Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Online campaign against Erdogans
- Time to leave the CPM era behind
- Umno polls: Six file papers for three vice-president slots
- Pas willing to have dialogue with Umno on Islam, Malay
- Umno polls: Mukhriz's winning factor
- In Mukhriz, Zaid sees no trace of “Mahathirism”
- Decision on Chin Peng’s ashes: Umno polls a cause?
| Online campaign against Erdogans Posted: 21 Sep 2013 09:55 AM PDT
A defined lobby of young, educated and ambitious ulama in PAS are using the Internet in an unprecedented way to undermine the Erdogan camp ahead of the party election in November. The PAS election has not received the kind of publicity that the Umno election is getting but it is no less intense or critical for the future of the party. Almost all the top posts are likely to be contested and only Hadi is assured of winning uncontested at this point in time. Joceline Tan, The Star ZAHARUDIN Muhammad of PAS is apparently quite amused at being compared to Umno's Khairy Jamaluddin. He has been labelled as "the son-in-law" by some PAS members and it is not exactly a compliment. Zaharudin's father-in-law is none other than PAS president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang and the young ustaz has been accused of using his family ties to influence decisions in the party. Zaharudin has brushed off the allegations but "the son-in-law" of PAS has been the subject of much debate in the Internet among the PAS crowd. His detractors call him "Din Ayam" but it is easy to see why his father-in-law takes him seriously. Zaharudin was educated in Egypt and Syria; he speaks well and relies on facts rather than rhetoric to get his point across. He is a fierce defender of Hadi and has accused certain quarters in the party of trying to topple the president. He is also an ally of PAS Youth chief Nasrudin Hassan and deputy Youth chief Nik Abduh Nik Mat, whose father is Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat. They form the young and ultra-conservative cohort of PAS. Zaharudin is not a rising star in his party as some have imagined but he is definitely part of the group which wants to see the ulama reassert their dominance at the party election and muktamar in November. Intense challenge The PAS election has not received the kind of publicity that the Umno election is getting but it is no less intense or critical for the future of the party. Almost all the top posts are likely to be contested and only Hadi is assured of winning uncontested at this point in time. And like Umno, PAS is also going through a tug-of-war between those who want PAS to return to the good, old conservative ways and those who want the party to move on with the times. But the most intriguing part of what is happening in the run-up to the polls is the way the pro-ulama group are using the Internet to campaign and, quite shockingly, to accuse and malign the other side, namely the professionals or the Erdogans as they are known. PAS leaders have often denied that there is such a thing as "ulama versus Erdogans" in the party. They claim it was created by an imaginative media. But the rivalry between the ulama camp and the Erdogan gang is being played out in full view in Facebook and blogs. Some of the stuff posted will make you go OMG! The pro-ulama camp, normally restrained and publicity shy, is now the aggressor, doing the attacks, making accusations against the Erdogans and even promoting certain ulama personalities. And the warfare is most intense in El-Haraki, a fan page on Facebook. People in PAS pretend they do not read it, some even claim they have never heard of it, but all of them have been avidly following it because the kind of things posted on El-Haraki is something which has never happened before in PAS. The ulama are finally putting on their gameface for the big fight. El-Haraki is Arabic for "social movement" and the people behind it are believed to be the young Turks among the ulama who have been unhappy with the way the Erdogans have dominated PAS politics over the last decade. The Erdogan dominance was best epitomised by Mohamed Sabu winning the deputy president post in the last party polls while the three vice-president posts were won by non-ulama. The chief targets of the pro-ulama group are those they call the "kepala-kepala Erdogan" (Erdogan chieftains), namely vice-president (VP) Datuk Husam Musa, treasurer Dr Hatta Ramli, central committee member Khalid Samad and strategic director Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad. The pro-ulama group claim that the quartet are more concerned about Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's agenda than their own party's cause. They call the Erdogans "parasites," "Anwarinas" and "ular daun" (grass snakes), meaning they are the enemy within. But the most hurtful label of all has got to be "Umno agents". Their attacks are being carried out in the name of saving PAS and the president. They also imagine that Husam is about to make a bid for the presidency even though he has said he is defending his post. They have depicted Husam as a failed politician who has fallen out with the Kelantan palace and who is more interested in looking after his goats. There are lots of pictures of him cuddling and playing with goats. This group of people are evidently well connected. They posted a letter showing how Husam's name was crossed out in the proposed list of exco members for the new Kelantan government. The rejection came from the palace and the letter has been verified by Kelantan sources as authentic. It looks like the group is throwing everything but the kitchen sink at the quartet. Even a Hari Raya banner put up by the party's Batu division has come under attack because it did not include Hadi's picture. A recent posting blamed Husam and Dr Hatta for Pakatan Rakyat's failure to capture Putrajaya and various states. Smear campaign Everything the quartet said and did in the last few years has been dredged out to be scrutinised and presented as proof of their "betrayal". For instance, Instagrams of Dr Hatta flying to Kota Kinabalu in a private jet with Anwar and other Pakatan leaders are being used as proof of how close Dr Hatta is to the PKR leader, and he has been accused of preferring Anwar over Hadi as Prime Minister. Dr Hatta should have opted for an Air Asia flight – it would have been cheaper and less problematic. Excerpts of an interview that Khalid, who is also Shah Alam MP, gave to a business weekly have been interpreted as his alleged pluralistic tendencies. That is a big no-no for PAS, which regards pluralism as a branch of liberal Islam that could destroy the religion. They even claimed he had threatened to quit PAS if PKR's Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim was not reappointed Selangor Mentri Besar, which he has denied. There were also posters of PAS' Khalid in a church. The stunt won him praise from non-Muslims but has returned to haunt him ahead of the party polls. A previous remark by Dr Dzulkefly that PAS was ready for a non-Muslim as their deputy president is also being dragged out for airing. Khalid has defended himself in a three-part article in his blog but the rest have chosen not to respond. Those in the pro-ulama group are very protective of the top two – Hadi and Mursyidul Am Nik Aziz. Their motto is: "To be with the ulama in PAS is akin to being with the Holy Prophet. Whoever goes against the ulama, they are on the way to hell." Ulama figures like Kelantan deputy Mentri Besar Datuk Nik Amar Nik Abdullah, Youth chief and Temerloh MP Nasrudin Hassan, and a host of other hardline ulama get favourable coverage in El-Haraki. A top PAS official, anxious to absolve the top ulama leaders from all this, stressed that the Internet campaign is the work of "young and over-zealous" second echelon ulama and that the top ulama leaders are not involved. Even the party newsletter Harakah and the online Harakahdaily have not been spared. The two party organs have often come under pressure from the conservatives who claim that the ulama view is not well represented. The editorial team, in wanting to make the publications more interesting, tries to include news about other Pakatan parties but the conservatives think the party organs should be strictly about PAS and its ideology. Two of its editors, Rashidi Hassan and Zukifli Sulung, resigned after the general election and the latter is now working for an online news portal as its features editor. But Zulkifli was mistaken if he thought he would be able to report as he pleased. An article he wrote on the ailing Nik Aziz titled "Berehatlah Tok Guru" (Time to rest Tok Guru) has come under attack. It was a touching piece about how Nik Aziz had woken up in his hospital suite and asked to see Husam. But poor Zulkifli was accused of trying to promote Husam for the presidency and even of being his campaign manager. "The campaign is very hot this time," said Zulkifli. It is quite evident that the pro-ulama groups see Husam, Khalid, Dr Dzulkefly and Dr Hatta as the brains behind the success of the Erdogans. To defeat the group, they need to discredit the gang of four and that is what those behind El-Haraki are out to do. The old generation ulama of PAS do not believe in campaigning or promoting themselves. They prefer to pray and leave everything else in the hands of God. But the younger and Internet savvy generation who want the ulama to be in control are stepping up the game. However, PAS secretary-general Datuk Mustafa Ali has a word of caution: "Everybody should adhere to the campaign ethics. Please don't go overboard because in the past, people lost when they campaigned too much."
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| Time to leave the CPM era behind Posted: 21 Sep 2013 09:51 AM PDT
The death of Chin Peng has created a buzz about the relevance of the Red spectre in Malaysia, especially among Malaysian Gen Yers. But for over 80% of the Malaysian population aged below 55 (some 25,610,000 Malaysians) who would have been in their diapers or not born when the Emergency ended, Chin Peng remains a distant grandfather story or, at the most, an answer to an examination question. Hariati Azizan, The Star IT has been an educational week for finance manager Rita Wong* as she tried to find the answers for her 10-year-old son's questions. "He's always curious and this week it has been all about Chin Peng," Wong relates. "'Who is he, mum; why can't he come home; why do we have to be scared of his ashes?'" Wong, a 40-something working mother, says she has had to recall her history lessons in school but even then "most of the answers he is asking for are hard to give as I don't really understand it myself." Chin Peng, the Malayan-born guerilla who led a fierce Communist insurgency against the British in the peninsula after World War Two, and later against the government after independence, died early last week after living in exile in Thailand for more than two decades. He had fought alongside the British during the Japanese military occupation, but had started a fight to establish an independent Communist state here in 1948. Thousands were reportedly killed during the insurgency, tagged by the British administration as the Malayan Emergency, that lasted until 1960. Hence, even in death, his name still evokes much bitterness in Malaysia, as seen during the week in the media and social media network. "I can never forgive him because the Communists killed my grandfathers and uncles," says a marketing manager in his 30s. But for over 80% of the Malaysian population aged below 55 (some 25,610,000 Malaysians) who would have been in their diapers or not born when the Emergency ended, Chin Peng remains a distant grandfather story or, at the most, an answer to an examination question. With his death, many are saying it's time to also put the CPM ghost to rest, as can be seen in the comments in cyber space. "Does Chin Peng's death really matter?" writes secondary school student Tianqian Tong. "I thought he had died for years actually..." Like many young people, Tong does not see Chin Peng and communism as a security threat any more. "Chin Peng and the CPM are in the past, not in the present, neither will they be in the future. We are now free and independent," notes Tong. "Anyway, history is a lesson for the future – every single thing will be remembered. It will be good for us to learn that 'In the practice of tolerance, one's enemy is the best teacher'." A number of the comments in cyber space are also quite light-hearted and related to a topic that's very popular among Gen Yers these days. "His ashes could spread around the country and invade the body of every Malaysian. This could be worse than an alien invasion ..." says one in a long line of zombie jokes about the "Chin Peng ashes – to return or not to return" debate. A budding entrepreneur who only wants to be known as Amin admits that he finds the issue a tad confusing. "We all now want to 'make friends' with communist China and break into their market," he observes. Chin Peng and the CPM have not been a valid bogeyman for a long time, local theatre director and lecturer Mark Teh says. "Bogeymen are ghosts or phantoms. The reason we have them is to create an irrational fear in people," he opines. For many young people, the Emergency and communists are lumped together with the Japanese Occupation and fight for independence under the topic of "War in History", Teh points out. "Many do not know the difference. But it is not completely their fault that they are confused. It's because the history books present it in a sketchy manner. It is presented in a linear way that does not add up sometimes and discussions are not encouraged." This may have led to a thirst for information on communism among some, but not to the point where they want to stage a revolution, he adds. "They are intrigued by it because of the gaps in history but I don't think they are interested in the ideology or to embrace communism." Teh, who used to teach Culture and Society in Malaysia, had organised an "Emergency Festival" with a loose collective of young artists in 2008 to mark the 60th anniversary of the insurgency. It was an attempt to re-examine the documents, images and narratives of the Malaysian Emergency from the younger generation's perspective, he explains. "We saw many students participate because they wanted to create alternative spaces for themselves and answer the questions they have about this part of Malaysian history." Teh feels this is the underlying issue in the debate on Chin Peng and the CPM's role in the struggle for independence. "The argument is contemporary because it is really about people fighting for their own version of Malaysia now – and they are reclaiming a past, whether it includes the CPM, Chin Peng or a past that excludes their contribution or labels them only as terrorist," he says. Writer Zedeck Siew, in his 20s, agrees, saying that any interest in communism among the young is mainly due to the suppression of communism's place in history. "In the classroom, we had the impression of the communist as an evil, grimacing Chinese fellow creeping through the jungle, killing cops and citizens. People have realised that this is not a complete picture. "Those who want to learn about the CPM and Chin Peng are merely trying to find out more about the country's past," he reasons. Crucially, interest does not equal participation, he stresses. "Frankly, I just can't see my peers leaving their iPad, artisanal cupcakes and comfortable suburban warrens to join a people's Armed Struggle and subsist on rations." Women rights activist Smita E concurs, saying that young people now seem to be largely anti-ideological. "I base this statement on my observation that people don't read enough and don't have time to read big books and think big thoughts." What is true, however, is that young people are starved for local histories, she adds. "It's about alternative histories, not communism per se." Postgraduate student Ahmad Z also feels ideology rarely survives these days. "The grand narrative is history, though I believe young people see communism as a symbolic representation of change. "If there is a resurgence in interest, it is a romantic interest of communism in Malaysia but not in the sense that people are trying to revive it and to suddenly pick up arms," he says. Putting the academic input into the issue, Boon Kia Meng believes that for many young people, the communist armed struggle belongs in the annals of history now. "As Chin Peng mentioned in his memoirs, he was a man of his time and circumstances, where the world, in the immediate aftermath of the Japanese occupation, was overtaken by nationalist and anti-colonial movements and liberation struggles," explains the academic. "The armed resistance of the CPM was conditioned by those wars and the realistic options before them, in the context of British detention of firstly the Malay anti-colonial Left (a thousand were detained before the Emergency) and the crackdown on labour unions and political groups. The Emergency in 1948 was the culmination of British desire to secure their economic and geopolitical interests in the region. "The CPM, rightly or wrongly, decided on armed struggle in the face of such challenges." Today, conditions are very different, says Boon. "A measure of formal democratic institutions has prevailed, and capitalism is triumphant globally, including in so-called communist China. As such, the bogeyman of communist terror in Malaysia is no longer a plausible claim." In fact, he highlights, most left-wing political movements today are democratic grassroots movements or parties. "Just look at the elected governments of Bolivia, Venezuela and Ecuador, or even the growing popularity of the Greek radical left, Syriza (a likely winner in the next Greek elections) and the Occupy Wall Street movement. They are all non-violent, popular struggles." Ironically, even Chin Peng had noted the change of the times. Writing in his 2003 memoir My Side of History, he said: "A revolution based on violence has no application in modern Malaysia or Singapore... The youths who have known only stable governments and live in an independent age of affluence will find the choices I made as a teenager deeply puzzling... I was young in a different age that demanded very different approaches." He also stated that one of his final wishes was to "exchange views with young Malaysians nowadays to understand how history is shaped, exchanging ideas about how things move the world."
Open dialogue and reconciliation For many young people, an open dialogue on Chin Peng and communism is something they hope will happen now. Student Nik Zurin Nik Rashid says it might be difficult for them to feel the victims' experience but it will not hamper them from empathising. "To ask the current generation that live in ignorance of such an experience is like asking a Malaysian what it feels like to be at Auschwitz: they can't answer, and neither should they," says the 19-year-old who is currently an undergraduate in a university in Texas. The fact is that in the modern context, any way you look at it, the CPM is no longer around, she says. "The CPM is no longer the enemy for the simple fact that it does not, for all intents and purposes, exist as a cohesive force that mobilises the masses since it signed the armistice with our government in 1989. By that alone, they are no longer the "Number One Enemy" as much as the Russian Federation is no longer a de facto enemy to Nato or the US since the Soviet Union collapsed." Nevertheless, she does not believe the CPM deserves any form of pardon. "If Hitler is still unforgiven for his crimes, then I don't see why Chin Peng needs to be forgiven for his Red Terror campaigns during the Emergency. "To many, Chin Peng and his Commies will not be forgiven, and that is understandable." Alternative musician A. Nair feels that an open dialogue will help reconcile our nation with its painful past. "If we try to be politically correct all the time, we will not get any idea across. If the older generation gets upset about us not caring or being insensitive about what they went through, it is something we need to learn to understand. "But they also need to understand that it is not relevant to us now. We are moving towards a developed society, so we need to be more open and less sensitive."
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| Umno polls: Six file papers for three vice-president slots Posted: 21 Sep 2013 12:16 AM PDT
(The Star) - Two nominations for the Umno vice-presidency were turned in about an hour before the close of submission period for nomination forms, bringing the total number of people contesting to six. They were from Kedah Mentri Besar Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir and former Malacca Chief Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Ali Rustam.
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| Pas willing to have dialogue with Umno on Islam, Malay Posted: 20 Sep 2013 04:36 PM PDT
(NST) - Pas is willing to have a dialogue with Umno on issues concerning Islamic religious and Malay community on a condition that it is done based on four main references, namely Al-Quran, Hadith, 'Ijma ulama' and 'qiyas'. Its president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang said Pas had never shut its door for talks with Umno and stressed that the party was prepared to meet-up anytime based on issues and mutual interests. However, he stressed that the talks would only between Pas and Umno, without the presence of neither components parties from Barisan Nasional or Pakatan Rakyat. "We are ready to have talks with Umno on selected issues. Based on this spirit, we have never closed our door for Umno," he said after closing Muassasah Darul Ulum Islamic Education Carnival in Pokok Sena here today. |
| Umno polls: Mukhriz's winning factor Posted: 20 Sep 2013 04:33 PM PDT
Rahimah Ghazali, The Star Despite being born as a child of one of the most-renowned political figures in the country, Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir rise in Umno is based on his own merit, and not because of his father's influence. "He can't run away from the fact that he is the son of (former Prime Minister) Tun Mahathir Mohamad and he gained people's respect because of that - but they are two different personalities," Umno expert Datuk Prof Dr Ramlah Adam told The Star Online. Ramlah, who is also a political analyst from Universiti Teknologi Mara, said Mukhriz, 49, will make a great impact in Umno if he is elected as one of its vice presidents in the upcoming party election on Oct 19. "Although he is still considered young in politics, he already has the authority in (policy decision-making at state level) and people perceive him as educated and professional. "These are the traits that Umno should highly seek for, as it can open up the floodgates of young politicians to become the next in line in Umno before the next general election," she said. Mukhriz went against the odds when he announced his candidacy as an Umno vice-president Thursday, facing veterans such as former Malacca chief minister Tan Sri Ali Rustam and former Negri Sembilan Mentri Besar Tan Sri Isa Samad. The youngest among the pack, he also will be up against incumbent Umno vice-presidents, Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi, Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal and Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein. The trio has also formed a pact to work together to defend their positions at the polls. When asked whether Mukhriz was aligned to Ali and Isa to unseat the incumbents, another political analyst Datuk Prof Zainal Kling said the situation was unlikely. "The new faces are fighting individually to displace any of the incumbents, that is all," said Zainal, who is also a political analyst from Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris. All three incumbents, he said, are working hard to gain momentum on the ground and he said it is still not clear who would fall as each has a fair chance winning. "However, the weakest link would probably be Shafie, because he does not really stand out compared to the rest. "But you never know, he might make it through because there are delegates who want a representative from East Malaysia," said Zainal. He also said although Mukhriz had the advantage of being the son of a former premier, he has yet to prove his capabilities in both Kedah and Umno.
 "Being a son to Mahathir could be a winning factor, and he could win some votes from delegates from his age range. "I still don't foresee any changes at the top leadership. I think Hishammuddin, Shafie and Zahid will remain as vice-presidents," he said. Ramlah, however, had a different take, despite arguments suggesting that Mukhriz was not politically mature to make it through. "Mukhriz has every advantage to win because now he is a leader from Kedah, a state which holds strongly to the principles of Islam and he has the backing from the people," she said. She also compared Mukhriz's political influence compared to Isa and Ali, whom she said no longer have the authority in policy decision-making at the state or the federal level. "Although Ali is the chairman of Malacca Economic Consultative Council and Isa is a Felda chairman, they are not policy makers, unlike Mukhriz," she said. "I think it is time we give opportunity for young blood to rise up rather than maintain the old faces," she added.
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| In Mukhriz, Zaid sees no trace of “Mahathirism” Posted: 20 Sep 2013 04:28 PM PDT
(MM) - Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir found an unlikely supporter today in one of his father's more strident critics, Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, who urged Umno members to give the vice-president hopeful a chance in the coming party polls. Zaid, a former Umno man himself, said Mukhriz will provide "good balance" to the status quo and even dismissed talk that the latter's leadership would see a return to the era of "Mahathirism".
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| Decision on Chin Peng’s ashes: Umno polls a cause? Posted: 20 Sep 2013 04:24 PM PDT
Political analysts say the impending Umno polls is one of the reasons why Chin Peng's ashes is barred from being brought to Malaysia. Leven Woon, FMT While debates surrounding the government's barring of Chin Peng's remains from being brought home continued, political analysts attributed the looming Umno polls as one reason behind the government's harsh response. Center for Policy Initiatives chief executive officer Lim Teck Ghee and Merdeka Centre executive director Ibrahim Suffian concurred that Umno polls on Oct 19 had influenced the government's decision to prevent the return of former Malayan Communist Party leader's remains to his homeland. They also pointed out that the anti-communist sentiment had traditionally been inculcated in Umno, and that Umno wanted the public to subscribe to that value. Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak was quick to announce a blanket ban on the return of Chin's remains to Malaysian soil when he died on Sept 16, with Home Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Youth and Sports Minister Khairy Jamaluddin joining the pack in demonising the deceased communist leader later in the day. Lim said the ban was as a result of Umno leaders and supporters imposing their will on the government, and that Zahid's statement that the government would not allow any group to glorify Chin as an independence fighter was simply political bluster, ahead of the Umno general assembly. "Both Zahid and Najib have to be extra vocal and play the Malay card as much as possible to ensure that they do not lose out in the coming Umno general assembly. "Had Chin Peng died in the run up to the last election, they may have considered the impact on Chinese voters and could have softened the tone," he told FMT yesterday. Lim, however, said Umno would have refused "at all times" the request of allowing Chin's remains to return because it was part of Umno's political ideology to view CPM and its members "in the worst possible light." Lim said this was despite many historians – local and foreign – having acknowledged Chin as a true independence fighter who went against the British and Japanese.
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