Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Rakyat Voices 3: Firewall Your Vote
- Najib’s Transformation Programme in fighting corruption a major wash-out
- Who lied – Najib/Muhyiddin or Chua Soi Lek? Or all three?
- The UMNO General Assembly 2011
- Liberal, Muslim, feminist, and comfortable
- Will PR be better than BN?
- Malaysia in the Era of Globalization #91
- Richer Than The Queen! Top TV Coverage In Canada, As Taibs’ Wealth is Exposed
- Race-based ideology and Islam: The Malaysian enigma
- Why does Umno fear DAP so?
| Rakyat Voices 3: Firewall Your Vote Posted: 04 Dec 2011 06:53 PM PST The Election terrain is not flat, that much we know - Putrajaya has just over 6,000 voters, Kapar 112,000 or 17 Parliamentary seats difference between the two. Much has been reported of late about the suspicions over tampered electoral rolls, sudden spikes in the number of voters in certain constitutencies, and shifting forms of phantom votes. Those are issues being battled at the institutional level. What about us as individuals, what can we do? More importantly, on Election Day, how do you ensure your vote gets a safe passage all the way into the final count? This Saturday, learn about your rights as a voter under the Election Laws. Tindak Malaysia, a voter's rights advocacy group, will present important facts about the General Elections and the pitfalls which may come in your way as a voter. What's fact and what's myth?
|
| Najib’s Transformation Programme in fighting corruption a major wash-out Posted: 04 Dec 2011 10:13 AM PST The TI-M statement is incorrect. In fact, Malaysia's 2011 TI CPI ranking is the worst in 17 years since the introduction of TI's annual CPI in 1995. In the nine years from 1995 to 2003, Tun Dr. Mahathir as Prime Minister saw Malaysia's TI CPI score stuck in the narrow groove between 4.8 in 2000 to 5.32 in 1996 while the CPI ranking fell 14 places from No. 23 in 1995 to No. 37 in 2003. (10 is highly clean while 0 is highly corrupt) In the five-year premiership of Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, Malaysia's TI CPI ranking fell 10 places from 37 in 2003 to 47 placing in 2008, while the CPI score stuck between 5.0 to 5.1. In his 2 ½ years as Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak presided over the worst TI CPI ranking and score for Malaysia on many fronts, viz:
There was no mention or reference to the worsening TI CPI ranking and worst TI CPI 2011 score for Malaysia by anyone, whether leader or delegate, in the UMNO General Assembly, although the results were announced on the same day as the UMNO Presidential Speech by Najib Razak last Thursday.
|
| Who lied – Najib/Muhyiddin or Chua Soi Lek? Or all three? Posted: 04 Dec 2011 10:11 AM PST When these lies and poison failed to achieve the desired public and political impact with the approach of the 13th General Elections, UMNO strategists became more irresponsible, reckless and desperate. In the past week, these lies and poison became the staple diet of UMNO leaders in the meetings preparatory to and during the sessions proper of the 65th UMNO General Assembly, with the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak and Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, in their capacities as UMNO President and UMNO Deputy President giving their personal stamp of approval by adopting and retailing these lies and poison to sway votes in favour of UMNO in the coming polls. Culminating in Muhyiddin and Najib, one UMNO leader after another in the past week have taken to the public pulpit in a carefully-orchestrated campaign to demonise the DAP and frighten Malay voters with the lies that the Malays will lose their rights and power should Pakatan Rakyat win more federal seats in the next general election, or in the words of the UMNO information chief Datuk Ahmad Maslan, "the Malay language will be lost, say goodbye to the Malay Sultans, Say goodbye to Islam because they (DAP) are agents of Christianisation". Muhyiddin was completely unabashed in playing the race card when he falsely accused the DAP of being anti-Malay, anti-Islam and anti-Malay Rulers, even telling the lie that the DAP's agenda is to establish a Republic in Malaysia. Muhyiddin made history as the only Deputy Prime Minister in the world who was caught out telling a bare-faced lie, for he had been completely silent to my challenge to him to substantiate his allegation that the DAP wanted to abolish the constitutional monarchy and establish a Republic. I had publicly said that Muhyiddin's "despicable, irresponsible, incendiary and seditious" allegation that the DAP's agenda is to form a republic is completely founded on a lie, particularly his rhetorical question to buttress his allegation: "If not, do they dare to suggest the prime minister's position be selected based solely on elections and without being chosen by the Yang di Pertuan Agong? What is the meaning of this?" (Muhyiddin quote)
|
| The UMNO General Assembly 2011 Posted: 04 Dec 2011 09:51 AM PST At the moment I am more interested to write about the recently concluded UMNO GA2011. Some people thought I treated the GA as a nonevent. Of course it wasn't. It wasn't a congregation of minds meeting to discuss how the real Malay agenda of uplifting them, their economics, and their future are being discussed. It wasn't that event. It was just an event allowing mediocre and uncultured minds to let out their own frustrations and sense of absolute fear. UMNO fears for its future. It was speaking about the UMNO agenda. Not Malay agenda. For those reasons- we must do the exact opposite. Deny these so called Malay leaders a chance to concentrate power. Its power which they shall apply to the misfortune of the majority of Malays and to the misfortune of this country. Give us power bellowed Najib because we want to continue with the agenda? Why wasn't the agenda, whatever it is, debated in that GA? Give us power intoned KJ so that the nikmat or tidings we enjoy with having power is kept. Nikmat to do what? To pillage and plunder? Instead it's an event of love fest and blood fest. This delegate loves Najib. That delegate says more about how Najib is the savior and all that. The agenda of the GA was actually to whip delegates into frenzy about how to defend UMNO and defend the life as the leaders and UMNO warlords have always known. It's the life of the leeching aristocrat feeding off the fears and hopes of the silent Malay majority. It's a life of living a lie pretending to fight for the interests of the majority and the interests of the nation. When KJ said that we have to defend UMNO because of tidings ( nikmat) that comes along with having power- that's the real weltanschauung of UMNO. That's its real raison-detre. UMNO exists to secure power so that through power they can do all the bad- corruption, pillage and plunder of the nation's wealth. As far as the Malay agenda is concerned, yes, the GA2011 is a non-event. It wasn't worth my mental effort to exert. Let me ask you why the real big issues are not and never discussed? Why do UMNO leaders have this self-conceited idea that it is when we, good people like ourselves hold power we can do more good that those evil in DAP, PAS and PKR and whoever else. The answer to this seeming paradox is this. I find it a pleasure repeating the seminal ideals of Milton Friedman in his preface to Hayek's The Road to Serfdom. In the passages which I marked with highlighter:-
|
| Liberal, Muslim, feminist, and comfortable Posted: 04 Dec 2011 08:45 AM PST But controversy surrounds Marina also because of her lineage — she is the eldest child of Malaysia's longest serving and controversial Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. In this exclusive interview with The Nut Graph in Kuala Lumpur on 23 March 2010, Marina talks about her childhood, her roots, and the Malaysia she wants to see in the future. The first version of this interview was published exclusively in Volume 1 of Found in Malaysia. TNG: When and where were you born? Marina Mahathir: I was born in Alor Setar, in 1957. I am just two months older than the country. [I was born in the] Alor Setar General Hospital and so were all my siblings. We used to live in Jalan Maxwell. At the back [were] the padi fields and the railway road. We lived [in the government quarters] until I was 10. We [then] moved to Jitra, [and we lived in government quarters] because [my mum] was the civil servant; my dad went into private practice quite early. In 1968 or 1969, we moved into our own house in Titi Gajah. Did the violence of 13 May 1969 touch Alor Setar? As far as I recall there were no riots. But there was fear. I remember the elections. I remember asking my dad, "So, did you win?" And he said, "No, I lost." And I couldn't believe it, because at that time he ran in Kota Setar Selatan. He lost to (former PAS chief) Haji Yusuf Rawa, who happens to be my mum's cousin, [but] not a first cousin.  Std 1A at St Nicholas Convent: Marina (second row, third from right), Standard One A at St Nicholas Convent, 1964 So you are related to PAS central committee member Muhajid Yusof Rawa? Yes. But it's not like we've ever met lah. On my mum's side, my grandfather is Rawanese. He came from Sumatera. We still have relatives in Sumatera. In 1968, our first overseas holiday was to Medan. A couple of years ago, after the tsunami, [my parents] went to Medan and visited all these relatives as well. My mum is very keen on all this, and she will keep track. So you can trace your ancestry on your mum's side. This is the million ringgit question: What about your dad's side? We don't know. My dad had these two older sisters whom he was very close to. The second sister, Mak Bibi, had a very good memory [about] all sorts of family connections. But unfortunately, she passed away first. The older sister — she's 10 years older than my dad, who is the youngest — was hard of hearing. She passed away last year.  Marina Mahathir giving a talk (1998) But there is a Malabari connection on your dad's side? Well, actually this was news to me recently. I have another aunt, [a close family friend] who is not directly related, [who] once told me where the family came from. I was quite young, so I didn't really take note. But it formed the impression in my mind that we must have come from the Eastern coast of India. But I never checked it out. It was only when I went for this aunt's funeral that I asked my cousins where they thought we came from. And that was the first time the word Kerala came up. I looked it up and I thought, "Eh, that's funny — it's on the Western coast [of India]." […] But then with ports, what does it matter? You get on a boat and then you go. And there are a lot of Keralans here — Hindus, Muslims and Christians — so there is a long connection between Kerala and here. So it's possible [to trace], but I wouldn't know where to start. Because this would be my dad's grandfather, my great-grandfather Tok Iskandar. […] Iskandar came over and married a local woman and had my grandfather, Mohamad, and at least one other female sibling…my father's auntie. So, I only know of one sibling [of my grandfather's]. But we don't know what happened to my great-grandfather, or our great-grandmother. Nobody knows her name. It's all [because of] very poorly kept records, or nobody thought of [keeping records]. So all these people who keep saying my grandfather's name was Iskandar Kutty — we don't know where that comes from. We've never heard the name. How does that make you feel, though, the way detractors discredit your dad by pulling this out? Many would consider it racist. Of course it is. And I think that's why he's so sensitive about it, because it [questions] his Malay-ness. I had this ex-schoolmate who used think it was funny, who still thinks it's funny, to make jokes and tease us for being keling. So it's a sensitive thing, because you're subjected to so much racism. [But] when I went back for my aunt's funeral, I looked at everyone around and it was quite clear that we all have sub-continental origins. My grandfather's mother was Malay, and he was brought up by her. And then he married a Malay, my grandmother, who is a Wan. Wans were palace[-connected], so that Wan side is well-documented. My dad's mum was Wan Tempahwan. Was Alor Setar very cosmopolitan [when you were growing up]? We had a mixed group of friends. My first best friend when I was in kindergarten was Ann Wong, who lived across the road. [I also went to] a convent [school]. A lot of Malays didn't want to send their daughters there, because takut jadi Kristian, kan? So in my class, I think there were no more than four Malay girls at any one time. When I was in Form Four, I went off to TKC (Tunku Kurshiah College). In Form Five, I sent a postcard back to my old school: "Good luck for MCE (Malaysian Certificate of Education), hope to see you all here." And that was a big faux pas, because obviously I wasn't going to be seeing the Chinese ones there. So apparently I upset a lot of people. But I really didn't think of it in that way. How has all of this, including the faux pas, shaped the kind of Malaysian you are today? I'm very sad. I don't understand all this segregation. I went through it when [convent schools were] English medium, and I know, for instance, that there was no attempt to convert anyone either way. At first I didn't want to go to TKC because it was single-race. And my dad got a bit upset about that. But [in the end] it was quite good in one thing. You know, early impressions can really get into your head. I had grown up with the impression that Malay [Malaysians] were not clever. I used to get first or second, but there's the impression that others are cleverer than you. So when I went to TKC, I saw Malay girls who had gotten 7As, 8As. Adakah? It really did something to your head. It's possible [to achieve this] — we're not genetically backward. So the positive aspect of that was good. The other idea I grew up with was that girls were not as clever as boys. It's only when I went to Sultan Abdul Hamid College (SAHC) — briefly in Form Four before going to TKC and then in Lower Six — that I realised that not all boys are smart. So sometimes you need this change of environment to open up the world for you. In TKC, I was exposed to a whole variety of Malays — all classes and all type of faces. The hitam legam and the putih melepak. The Mat Salleh type pun ada. It was quite diverse.
|
| Posted: 04 Dec 2011 08:32 AM PST That's no different from the public criticisms against the Barisan Nasional (BN) government over its Peaceful Assembly Bill 2011, which was passed by the BN-controlled Dewan Rakyat on 29 Nov 2011. Or is there a difference? Not just between the two political coalitions but also between how each understands basic human rights? Additionally, what does it all mean for us as citizens? International standards lacking The Penang FOI law has been criticised for not adopting internationally-accepted standards in guaranteeing freedom of information. For example, the law does not provide for proactive routine publications of information held by the government. Indeed, this is actually something that some government agencies under the BN federal government, such as the Statistics Department, the Department of Environment, and the Communications and Multimedia Commission are already practising. Six civil society groups have also pointed out that the Penang law has removed a clause that stipulates a penalty for any information officer who destroys, alters or withholds information or if she or he intentionally denies access to information. "Such a preventive clause is standard inclusion in most freedom of information bills worldwide, including the Selangor Freedom of Information Enactment," the groups said in a statement. The lack of internationally-recognised standards is also apparent in the BN's Peaceful Assembly Bill. Among others, the Bill, which has now been passed despite public objections, prohibits street protests. And as we already know, it also prohibits the participation of children in rallies, places too much power in the hands of the police and too many restrictions on rally organisers. What's the difference? So, what's the difference, from a human rights perspective, of having either a BN or a PR coalition in government? The difference, if I may venture to argue, is that with at least the PR governments of Selangor and Penang, there is some inkling about what human rights is about. The fact is, even though both the Selangor and Penang FOI enactments are imperfect and fall short of civil society groups' expectations, the new laws were enacted to improve transparency. Citizens in Selangor and Penang now have recourse to a FOI law within the state. Prior to this, any information including about air quality, the causes for landslides, and water concession agreements could be and has been kept from public scrutiny under the federal government's Official Secrets Act. Conversely at the federal level, the replacement of Section 27 of the Police Act with the Peaceful Assembly Bill is meant to make things worse. No matter if the federal government denies it repeatedly. For example, the Bill prohibits "street protests" when these kinds of protests are already legally recognised in Section 27 of the Police Act.
|
| Malaysia in the Era of Globalization #91 Posted: 04 Dec 2011 07:43 AM PST The first were the large and entrenched foreign-owned corporations (usually British) that essentially corralled the major sectors (the "commanding heights"), from plantations and mining to manufacturing and banking. Through their sheer size and well-established network, these companies ensured that their dominance was never threatened. They neither welcomed nor tolerated new entrants and competitors. The second group was made up of ethnic Chinese and Indian "mom and pop" retailers and sundry merchants. Their enterprises were small family affairs. They too protected their economic turf ferociously. They effectively controlled their domain through their clan organizations, often using extralegal means to enforce their code. The "triad" organizations of secret societies are manifestations of this phenomenon. Between the ethnic retailers and the major colonial corporations, the economy of Malaysia was essentially "locked up." They imposed stiff and insurmountable barriers to new entrants. In short, despite the government's commitment to a free market, the economy was far from being free. The game was rigged. Had there been enterprising and competent Malays, they would have been effectively shut out. Even a super entrepreneur like Ted Turner or someone with a Harvard MBA would have a tough time cracking in an honest way such a closed and rigged system. Much had been written in the past on the supposed lack of business acumen of Malays. The residuum of that thinking still exists today. Had a careful analysis been done, the fault would lay more with the prevailing economic system. It had all the trappings of a free market but the reality was far different. As a result the system actually perpetrated and aggravated existing inequalities while protecting the prevailing monopolies and monopsonies. Apart from the ensuing inter racial hostilities, such inequities also retarded economic growth. This was not unique to Malaysia. Forty years later the Harvard economist Robert Barro empirically showed that such high levels of inequality, especially in a poor country, reduce economic growth. Perversely, in rich countries like America, such inequities encourage growth. In the 1960s Malaysia was a poor country. Tunku's misguided strategy and his denial of the aggravating inequities culminated in the country's worse race riots of 1969. Tunku's knowledge of free enterprise was gleaned only from the lecture halls and libraries of Cambridge; he had no real life experience of the free market. His entire career before entering politics was in the civil service. Fortunately for Malaysia, Tun Razak, Tunku's successor, intuitively knew what Barro and other economists would later discover. He ignored the conventional wisdom and intervened in the economy aggressively through his New Economic Policy. This massive social engineering initiative upended the entire economic and business scene in Malaysia, effectively leveling the economic playing field. His interventionist policies resulted in Malaysia becoming more of a true free market. Tun Razak's interventions succeeded because he did not take the economy away from free enterprise system and free market rather he pushed it towards those goals. As a consequent, the nation is far better of today than it was a generation ago. Thus many of the criticisms leveled at the free enterprise system are in reality criticisms of highly controlled economy that are masquerading or having the veneer of a free market. There are of course valid criticisms and imperfections of the free market. By appealing to the lowest common denominator (that is, the most profitable), capitalism threatens traditional values and indirectly also our freedom. American mass media, being commercial enterprises, depend on advertising for their revenue; the higher the ratings, the bigger the revenue. Thus programs that offend one's sensibilities continue to be aired because they garner high ratings. This coarsening of mass culture through the media may encourage some to argue for government intervention. However I prefer a market solution first, as illustrated by the following example. A few years ago one of the popular comedy shows wanted to break new grounds. The producers wanted to "out" the hostess's homosexuality by showing her kissing her lesbian lover. An outraged public led by some church leaders initiated a mass boycott of not only the station but also the show's sponsors. It was very effective; the series was terminated and the star dumped.
|
| Richer Than The Queen! Top TV Coverage In Canada, As Taibs’ Wealth is Exposed Posted: 04 Dec 2011 05:57 AM PST During a prime-time slot aired on Saturday night's 16X9 programme, investigative reporter Sean O'Shea focused on the massive property portfolio that has been developed in Ottawa, London and the US under the name of Jamilah Taib, the Chief Minister's oldest daughter [see 'Family Trees' 16X9 Global TV]
This means that for the first time the questions about the money laundering of Taib's corrupt kickbacks have been publicly raised in North America. In response Sean (Hisham) Murray, Jamilah's husband, threatened Sarawak Report. he stated "Jamilah and I find these statements about ourselves and our business false, highly defamatory and very damaging." However, the couple refused to be interviewed by the programme. Devastating report on the Taib family's company ownerships The show was aired just before the publication of a separate, devastating 'blacklist' of Taib family companies by Switzerland's Bruno Manswer Foundation, now available online. BMF's Stop Timber Corruption Report lays out extensive research into the Taib family's company ownerships in Sarawak, Malaysia and elsewhere. It establishes that Taib and his immediate family (his children, siblings and cousin Hamed Sepawi) have beneficial shares in more than 400 companies in Malaysia alone. In many of these companies they also act as the controlling directors. The Taibs also have a further 80 companies in 25 countries across the world including Australia, the UK, US, Canada, New Zealand, Jersey, Hong Kong, British Virgin Islands, Fiji, Cayman Islands, Indonesia, India, Jersey, Saudi Arabia, Labuan, Cambodia, Brunei, China, Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Thailand, United Arab Emirates and Vietnam ! Richer than the Queen – assets of at least one and a half billion US dollars !
BMF acknowledges that this research only covers publicly available information from Malaysia's Register of Companies and other official company registers. This means it is likely to represent just a fraction of the Taibs' actual wealth. However, by calculating just the share values of 14 of the major companies on this list, they have estimated a total worth of one and a half billion US dollars (4.6 billion Malaysian ringgit). Not counting their more hidden wealth, this puts the Taib family firmly into the category of one of the richest families in the world and makes them far richer than the Queen of England (whose assets are a mere half billion pounds). Proceeds of corruption Given that it can be clearly demonstrated that the majority of these Taib family companies have made their wealth from the receipt of contracts from the Sarawak State Government and land grants from the Sarawak State Government, it is impossible to deny that this wealth has come from the proceeds of corruption by Taib, who is Chief Minister, Finance Minister and Planning Minister of the Sarawak State Government!
|
| Race-based ideology and Islam: The Malaysian enigma Posted: 04 Dec 2011 05:51 AM PST UMNO's Deputy President Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin further affirmed this race-based ideology by saying that "it is vital" to protect "Malay political power."[2] He justified such ideology by painting the picture that the interest of the Malay race, given its demography in the country, dictates the well being of the whole nation. "[W]hen we talk about Malay interest it does not mean we are racist because the largest group in the Malaysian society whether you like it or not is still Malays, Bumiputeras and Muslims."[3] Seeing 'Malays', 'Bumiputeras', and 'Muslims' being juxtaposed next to each other certainly stirs up curiosity as to what actually has the third group (Muslims) to do with the other two:
It is common understanding among theologians and scholars of comparative religions that Islam promotes racial equality. One of the clearest indications of this is in the fact that Allah's Prophets consist of individuals from different races. There is no distinction made among them:
Not all of these messengers are Arab, yet all are considered equally authoritative. There is simply no relevance to their prophethood whether they came from the Jewish, Arabian, or any other race. Besides the Prophets, there are also Qur'anic teachings concerning equality of humankind:
Here, the Islamic Scripture teaches that all ethnic groups are created in the same way, and bear close ties to one another. Reflecting on this, Abd-al'Aziz 'Abd-al-Qadir Kamil, Professor at the University of Cairo and Minister of Waqfs and Azhar Affairs of Al-Azhar University, commented that: "God […] commands us to fear two things: God and 'the wombs' (al-arham). 'The wombs' refers here to the human bond that links all men, however remote they may be from each other in space or time, and however unlike they may be in language and colour, and however much they may differ in economic or social position. We are charged to fear God's commands, and this applies first and foremost to the observation of human brotherhood on the widest scale…"[4] At another place of the Qur'an, we find similar teaching:
Although it is commonly interpreted that this passage is talking about race, some said that it actually refers to 'tribes' and not 'race'. Responding to this, Paul A. Hardy, who lectured on Islamic thoughts at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the Universityof London, remarked that there is no difference between tribe and race in this passage. He pointed out two early Islamic commentators—the eighth century C.E. Sufyan ath-Thawri and the tenth century C.E. Tabari—who understood this verse as reference to genealogy.[5] In other words, this verse is indeed referring to race. It describes the creation of the various ethnic groups with their own genealogy. No race or genealogical lineage is declared superior or should be favoured than others. The only superiority is that of piety, between those who are loyal to Allah and those who are not—Not between those who are Malay and non-Malay, Bumiputeras or non-Bumiputeras. Besides, this verse also states that the diversity of races is intended for mutual learning ("that you may know one another"). The instruction to cultivate multi-racial learning is understood by Hardy as "a motivating force for mutual love."[6] If this is followed, then this further undermines the ideology that one race is or should be more favoured than others. Turning to the Hadith, we find in Prophet Muhammad's Farewell Sermon his conviction of racial equality: "All mankind is from Adam and Eve, an Arab has no superiority over a non-Arab nor a non-Arab has any superiority over an Arab; also a white has no superiority over black nor a black has any superiority over white except by piety and good action."[7] The Prophet has a deep sense of racial impartiality. Probably this is the reason why he condemned those who claim supremacy over others because of their ancestral-racial lineage:
|
| Posted: 04 Dec 2011 05:44 AM PST The torrent of abuse that the DAP drew from speakers, both prominent and obscure, at the ongoing Umno general assembly testifies to this reality of leaders or parties weighing in the political balance in ways disproportionate to their strength in terms of membership or representation in legislatures. Higher Education Minister Khaled Nordin (left), expected to be menteri besar of Johor after the general election, acknowledged this reality when he speculated on the reasons why speakers at the Umno assembly targeted the DAP with special venom. Deputy Prime Minister and deputy president of Umno Muhyiddin Yassin led the way in his address to the youth and women wings of the party where he branded the DAP as anti-Malay, anti-Islam and anti-royals.
Umno's protection of royals has been proven to be expedient rather than principled. Nevertheless, Muhyiddin had no hesitation in inducting them into the trinity of DAP's alleged abjurations because that way, it would make the opposition party especially worthy of Malay opprobrium. Muhyiddin's strictures set the cue for the rest of Umno to engage in a round of DAP-bashing the like of which has seldom been seen before in Malaysia's race-warped politics. Subterranean fear Though Khaled offered reasons for the DAP-centred ire of Umno delegates – that the party is seen, realistically or imaginarily, as the dominant force in the Pakatan Rakyat coalition and that its partners, PAS and PKR, are viewed by Umno as beatable – he only touched the surface of the fears that Umno harbours towards the DAP.
In sum, he has been a success in the last three-and-a-half years of his tenure and, if things continue the way it promises, his success would be more undeniable and would resound throughout the country. That would only do more good to the idea that a DAP-fueled Pakatan would not be what Umno want Malays to think it would, which is that is a disaster for the Malays, their religion and rulers. The dispelling of that fear scares Umno stiff – for good reason.
|
This trinity of the DAP's alleged antipathies sums up what Umno construes as its raison d'etat, although given what had happened as recently as two decades ago, Umno cannot really be said to be for the royals.
Left unspoken is the subterranean fear that in Lim Guan Eng (right in photo) at least, the DAP may have a leader that ordinary Malays would eventually acknowledge as worthy of support for reasons that help explain Umno's slumping popularity: he has run a frugal and clean government in Penang enabling the administration to adopt the welfare aspects of a social democracy that are bound to impact beneficently on poor Malays; and he is presiding over an impressive revival of the state's industry through increased FDIs.| You are subscribed to email updates from Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
| Google Inc., 20 West Kinzie, Chicago IL USA 60610 | |
0 ulasan:
Catat Ulasan