve the State Legislative Assembly next year seems to have greatly annoyed the Barisan Nasional leaders who have openly accused the Selangor government of being afraid of losing. And Pakatan will lose Selangor because the dirty voter rolls will enable BN to regain Selangor easily. As BN is so cocksure of getting back Selangor, it will only be a matter of time so it has to be patient for just a few more months. Still, this means that BN's plan to hold the polls in November, assuming that it is in November, has encountered a minor glitch for it must be thinking of recapturing Selangor in the 13th general election. Maybe that is why BN is so cross with Pakatan. Yes, this must be the reason. The statement by the Election Commission (EC) that it is a waste of time, money and resources if Selangor were to hold separate polls is also most telling. And perhaps it is this small hiccup that has caused Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak to come out with a statement that he was "worried about the future of the Malays and the Muslims should the country come under a different regime" as reported in a local English daily on Sept 16. Well, what have MCA and MIC got to say to this? The same English daily also reported Najib as saying, "I believe those in DAP are not at ease with the position of the Malays and Islam. Just ask those who experience it in Perak and Selangor. PKR is weak. With its combination with others, and if DAP wins big, where will the Malays place their hope?" True, ugly colours What does this show about the 1Malaysia slogan and the credibility of Najib as the one who admitted that 1Malaysia is his brainchild? Back to the question of the general election. Assuming that the polls are planned for November, the latest strategy by the Selangor government has put BN in a fix as the prime minister has vowed to regain Selangor in the 13th general election. This means that he will have failed in his mission if he were to hold the polls in November. It is this thought which must have irked him, is it not? And postponing the polls to March next year is too risky. Some issues that lurk beneath may suddenly resurface to trouble BN besides the unpredictable global economic outlook. Therefore, BN has embarked on a rampage in a frenzied attempt to garner support, especially from the business community where Selangor is concerned. Every Selangorian and especially the business community should remember that Pakatan's prudent management has managed to save the state RM1.9 billion in reserves as at end of last year. Thus BN now no longer bothers if its true, ugly colours are being revealed. It hopes the gullible rakyat will be blind to its faults and its Machiavellian motive to grab Selangor at all costs as well as to win big by regaining the two-third majority in Parliament. BN's election machinery has been activated and the groundwork already started. In the mainstream media, too, there is an overdose of BN's propaganda advertorials. Is it possible for BN to sustain the momentum until March next year? By then, the rakyat will be so fed up and bored to death!
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| Azizan is not ready to let go yet Posted: 17 Sep 2012 03:32 PM PDT
Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Azizan Abdul Razak's fragile health and the rifts in his party are two key reasons why Kedah is likely to go along with the general election. Joceline Tan, The Star DATUK Seri Azizan Abdul Razak has been faithfully chairing the weekly state exco meetings since his discharge from the hospital a fortnight ago. The Kedah Mentri Besar is also quite amused to find that the media entourage waiting for him after each Wednesday's meeting has been bigger than usual. He knows they are there not to ask about current issues but to have a close-up look at him and to assess his health situation. His health is still a matter of much speculation mainly because there has been few details from his office. Reporters have noticed that he is still on what looks like an "invalid's diet". While the other exco members at the meeting ate nasi lemak and kuih, Azizan had rice porridge with bits of fish, a sprinkling of chives and a dash of soya source. The other thing was that whereas the post-exco press conferences used to be quickie affairs held in the lobby area, reporters are now ushered into the meeting room. Azizan said it would be more comfortable for the reporters to take down notes sitting down. But reporters suspect it is because the Mentri Besar's aides think he is not strong enough to stand and they prefer him seated. Yesterday, Azizan had his most gruelling assignment. He spent three hours at Kolej Universiti Insaniah in Kuala Ketil where he also delivered a speech. But he did not really mind because the tertiary institution is his pet project. It was quite a grand affair, attended by the leading members of the Kedah royalty, including the King who is also the Sultan of Kedah. Azizan is on the road to recovery. The concern of PAS leaders is whether he will recover in time for the general election. The party has resigned itself to the fact that they will have to go with Azizan regardless of the state of his health. He had made it very plain that he does not intend to step aside nor is he keen to give way to an acting mentri besar. He saw how Datuk Seri Mahdzir Khalid took over from Datuk Seri Syed Razak Syed Zain after only three months as the acting mentri besar. Azizan intends to go the full term. This is now the scenario in Kedah. Azizan's administration, unlike his counterpart in Kelantan, has been non-committal about whether the state will go along with the general election or go solo like Selangor. He said he was still mulling about the option and would decide depending on when the election is called. But few expect Kedah to go it alone, particularly not with the question mark over Azizan's health and given the rifts in the party caused by a botched attempt to oust him last year. Moreover, the battle in Kedah will be largely a Malay fight. Malays make up 71% of the population in Kedah and PAS knows better than to take on the Umno machinery in a stand-alone election. His aides have been rather touchy about photographers taking pictures of their boss. Shortly after Azizan reported for work, he was a little unsteady on his feet and had to be helped around. Press photographers were not allowed to take pictures of him holding on to his aides as he moved around. One photographer who had waited outside the Mentri Besar's house, hoping for a picture of him leaving for the office after his hospital stay, was shooed away by a young bodyguard. Azizan is a quick-witted man and has quite a sharp tongue but he has been in a more mellow mood following his illness. At the end of his first exco meeting, the first question was about his health. He flashed his laconic smile and told everyone they had eyes and they could see for themselves whether he looked well or otherwise. Then, in his usual wit, he added: "I can still marry another one, don't put anyone eligible in front of me." He was also aware that the pressure to appoint an acting mentri besar was now coming from outside the party, from people hoping to capitalise on his state of health. He told one reporter that these people should not "press their nose on other people's window"; it was his way of saying that they should mind their own business. Besides, he added, Kelantan Mentri Besar Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat has had a history of poor health and is often in and out of hospital, yet there is no pressure for him to step aside. Anyway, speculation has now shifted to who will succeed him as Mentri Besar after the general election. The money is on state exco member Datuk Amiruddin Hamzah, a handsome engineer who has become Azizan's staunchest ally in the wake of last year's attempted coup. Although Datuk Taulan Mat Rasul is the second most senior state exco member after Azizan, he is older than Azizan and appointing him would not be seen as a succession. Datuk Phahrolrazi Mohd Zawawi had been the early front-runner but his role in the failed coup had put him in Azizan's black books. Some are not sure whether Azizan will even retain him as a candidate. People noticed that at the luncheon in conjunction with Kolej Universiti Insaniah convocation, Phahrolrazi was not at the VVIP table with the King who is said to enjoy playing golf with Phahrolrazi. Azizan has said several times that he will lead the state as well as defend his Sungai Limau seat in the general election. But insiders say he is aware that he cannot go on as Mentri Besar after the polls and already has a candidate in mind. Many people think it is Amiruddin but Kedah politics is very fluid at the moment and nothing is for sure including whether PAS will be returned to power in the state.
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| Why is the Arab world so easily offended? Posted: 16 Sep 2012 03:39 PM PDT
Fouad Ajami, The Washington Post MODERNITY requires the willingness to be offended. And as anti-American violence across the Middle East and beyond shows, that willingness is something the Arab world, the heartland of Islam, still lacks. Time and again in recent years, as the outside world has battered the walls of Muslim lands and as Muslims have left their places of birth in search of greater opportunities in the Western world, modernity — with its sometimes distasteful but ultimately benign criticism of Islam — has sparked fatal protests. To understand why violence keeps erupting and to seek to prevent it, we must discern what fuels this sense of grievance.
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| Tanda Putera: Potrait of an apologist Posted: 16 Sep 2012 03:22 PM PDT Suaram adviser Kua Kia Soong rebuts criticisms levelled against him by Tanda Putera director Shuhaimi Baba. By Kua Kia Soong, FMT On the other hand, I am an ardent admirer of the late Yasmin Ahmad's classic Malaysian films through which Yasmin's truly multi-ethnic and prejudice-shattering humanity shines through. Still, I was ready to give this director of TP the benefit of the doubt by appealing to any fibre of intellectual honesty in her body when I wrote my reply (Tanda Putera: Deconstructing Prejudice) to her unwarranted attacks on my credibility in her interview with FMT. It appears my efforts have all been water off a duck's back. Hapless victim with a blame frame Such a blatant untruth and serious warping of history was explained away without heartfelt apologies by the TP director and I believe the loathsome images and comments were only taken down four weeks later after Kit Siang had made a strong protest. We witness the same attempt by the TP director to blame others by claiming that "I did not refer to Kua when I pointed out that a writer published his work on May 13, 1969 but did not qualify he was not even in Malaysia during the incident. The credibility of that source is questionable." Did the director of TP feel that there had been grievous harm done to the reputation of both Kit Siang and myself when these supposed "errors" were discovered? Did she demand that FMT make a correction and would she have bothered to make a correction if I had not protested against her scurrilous attacks on me? Or are we considered mere collateral damage in her mission to beatify the Umno leaders? Who were the "hidden hands" behind May 13? In this official rendition, the victory parade by the opposition parties in 1969 is often compounded with an earlier demonstration by the Labour Party which had actually boycotted the 1969 general election because practically all their leaders had been incarcerated under the ISA. Were these parades so provocative that they were the trigger for the pogrom? From the declassified documents at the British Archives, they were not. The British were more likely to be pro-Alliance rather than pro-Opposition since after all, the Alliance leaders were the local custodians of British interests in the Independence manoeuvres. But if the director of TP has credible local documents to the contrary, pray, produce them. Malaysians in recent years are only too well aware of the manner in which the far-right fascists have been quick to stage violent actions against such civil society initiatives as Suqiu in 2000, the racial violence at Kampung Medan in 2001, the Article 11 Coalition in 2006, the even more recent cow head protest and the other recent fascist actions against the Penang state government. Would the director of TP likewise conclude that these recent incidents by "the Malays" were similarly "justified" because they were provoked? The well-known poet and writer, Said Zahari wrote his poem "Hidden Hands" when May 13 broke out and he was under ISA detention in Singapore. He wasn't even in the country! Still, he knew enough of the class nature of the ruling coalition to write this poem that is now the "soundtrack" of May 13. To the evidence I produced of credible Malay intellectuals who did not find my book on May 13 "prejudiced against the Malays" as alleged in her interview with FMT, she says: "No point going behind names like Subky and your 'Malay colleagues'. They don't bring validation. " In fact, I only needed to point to one Malay intellectual to expose her own prejudices but I produced the highly respected (the late) Rustam Sani, Dr Syed Husin Ali, Dr Mohd Nasir Hashim, Dr Azmi Sharom and now, Said Zahari. By the way, the PAS leader, Subky Latiff is also a renowned Malay journalist and an academic whose work I cited from "Southeast Asian Affairs", a respectable academic journal of the Institute of Southeast Asian Affairs, Singapore. All of these citations she dismisses as "my Malay colleagues" who "don't bring validation". Apart from echoing the old trite official version of May 13 that has no credibility, she does not cite a single intellectual of note to back her official version. But apparently, the director of TP has another theory, namely, "What about the view that May 13 was a push for the Chinese radicals at that time to get rid of the Malays and take over power in Selangor because only one seat stood in the way? Was that a failed "coup detat"? Gerakan held on to that seat in favour of the Alliance." Is the director of TP serious in posing that it was "the Chinese radicals" who had started the violence and that they were ready to take on Umno and the police and the army to achieve their objectives? So where is the evidence to back up this theory? Declassify the Special Branch files on May 13 The director of TP betrays her ignorance of public records when she says: "You blame the British for the things that didn't go your way, like this country not being a socialist country. But you stand by their records and declassified reports. I'm no stranger to the British public records library and I can say that British intelligence reports were known to also make mistakes. They are human. But some mistakes were not corrected and only done on hindsight." Bob Dylan has a line that says: "If you don't underestimate me, I won't underestimate you…" A credible social scientist knows how to sieve information from public records regardless of whether they are Malaysian, British or American. I too read the rags of the ruling coalition but that does not mean than I am incapable of sieving the information I want. I would be only too happy to join the director of TP in calling for the immediate declassifying of the documents on May 13, especially the Malaysian Special Branch reports. If they show that the violence did not start at the menteri besar's residence but by "assorted bad elements" and "communists", I will be the first to retract my theory in the book. Ultimately, if we really want to create a society "at peace with itself", we need to set up a Truth & Reconciliation Commission entrusted to encourage all witnesses including the police, army, hospital and Red Cross staff and families of victims to come forward to tell their story. I made this abundantly clear in my article on "Deconstructing Prejudice". I do not see why a witness statement by my brother in law who was a professor at the university Hospital where some of the bodies were brought to should not be credible. Everyone who witnessed the violence and deaths during May 13 should be welcome to give us their narratives at a Truth & Reconciliation Commission hearing. It's class, stupid! The historical personalities were significant in this analysis because of the class role they played. It is clear the director of TP is unfamiliar with social scientific usage when she asks: "Kua labelled Tun Razak as an 'ambitious Malay capitalist'. Is it because of the colour of his skin…!" That label is her own coinage. My thesis in the book was that Tun Razak led the emergent Malay state capitalist class to power. They subsequently came to an accommodation with the local Chinese and Indian capitalists and they lived happily ever after with the formation of the Barisan Nasional. Unfortunately, this cosy story came to a sobering end in the general election of 2008 when the rakyat finally got wise to the "bumiputeraist" fairy tale as being the ideology spun by the Umnoputras after May 13. The director of TP may not know that class analysis in the academic corridors of our local universities uses similar designations. Social scientists are interested in ethnicity, not race which is Umno's strategy to divide Malaysians into "bumiputera" and "non-bumiputera". We can't really blame her since, as Roger Ebert, the film critic observes: "Class is often invisible in the movies, and usually not the subject of films."
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