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Posted: 24 Nov 2011 08:56 PM PST

By Farish Noor, NST

Those who look up to Ibrahim Libya, who died in the Memali violence, exhibit a lack of knowledge.

LAST week, a curious news item caught my attention. It was reported that some activists wanted to organise a convoy to the village of Memali in Kedah, presumably to visit the site where the fiery orator, Ibrahim Libya, was killed in November 1985.

Though I am not certain of whether this convoy was a success, I was, nonetheless, amazed that more than two decades later, there are still some who regard the man as a hero of sorts. Perhaps the reason for this lies partly in their lack of knowledge of who the man was, and what he was fighting for then.

Memali was the scene of what is probably the worst instance of state versus opposition violence in recent Malaysian history. Charok Puteh/Memali was then a small, poor village. A majority of its inhabitants were Malay farmers and rubber smallholders.

Like many other small rural communities whose income depended on the world rubber price, the people of Charok Puteh and Memali were hard hit by the drop in commodity prices and high levels of inflation during the 1970s. It was here that ustaz Ibrahim Mahmood settled and built his madrasah.

Ibrahim was a well-known ulama in Kedah who had studied at various madrasah and seminaries such as the Dar'ul 'Ulum Deoband in India and al-Azhar University in Cairo.

He had also studied at the University of Tripoli (hence his nickname, Ibrahim Libya).

Upon his return to Malaysia, Ibrahim worked as an official in the dakwah department of Pusat Islam in Kuala Lumpur. He was expected to help rationalise many of the government's policies on Islam and Muslim concerns.

One of his tasks was to persuade the young Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia leader, Anwar Ibrahim, who was detained at the Kamunting detention camp, to support the government. (This was later documented in C.N. al-Afghani's 1998 book, Rakyat Makin Mantang, Baling: Corak Memali.)

Ibrahim Libya grew more determined to propagate his understanding of Islam, which was not entirely compatible with Pusat Islam's interpretation.

He quit the capital and returned to his village of Charok Puteh. He-re, Ibrahim opened his own school, Madrasah Islahiah Diniyyah. He became an active Pas member, in particular Dewan Pemuda Pas Kedah. In time, he gained a large following and his madrasah became a centre for political activities as well as Islamic teaching.

The ustaz was well known for his fiery rhetoric and strict code of discipline: on several occasions, he punished (by caning) not only his younger students, but also the older ones (who happened to be married men).

He was invited to speak on Islamic matters on national television, and also engaged in discussions with state ulama and religious functionaries.

However, his own defence of Islamist politics and Pas was soon articulated through oppositional dialectics that drew a dividing line between "authentic" Muslims and the non-authentic Islam of the munafikin (hypocrites).

Ibrahim lamented the fact that Islamists in Malaysia were not willing to engage in an all-out jihad against the government.

In 1984, the government decided to act against Ibrahim.

An arrest warrant was issued and he was to be detained along with other Pas leaders, including ustaz Abu Bakar Chik and ustaz Bunyamin Yaacob for allegedly advocating the use of violence. He refused to accept the charges and condemned the Internal Security Act as un-Islamic and oppressive.

Unlike the other Pas leaders who were caught and detained, Ibrahim escaped with the help of his students. The stalemate continued for more than a year, until his death in 1985.

Notwithstanding the circumstances of his death, it ought to be noted that Ibrahim was hardly a moderate by anyone's standards then, even those of Pas.

His speeches called on his supporters to oppose the state, citing examples from Iran and Pakistan.

He also reminded his followers that should they die in the cause of his struggle, they would all die as martyrs, though. in his own case, he initially refused to accept the terms of his arrest, and promptly ran into hiding.

I raise this issue now only because of the recent debates about Malaysian history and the fact that so many scholars have bemoaned our lack of knowledge of the past. It is difficult enough to stomach claims that we were never colonised, or that national heroes could be seen as criminals, and vice-versa.

In the case of Ibrahim Libya, the testimonies and speeches of the man himself were well documented, and are available.

His own words tell us what the man was like, and it was hardly surprising that, during his own time, he was shunned by many of his peers and friends for taking things too far.

My only advice to the younger generation of activists today would be this: while a thorough and critical reading of our past is always welcomed, and forever needed, let us also be cautious not to distort the past for the needs of the present.

Ibrahim Libya was the man who once asked: "Di Malaysia kenapa tidak boleh wujud angkatan yang berani mati?" (Why is it that in Malaysia, there is none who is willing to die?).

In the end, it was Ibrahim himself who paid the price for his overheated rhetoric, but not without taking some of his unfortunate followers to the grave with him, too.

‘What happened to Malaysia?’

Posted: 24 Nov 2011 02:17 PM PST

How is it that the cost of so many basic food items and day to day consumable items end up being so much more expensive in Malaysia compared to Singapore?

How is it that the cost of so many basic foods and day to day consumable items end up being so much more expensive in Malaysia? "A Malaysian earning peanuts in Malaysia can't even afford to smell any peanut butter…SGD10 in Singapore goes a lot further than RM10 in Malaysia!" says my niece.

By Mimi Chih, Free Malaysia Today

How does one measure the success of a country? To the people, it is reflected in their overall standard of living.

Not every country is lucky enough to have a team of intelligent people whose passionate objectives drive them to make their country a better place to live – for everyone.

Singapore is one such country. Today this island republic has one of the highest standard of living in Southeast Asia.

When Tunku Abdul Rahman decided to expel Singapore from the Federation of Malaya leading to its independence on Aug 9, 1965, the world did not expect this tiny island republic with a population of 1.8 million then to stand tall as one of the original Four Asian Tigers, along with Hong Kong, South Korea and Taiwan 46 years later.

Which Malaysian could have imagined that some 46 years after the split, Singapore's exchange rate to the ringgit would hit a dizzying rate of RM2.41 (as at Nov 11, 2011)?

The last time the Singapore dollar (SGD) was almost on part with the ringgit (RM) was in August 1972 when SGD 100 was equivalent to RM100.10.

For an average wage earner in Singapore, making SGD2,500 a month, going for a 10 days holiday to the US or Australia or Europe once a year is a relatively small matter.

Annoying issues

So what happened to Malaysia? In 1965 when Singapore was expelled, Malaysia had everything that the island republic glaringly lacked – ample land, a plethora of natural resources, an operating government, and 9.3 million people.

Unfortunately, in the 46 years that has come to past, Malaysia has been bogged down by a number of issues which are clearly distracting the government from doing what it is supposed to be doing.

The ruling government (Umno-Barisan Nasional) in Malaysia is debating whether education in English would be significantly beneficial to the rakyat.

The opposition PAS is vehement in wanting to forcibly implement the hudud laws and banning Elton John from performing in Malaysia because of his sexual orientation and the Obedient Wives Club's proposition that Muslim women should be obedient and strive to approach sex with their hubbies not just on a physical level but on the higher spiritual realm.

Then there are also questions posed to DAP's national chairman Karpal Singh by MCA's leader Dr Chua Soi Lek.

Chua wants to know whether a non-Muslim should first convert to Islam if they wanted to be deputy prime minister should Pakatan become the ruling government.

These are just a handful of endless annoying issues which Umno has had to deal with on a daily basis.

RM pales to SGD

In 2011 Singapore's population stands at 5.18 million (63% are Singaporean citizens while 37% are permanent residents).

Malaysia's population as at July 2011 is 28.73 million. Without getting into advanced mathematical calculations, one would deduce that economies of scale would be more achievable in the country that has 28.73 million people versus 5.18 million.

But this is not the case.

The cost of living is relative to the ability to earn. Lets establish the value of currency in terms of the wage rate (Malaysia does not have a minimum wage rate yet).

In Singapore the average general worker such as a merchandiser in a supermarket or department store or the cashier serving you at Mc Donald's earns SGD5.50 – 6.00 per hour.

In Malaysia similar positions start at RM4 – 6 per hour.

But take a look at how much things cost in Malaysia. A kopi si peng (iced coffee) costs between SGD0.90 to SGD1.20 in clean coffee shops or food courts in Singapore.

In Malaysia the same kopi si peng in coffee shops or food courts costs RM1.80 to RM2.00.

A Chinese roasted duck costs SGD18-25 each . In Malaysia, at the market rate of RM48 per bird, eating roasted duck is a luxury.

READ MORE HERE

War drums at PKR congress

Posted: 24 Nov 2011 06:52 AM PST

The weakest link in the opposition grouping has seen its support falling since the 2008 polls

The public's perception of PKR's ketua umum is not all that promising. A survey conducted by International Islamic Universiti concluded that Anwar, Kelantan Menteri Besar Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat and Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng had declined in popularity.

By Zubaidah Abu Bakar, New Straits Times

PARTI Keadilan Rakyat convenes its annual meeting from today with a focus on the 13th general election. Its eighth national congress at Pulai Springs Resort, near Johor Baru, will show if PKR, an adolescent among the country's much older mainstream parties, is ready to face the national polls.

De facto leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim will not miss the opportunity to rally his troops.

His wife and party president, Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, will delve into election issues in her presidential speech tomorrow, steeling delegates and party members to face opponents.

Other senior leaders are expected to sing the same tune during the congress, themed "Demi Rakyat", or "For the people".

Besides the need for proper screening of election candidates to avoid a repeat of defections later, speakers will focus on issues relating to the young, the working class and cost of living that had won the party votes in 2008.

If people are expecting the congress to make an official stand on Anwar's position in the event he is found guilty of sodomy, they will be disappointed.

PKR secretary-general Saifuddin Nasution Ismail said the party would remain silent on a scenario without Anwar, although he did not rule out debaters raising the issue.

No motion will be tabled on this, he said, as the mood was more about the impending general election. The congress would be on the future of PKR, election preparations and seat allocation among the party's allies, Pas and DAP, he added.

The congress is where the sound of war drums is to be notched up since it is likely to be the last before the general election.

But PKR's setback is its sliding support since the last general election. Anwar's aura as prime-minister-to-be has been reduced by his sodomy trial and video clips of alleged sexual impropriety.

The public's perception of PKR's ketua umum is not all that promising.

A survey conducted by International Islamic Universiti concluded that Anwar, Kelantan Menteri Besar Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat and Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng had declined in popularity.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak and his predecessor, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, on the other hand, were on the up.

The poll asked 1,500 Malay, Chinese and Indian registered voters how satisfied they were with the leadership qualities of the five.

In October 2008, 35 per cent of Malays, 33 per cent of Chinese and 41 per cent of Indian respondents expressed satisfaction with Najib. In July, the three ethnic groups' approval of him had increased to 59 per cent, 45 per cent and 62 per cent.

PKR may have won 31 of the 97 parliamentary seats in 2008, but this was mostly because of sentiment against the ruling Barisan Nasional at that time.

Looking at the many controversies in PKR, which seem never-ending, it is no wonder that voters who had once turned their backs on BN are returning to the coalition.

There have been fissures in the party, resulting in elected representatives jumping ship, leaders leaving and factions jostling over party posts.

Last year's stormy internal election, which was capped by the party's annual congress in Petaling Jaya, Selangor, was embarrassing.

The conflicts in PKR have weakened the party. The spate of resignations has led to its relegation to the second largest opposition party in Parliament with 24 seats to DAP's 29 and Pas' 23.

Open disputes between PKR representatives and those from the party's allies have also tarnished the opposition grouping.

Pakatan Rakyat's image as a united front has taken a beating, with a rising number questioning the opposition's ability to rule.

Many from the group of 2008 supporters have also become unpredictable.

They might stick to PKR if the party is more convincing, particularly in its ability to govern its crown jewel, Selangor.

It is for this reason that the congress, which kicks off with the Youth and Wanita meetings, followed by the main congress tomorrow and Sunday, will showcase anecdotal evidence of Selangor's success under the leadership of PKR's Menteri Besar Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim.

PKR is the weakest link in the opposition pact and the party leaders themselves have admitted to this.

The party is being kept alive by loyalists, with almost 500,000 registered members.

But party leaders know that support from members alone will not guarantee victory for PKR candidates. Party loyalists think PKR is special, in that its members are from diverse communities united in the pursuit of "justice, truth, equality and fundamental rights".

Others see the party as struggling to reach the masses, seeking to topple the BN government for its own advantage and fighting one man's political ambitions, that is, Anwar's.

PKR has not made any effort to move away from Anwar's shadow. Despite the emergence of young leaders, the party is still very much Anwar-centric.

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Jumaat, 25 November 2011

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

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