Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- ‘Pakatan ready for polls… but will it be fair?’
- Umno fears a revived Usno?
- Delay polls and risk punishment
- No free ride for Najib in Sabah
- Pakatan Rakyat: A new kind of opposition in Malaysia
- Courts sending out mixed signals over statutory rape
- Corbett Report Radio 205 – Spotlight: Malaysia with Nile Bowie
- Did Taib ‘surrender’ oil right to BN?
- Weary nation keeps guessing
| ‘Pakatan ready for polls… but will it be fair?’ Posted: 02 Sep 2012 05:00 PM PDT Pakatan is confident of taking over Putrajaya if polls are held in November, but expresses doubt that the short notice is enough to clean up the 'dirty election roll'. Anisah Shukry, FMT Pakatan Rakyat is ready for a possible November general election, opposition leaders said today, but added that they were not prepared to face a "dirty election roll" which could hamper their win. Yesterday, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak had emphasised heavily on his favourite number 11 in a speech in Sandakan – an indication that he may call for a general election as early as November, The Star reported. "Six times 11 equals 66, five times 11 equals 55 and 2 times 11 equals 22. The 11 factor appears in all, it is unique and good," Najib was quoted as saying, in reference to Umno's age, Malaysia's 55th National Day and Sabah Umno's age. PAS vice-president Mahfuz Omar said that Pakatan had been long prepared to take on Barisan Nasional in the general election, but it was unlikely that the Election Commission (EC) would be able to clean the electoral roll by November. "We have been prepared since the beginning. The only thing we are not prepared for is the dirty electoral roll. We are not ready for that," he told FMT when asked to comment on the November polls speculation. "We just want clean and fair management of the elections. Is the EC ready? There are many issues they must handle such as phantom voters, immigrants given citizenship, etc, " he said. He was referring to the influx of immigrants in Sabah who are said to be given blue identity MyKad in return for a vote for the ruling government. Although the government had recently announced it would set up a Royal Commission of Inquiry to look into the issue, it has yet to officially appoint the commissioners. "Is the EC capable of solving all this by November?" Mahfuz said, his voice tinged with scepticism. FMT has attempted to contact the EC for comments, but was unable to obtain a response. Meanwhile, PKR vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar also confirmed that Pakatan was prepared to take on BN at whatever time, including November, as they were forced to rely on the prime minister to decide on the dates. "As the opposition in Malaysia, subservient to PM [with regard to] general election dates, we have little choice except to be very ready," the Lembah Pantai MP said in an e-mail to FMT. Najib has consistently delayed calls for an election that must be held before BN's mandate expires in April next year. The November polls "hint" is merely one among many that have been spotted by political analysts and various sources throughout this year. "We've been taking the multiple hints seriously to date. Looking to the escalation of violence and the prime minister's penchant for using malicious allegations this Merdeka, it seems that a November election might be a real possibility," Nurul said. She was referring to Najib's accusation that Pakatan was masterminding a plan to change the national flag after several individuals were spotted waving flags with altered designs during last Thursday's Independence Day countdown in Dataran Merdeka. But despite Najib's finger-pointing, Nurul said she was very confident in the wisdom of the rakyat "predicated upon free and fair elections, devoid of political violence and scare-mongering tactics". Pakatan's shadow cabinet When asked whether Pakatan would be revealing its shadow cabinet soon in response to the speculation of looming polls, Nurul was coy. "We will make sure the work of our shadow committees is presented to the public," she said. "Lest we forget, Pakatan's commitment is towards a lean cabinet – and our prime minister will not simultaneously hold other portfolios – such as finance and women's ministry – which have hit a snag in recent times," she said, in an apparent jab towards Najib. Najib, aside from being the prime minister as well as the finance minister, had taken over the position of Women, Family and Community Minister in April this year after its former minister Shahrizat Jalil had stepped down following the National Feedlot Corporation scandal. Nurul also said that the public can be prepared for a host of other policy pronouncements from Pakatan prior to the election, adding that Pakatan was currently working towards a joint manifesto.
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| Posted: 02 Sep 2012 04:37 PM PDT The only reason Kuala Lumpur is hesitant to approve the registration of a new Usno is because it will mean the death of Umno in Sabah, claims its pro tem leader. Joseph Bingkasan, FMT KOTA KINABALU: Is the acronym Usno and its equally colourful founder Datu Mustapha Datu Harun so powerfully etched in the minds of Sabahans that Umno fears its resurrection before the 13th general election? Is this "fear" the reason why the Umno-led federal government has kept former members of United Sabah National Organisation (Usno) waiting in the wings for approval of their party? Two years on, ex-members of Usno are fuming over the choke-hold grip the federal government and Umno have on Sabah and its future. The once all-powerful and controversial Sabah party is – naively, perhaps – relying on the goodwill of Umno, which it helped set root in Sabah in 1991 by dissolving its own moribund party and joining en masse the Peninsular Malaysia-based party. That goodwill has not been reciprocated, but that has not prevented the "pro tem committee" of the new Usno from anxiously waiting in the wings. The party's stop-gap vice-president until it can be registered, Abdullah Sani Abdul Salleh, sees no reason for the delay in registering his party apart from Umno fearing for its own survival. He said the party wants to field candidates in the 13th general election but is having difficulty getting the consent of the federal-controlled Registrar of Societies (ROS). Abdullah Sani senses that this reluctance to approve Usno's revival stems from Umno's growing insecurity in the state which the Barisan Nasional coalition government of Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak calls its "fixed deposit". The new Usno, if approved, is a far cry from the old. The Usno established by Mustapha in Kampong Ayer, Kudat, on Oct 26, 1961 and dissolved in 1991 to allow all its leaders and members to join Umno en bloc is of a different era. In the years after Usno's dissolution even Mustapha and his old party colleagues regretted leaving it by the wayside for Umno, which they had always considered a party bearing no association whatsoever to Sabah. Now a group of born-again Usno supporters headed by his younger brother, Abdul Salam Datu Harun, believe the time is right for the return of the political party. The first step was to register the new Usno as an NGO and when that failed, sent in an application to register it as a political party with Mustapha's fourth son Datu Badaruddin as pro tem head on Oct 26, 2010. In the party's Merdeka Day message, the new Usno indicated that it is moving ahead with plans to contest the coming general election in Muslim-majority constituencies in Sabah. Usno has already joined hands with Jeffrey Kitingan's Sabah State Reform Party (STAR) with Badaruddin and Jeffrey signing an election pact termed "Semporna Declaration" in February . "Umno fears the combined political strength of Usno and STAR," Abdullah Sani said, adding that Usno still commanded respect and loyalty in the state although it was dissolved a long time ago. This respect and loyalty, he said, was what Umno feared the most and was stalling their bid to get registered as a party. He believes that Umno, instead of being thankful to Usno for making way for the Peninsula-based party to spread its wings to Sabah, was acting strangely by blocking the party's return to the state's political stage. "There is no other reason for the delay [in registering Usno as a political party]. "If Makkal Sakti's application for registration was approved within 60 days, why is the ROS sitting on Usno's application?" he asked.
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| Delay polls and risk punishment Posted: 02 Sep 2012 01:31 PM PDT The Bersih leader takes the prime minister to task for delaying the general election with no good reason, describing this as disconcerting and irresponsible. Elaborating on electoral reforms, Ambiga said that Election Commission chairman Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof cannot lead the commission as he was a former Umno member. RK Anand, FMT In 2009, Najib Tun Razak took over the leadership reins after his predecessor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi relinquished the post following Barisan Nasional's biggest electoral setback to date. Najib and his retinue of advisers had the unenviable task of reversing the political fortunes of the ruling coalition, which seemed to suffer from an incurable perception malaise. But during his initial period in office, the prime minister appeared to be pressing the right buttons, his popularity soared and speculations of a snap polls were rife. However, Malaysians still remained in the dark about the 13th general election, with the latest talk being that the polls would be held in November, on the 11th, which happened to be Najib's lucky number. Those close to Najib argue that the premier was being cautious while the grapevine had it that intelligence reports painted a bleak picture for BN. Describing this as both "disconcerting and irresponsible", Bersih co-chairperson S Ambiga warned Najib that the continued delay could prove to be perilous for him and BN. She said that it would not come as a surprise if the voters, including the fence-sitters, punished him for this feet-dragging in the next polls. "I understand it is the Westminster system and it is the prerogative of the prime minister. But a good government should be prepared to take on the election and not be afraid to set a date," she told FMT. "We have been in election mode since he [Najib] took over and everyone has been pumped up. He drops hints [about the polls] and that is irresponsible. You don't toy with people's feelings. "People are fed up! They can't plan things like going on holidays and so forth. Furthermore, it affects investor confidence. "That's why I say it is irresponsible. If this is how a government is going to play with the election date, then it would be best to have a fixed date for polling," she added. Ambiga said as political leaders in other parts of the world discussed the economic crisis and recession, their Malaysian counterparts were still engrossed in politicking. "So who is running the country? This is unacceptable," she stressed. Is the government afraid? Ambiga said that Bersih had also called for the election to be postponed in the past with regard to the implementation of electoral reforms. She added that if the government claimed that the election was being delayed in order to push through the reforms, then it would be justifiable. "But everyone has forgotten about electoral reforms. So the election is being dragged for no reason. "It seems the government is concerned about the results [of the election]. Otherwise, they would have called for it," she added. Elaborating on electoral reforms, Ambiga said that Election Commission chairman Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof cannot lead the commission as he was a former Umno member. "He cannot claim that he would discharge his duties without bias. There are enough grounds to believe or to suspect that he would be biased and this makes him unfit for the post," she added. Ambiga also dismissed claims that Najib was concerned that if the polls were held before the term expired in April 2013, Pakatan Rakyat-controlled states would not dissolve their respective assemblies. "I don't buy that excuse. He [Najib] kept the nation on election mode. Even the recent Merdeka celebration was an election campaign," she said. Commenting on the Merdeka celebrations, Ambiga expressed disappointment that both political blocs could not set aside their differences for one day. The Bersih leader also pointed out that the government's Merdeka campaign appeared to be centred around the prime minister. "It's a case of adoration for the PM… Where is his team? And I am also saying this with regard to Section 114A of the Evidence Act," she said. On Aug 14, Najib had twitted that he was instructing the Cabinet to review the controversial amendment of Section 114A following protests on the social media network. However, Najib's announcement was met by contradictory statements by the Cabinet defending the provision. The new law imposed a presumption of guilt on Internet users and service providers for Internet abuses such as slander, hate speech and seditious comments posted through their network.
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| No free ride for Najib in Sabah Posted: 31 Aug 2012 03:45 PM PDT It has now become a trend where every time Najib comes to Sabah, Pakatan top leaders will also be around town at the same time. Luke Rintod, FMT KOTA KINABALU: If the number of Peninsular Malaysia VIPs heading to Sabah today is any indication, the state holds a major trump card going into the impending general election that has to be called by mid next year. Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak arrives in the state today, but Pakatan Rakyat top guns are hot on his heels and they will also be here from this weekend until mid-September to put a damper on his party and raise the stakes on what Sabah leaders can demand in return for support. As Najib touches down in Sandakan for a two-day visit, PAS president, Hadi Awang, is scheduled to grace Sabah's Pakatan Rakyat Aidilfitri celebration at Sulaman Central not far from Kota Kinabalu. Sabah Pakatan liaison chief, Ahmad Thamrin Jaini, when contacted, said Hadi is also scheduled to be at a Himpunan Hijau gathering in Beaufort, later this evening. Beaufort is supposedly the bastion of Lajim Ukin who left Umno recently to align himself with Pakatan. According to Thamrin, Sabah Pakatan would also be holding a Malaysia Day Celebration on Sept 15 where PKR de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim would be present to deliver a speech together with DAP's Lim Kit Siang and other Pakatan leaders. Though general election is not due until April next year, these Peninsular-based warlords had off late increasingly made Sabah their priority as the state, which has 25 parliamentarians out of a total 222, could well tilt the equation at the federal level after the election. It has now become a trend where every time Najib, who is also Barisan Nasional chairman and Umno president, comes to Sabah, Pakatan top leaders would also be around town at the same time, grabbing attention from Sabahan electorates. Meanwhile, a FMT survey found out that giant billboards costing thousands of ringgit featuring pictures of Najib and his wife, Rosmah Mansor, have sprouted along the 75km-road from the state capital to Kota Belud where the couple are expected to attend a Hari Raya do on Sunday.
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| Pakatan Rakyat: A new kind of opposition in Malaysia Posted: 30 Aug 2012 02:26 PM PDT
Keith Leong, The Malaysian Insider Malaysia's next general election — when it occurs — will be the most intensely-fought in the federation's history. There has been much speculation if and how the opposition Pakatan Rakyat coalition — comprising Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's PKR, the long-standing DAP and the Islamist PAS — also arguably the most successful and long-lasting in Malaysia's history will be able to hold on to and indeed improve on the historic gains it won in the 2008 elections. In my recently-published book "The Future of Pakatan Rakyat: Lessons from Selangor", I argue that changes in Malaysia's political landscape and the opposition parties themselves mean that a united and coherent opposition is possible in Malaysia and that — whatever happens in the next general election — Pakatan Rakyat has provided a template for a style of politics outside of the parameters set by the long-ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition. Opposition pacts in Malaysia — including the Gagasan Rakyat and Barisan Alternatif opposition alliances cobbled together to fight the 1992 and 1999 general elections — often collapsed soon after despite making some gains. As James V. Jesudason argued very persuasively in his chapter "The Syncretic State and the Structuring of Oppositional Politics in Malaysia" in Garry Rodan's seminal "Political Oppositions in Industrialising Asia" (1996), this was due to the "syncretic" nature of the Malaysian state. He defined Malaysia's "syncretic state" as "a product of a particular historical-structural configuration that has allowed the power holders to combine a broad array of economic, ideological, and coercive elements in managing the society, including limiting the effectiveness of the opposition as a democratising force." To my mind, this means that successive BN administrations continued the colonial British practice of "divide and rule", whereby the various ethnic groups in Malaysia were kept apart politically, economically and socially. Whereas this was used by the imperial power to justify its presence, as a "honest broker" between the various races, it has been adapted by the BN to argue that its continuance in office as essential to maintain harmony between Malaysia's ethnic groups, whose interests at times seem irreconcilable. BN's success can be attributed to their forging a syncretism in their style of government that was able to straddle these competing interests. They were able to squelch dissent by simultaneously using coercion such as the application of the now-dead and unlamented Internal Security Act (ISA) but also selectively co-opting oppositional groups like absorbing the opposition Gerakan in 1969. BN's hold on power was also helped by the inability of Malaysia's opposition parties to come up with coherent alternatives to BN's syncretic state. First, because parties like the DAP, PAS and S46 were themselves largely composed along Malaysia's ethno-religious lines, they could be portrayed as "extreme" in these matters compared to BN. PAS's heartland was and is Malaysia's rural Malay-Muslim communities, while S46 appealed to their urban counterparts. The DAP, whilst theoretically multiracial, was and is largely Chinese or Indian in composition. This meant that they could never command as large a vote bank as BN, whose emphasis on economic development and political stability had cross-ethnic appeal. With the power of state patronage behind it, BN could effectively outbid all three parties in addressing ethnic aspirations, depicting itself as looking after the interests of all races. Furthermore, the opposition's very different ideologies meant that it was very difficult to form permanent alliances between them. As we know, two previous attempts to form an alliance, the Gagasan Rakyat and Barisan Alternatif, eventually collapsed after PAS and the DAP were unable to agree with the former's quest to create an "Islamic state" in Malaysia. Jesudason argued that Malaysia's opposition parties tend to withdraw to their own ethnic constituencies to shore up support after brief attempts at co-operation. The very fact that Malaysia's oppositional parties are primarily ethnic parties reinforces the notion of the syncretic state. Jesudason accused Malaysia's opposition parties of doing nothing to close the ethnic cleavages that perpetuate BN's rule by championing ethnic-based platforms. This in turn renders them vulnerable to BN's practice of coercion and co-option. For instance, opposition leaders who question Malaysia's constitutional settlements can be silenced via the various security laws. Conversely, the ruling regime can then win over Malaysians who may feel threatened by the perceived "extremism" of the opposition, for instance, non-Malays wary of PAS's political Islam or Malays worried about the DAP's vision of a "Malaysian Malaysia". These factors, along with what Jesudason called the "enfeeblement" of class politics in Malaysia (i.e., the perceived pliancy of its middle class), have conspired to prevent broad-based and permanent oppositional alliances against Barisan and perpetuated its power. Subsequent events however have suggested however that Barisan's "syncretic state" is breaking down. As Jesudason himself hypothesised but thought unlikely, Barisan's hold on power would continue as long as its Umno lynchpin was able to remain united, it's governments able to manage Malaysia's complex ethno-religious identities, as well as provide continued economic growth. The record will show, however, that all of these contingencies have come to pass: Umno's unity was shattered (the sacking of Anwar and the spat between Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi), it lost its ability to deal effectively with Malaysia's communal relations (the Hindu temple demolitions in Selangor, as well as the race-baiting against the Chinese Malaysian community by certain Umno leaders) as well as the loss of performance legitimacy regarding the economy (the Asian financial crisis of 1998 and the subsequent, numerous corruption scandals). The rise of the social media also meant that BN could not present selective messages, at least to Malaysia's urban middle class, as effectively as it had in the past. Reformist elements in the opposition, on the other hand, spent the years after their drubbing in the 2004 general election regrouping and rebuilding. The release of Anwar in 2004 and his recommitting of the PKR to a multiracial, "Ketuanan Rakyat" brand of politics gave the opposition a bridge that could unite both its secular and Islamist elements. Anwar's adoption of ketuanan rakyat was also a turning point as it presented Malaysians with a Malay leader who had a vision for the country's future that all communities could equally accept. The DAP too has and continues to make an effort to recruit not only technocrats (such as businessmen like Tony Pua and, more recently, academics like Ong Kian Ming), but also to try and shed perceptions that it is a "Chinese chauvinist" party and reach out to the Malay community. It has launched Roketkini, a Malay-language online news portal, as a companion to its already multilingual Rocket organ and has promised to field more Malay candidates in the next election. It is too early to tell if the Malay community will embrace these initiatives, but the unease by which they have been greeted by Umno suggests that it may not be completely futile. PAS, too, has undergone remarkable changes. Whilst it's harping on the Islamic state and imposition of the hudud laws did much to turn off non-Muslim voters in the past, its setting forth of its "Caring Nation" agenda which emphasises its interpretations of Islamic notions of democracy, good governance and development suggests that it is attempting to present an more universalistic, or at least nuanced version of its struggle. Furthermore, the fact that it's technocratic (i.e. lay, non-ulama) "Erdogan" fact triumphed in its 2011 party polls and are now clearly driving the party also indicates that it is more responsive to the social changes in Malay society, which is rapidly urbanising and becoming more complex.
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| Courts sending out mixed signals over statutory rape Posted: 29 Aug 2012 03:36 PM PDT
The Star NOW that their trials are over, former national youth squad bowler Noor Afizal Azizan can go on to fulfil the promise of his bright future and electrician Chuah Guan Jiu can focus on his fixed job and many years ahead. Through it all, no one spoke of the 13-year-old girl Noor Afizal took to a hotel to spend the night with, or the 12-year-old schoolgirl who was "coaxed" to go to her 21-year-old electrician boyfriend's flat instead of to school because he said he was too sick to take her. These were prepubescent girls who were deemed to have consented to sex with the older boys they were dating and Court of Appeal president Justice Raus Sharif wrote in his written judgment that Noor Afizal had not "tricked the girl into submitting to him". In the electrician's case, Sessions judge Sitarun Nisa Abdul Aziz also thought the "sexual act was consensual", even though DPP Lim Cheah Yit recounted how the girl had repeatedly asked Chuah to take her to school. If she did give consent, there was certainly trickery and fraud involved. The fact remains that the girls were 12 and 13, children barely out of primary school. They are not old enough to be able to legally buy cigarettes, or even obtain medical treatment if they had contracted sexual transmitted diseases. The law on statutory rape was meant to protect these very girls. Section 375(g) of the Penal Code states unequivocally that a man has committed statutory rape if he has sexual intercourse with a girl under 16 years of age, with or without her consent. It is rooted in the presumption that girls below 16 have not attained the mental maturity to consent to sex, and this law was enacted to protect children from abuse. It places the onus on those around her to not have sexual intercourse with her, even if she gives consent, because she is not deemed mature enough to give consent. In other words, the older guys should have known better. Noor Afizal and Chuah were found guilty of raping the underaged girls, but were not jailed. They were bound over for five years and three years respectively on a RM25,000 good behaviour bond. The public uproar has been over how these young men got away with a slap on the wrist, and how the emphasis has been on not blighting their future. Our teenagers are growing up inundated with overt sexual messages from the media and the Internet, without the benefit of a full-fledged sex education curriculum, or avenues to get answers. Clearly, our young people are having sex with each other but there is a line drawn by the law. And that is sex with girls below 16 children is off limits, even to their peers. By letting Noor Afizal and Chuah off lightly, are the courts sending out mixed signals? Are they saying these two girls aged 12 and 13 are capable of giving consent for sex, and are they saying future good behaviour is sufficient punishment for having sex with minors? What is the message that teenage boys and younger men are getting? At the root of it all, this is about protecting our children boys and girls. A 12-year-old girl was lured by a man twice her age into his flat, and coaxed into having sex with him, and he got away with a promise to behave himself for the next three years. Where does that leave her? What about her worth? What are we doing for these two girls? How do we protect other naive young girls from being sweet-talked by an older teen into a sexual relationship if he knows he could be found guilty of statutory rape but walk away with a promise to behave? If we do not uphold unequivocally our intolerance of sex with underaged girls, what does that say about us?
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| Corbett Report Radio 205 – Spotlight: Malaysia with Nile Bowie Posted: 29 Aug 2012 12:59 PM PDT
(The Corbett Report) - We are keeping an eye on the different politics in Malaysia specifically the nefarious activities to prop up the opposition. Tonight we talk to Nile Bowie of NileBowie.blogspot.com about the latest developments in Malaysia. From the Trans-Pacific Partnership to the foreign-funded political opposition to the latest activities in the South-China Sea, we explore the stories that are making news across the country and around the Asia-Pacific region. We are keeping an eye on the different politics in Malaysia specifically the nefarious activities to prop up the opposition. Listen or watch the video at: http://www.corbettreport.com/corbett-report-radio-205-spotlight-malaysia-with-nile-bowie/ |
| Did Taib ‘surrender’ oil right to BN? Posted: 28 Aug 2012 02:55 PM PDT Taib Mahmud was the federal-level Primary Industries Minister in charge of oil and gas when the Petroleum Development Act 1974 was passed by Parliament. Free Malaysia Today KUCHING: Chief Minister Taib Mahmud's turnaround on the oil royalty issue after 31 years in power and the fact that he preferred "private" and "amicable discussions" with the federal government have raised more questions. Uppermost on the list is whether Taib and his predecessor and uncle, Abdul Rahman Yakub, had knowingly "surrendered" Sarawak's rights over oil and gas to the federal government. Sarawakians who have read Taib's biography – "A Soul You Can See" – written by Douglas Bullis and who remember their history, would recall that Taib was the federal-level Primary Industries Minister who was in charge of the nation's oil and gas resources. This being the case, was Taib responsible for the lopsided oil agreement and the Petroleum Development Act passed in Parliament in 1974? The Act was passed following a confrontation between Opec (Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries) and oil companies over oil price policies in 1973. Expounding on the 1973 "crisis", Taib was quoted by Bullis as saying: "By 1973 I realised Malaysia and the oil companies were headed for a confrontation over their purchase price policies. "There was too much take and too little give, and Malaysia's people have an ethic based on balance," Taib had said in page 88 of the book. "Eventually I came up with the idea that we should base Malaysia's oil concession policy on shared production agreements. "Naturally I was snubbed by oil companies who claimed the Malaysian government was moving towards nationalisation." Taib's silence Bullis said that it was obvious that Malaysia's post-1974 policy on taking control of Malaysia's petroleum interests from oil companies was largely Taib's works. It is well known in Sabah that its then chief minister Mustapha Harun and his successor Fuad (Donald) Stephens refused to sign the oil agreement giving 5% of oil royalty to Sabah, but Sarawak under Abdul Rahman was said to be "too willing" and signed the agreement. But the question is: Did the nephew and the uncle "surrender" Sarawak's rights over oil and gas to the federal government in order to please the then prime minister Abdul Razak in return for political and financial support? Sarawak was at that time in turmoil following the sacking of its chief minister Stephen Kalong Ningkan in 1966. At the time there were incessant allegations by the Parti Pesaka anak Sarawak president Temenggong Jugah anak Barieng that the Ibans were shabbily treated by Abdul Rahman and Taib. Abdul Rahman was also facing an "internal rebellion" against his leadership from within Pesaka, which had by then (in 1973) merged with Parti Bumiputera to form Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB). At the point of signing the oil agreement, Sarawak was said to be politically unstable and needed the support of the federal government.
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| Posted: 28 Aug 2012 02:47 PM PDT Why is the prime minister still toying with the polls date if he is so popular judging by the large numbers who attend his official functions? Selena Tay, FMT For readers who enjoy the 13th general election date-guessing game, the latest from the rumour mill is that Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak is now also considering an October/early November date besides the September option. "However, the October or November date is dangerous for him as that is the Haj season and holding the polls during the Haj season will ruin his image as a Muslim leader as it infringes on Muslim sensitivity," said PAS strategist and Kuala Selangor MP Dzulkefly Ahmad. PAS Shah Alam MP Khalid Samad concurred, saying that "if the Barisan Nasional government holds the general election during the Haj season, it will only serve to reveal the true colours of Umno which claims to champion Islam". Besides, why is the prime minister still toying with the polls date if he is so popular judging by the large numbers who attend his official functions? Why is he still dragging his feet over the election date? Moreover, Najib has also urged the rakyat to stick to certainty with the BN government which has a proven track record instead of choosing the opposition and uncertainty. An important point to note is that it was the prime minister himself who has proclaimed that this date-guessing is a national past-time. "By certainty does the prime minister mean that we must stick to the certainty of rising corruption and soaring crime rate? "It is certainly the ultimate in stupidity if, by certainty, we must stick to the same trajectory leading to the abyss of destruction. Is this what the prime minister meant when he said that we must stick to certainty?" asked Dzulkefly. Dzulkefly also said that Najib has really no choice but to use the September date if he still wants to hold the polls this year because holding the polls during the Haj season will make him lose his credibility as a Muslim leader. Or else, Najib should just simplify matters and hold the general election next year. But the major problem with holding the polls next year is that the global economic climate has become unstable. Economy looks bleak Dzulkefly also said that the current macro-economic figures of growth cannot be used to predict the health of the nation's economy in the long term as US, Europe and even economic powerhouse China are experiencing a slowdown. "Malaysia's economy is powered by domestic consumption and right now the number of non-performing loans of individuals is steadily rising. This is an unhealthy trend. In addition, Malaysia's debt ratio which stands at RM653 billion is now at a very dangerous level as it has risen past the 55% benchmark of the GDP, which is the level set by Parliament that the nation must not surpass," he added. This shows that the situation in Malaysia is not what it seems. There is more to it than meets the eye where economic figures are concerned. Besides, statistics are always debatable. One can always present one set of figures to debunk another set of figures. Meanwhile, the federal government is daily issuing statements proclaiming the healthy state of the nation's economy. Does this sound reassuring? Be that as it may, Najib is cornered where the general election date is concerned and it is due to his own doing. He has lost the element of surprise in the game that he himself initiated. Henceforth, the polls can be held anytime and Pakatan Rakyat is now standing ready. Also, the Royal Commission of Inquiry set up to look into the problem of the illegals in Sabah obtaining citizenship needs six months to complete its work and the same can be said of the Oil Royalty Payments Committee. Both the RCI and the Oil Royalty Payments Committee will only complete their work next year. Lacking innovative ideas The federal government is also lacking innovative ideas on running the nation. When Pakatan or the rakyat bring up an issue, sometimes the government will respond and react. Otherwise, there is total silence as in the case of the dirty electoral rolls. Nothing exciting or awe-inspiring is coming from the BN leaders.
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