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Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

A citizen’s right
Dirty Tricks Department and the 1969 elections — Ahmad Mustapha Hassan
Did Najib lie to the nation?
Gift or Nightmare for Najib?

Posted: 08 Mar 2013 05:01 PM PST

Mahathir Mohamad, http://chedet.cc/

1. It would seem that some people are unhappy over my continued involvement in politics. As a retiree I should just retire.

2. I did in fact plan to retire in 1998. But events at that time forced me to defer. When the conditions in Malaysia had been stabilised after the currency crisis, I announced my retirement in 2002. But I gave the assurance that I would continue to support the party at all times as my elevation to the highest office in the country was due to the support of the party. To me it is payback time.

3. Unfortunately, under the policy and practices of the government which followed, the healthy growth of the country was hampered. The effect is still felt today. More seriously the attempts to reduce the economic disparities between the races have been neglected. Although the election of 2004 resulted in overwhelming victory of the governing BN party, there were clear signs that the popularity of the Party was deteriorating after the 2004 elections.

4. The 2008 Election resulted in heavy losses by the BN. The government it formed was very weak and the opposition took advantage by raising racist and religious issues. Where before there was relative harmony between the races, now there is open confrontation. Affirmative action was viciously attacked by the opposition and the government had to give in. And now religious issues are being even more politicised.

5. Clearly the opposition parties are bent on doing away with the attempt to achieve fair economic participation between the races. Without affirmative action the disparities would increase. This will not be good for Malaysian stability or economic progress.

6. Although the opposition also have a lot of Malays, it has been amply demonstrated that they cannot handle even the administration, much less the complex resolution of the disparities between the races.

7. Some would say that as long as Malaysians do well, it does not matter what race they belong to. Unfortunately in Malaysia we all insist on becoming identified by our race. We all want to preserve our languages, our schools, our culture and even the environment we live in. If the Malaysians who do well are of one race and the poor are of another race, the race which is less fortunate will resent the economic disparity between them. This can lead to disunity and tensions between races. It may even lead to violence.

8. As a citizen I have every right to voice my criticism or to support action by political parties. When I find that the opposition rejects the NEP, I feel a need to voice my fears for the future of this, my beloved country.

9. As much as my detractors have a right to object to my continued involvement in politics, I have a right to hold a different view.

Dirty Tricks Department and the 1969 elections — Ahmad Mustapha Hassan

Posted: 08 Mar 2013 11:39 AM PST

In Kelantan, we had to identify PMIP strongholds and what tactics had to be used to curtail their influence and if possible to isolate these areas in a way that would stop them from being able to come out and vote. In the plan, suggestions were put that communication to and from these villages be cut off during election time — destroy bridges for example.

By the year 1965, I had completed five years service with the Kedah state government, the minimum period of service for state scholarship holders. I was therefore free to leave the service. I applied for a post at the Ministry of External Affairs and was accepted. I wanted national and international exposure. My last post in Kedah was as Secretary of the Sungai Petani Town Council which also involved overseeing all local councils in the District of Kuala Muda.

I had to undergo an interview with a Special Branch officer to get clearance to join the service. Although I got through the security screening, I did not join the service as I was persuaded to become the Political Secretary to Senu Abdul Rahman who was then the Minister of Information and Broadcasting.

It was a challenging job as not only had I to do political work for the minister, I was also at the same time doing some press work, writing for the Department of Information bulletin and also for Radio talks.

I was also elected to the Umno Youth central executive committee. The Umno Youth leader was my minister Senu Abdul Rahman and the deputy was Ali Haji Ahmad, my senior at the University of Malaya in Singapore.

I was tasked by Umno Youth to take part in various workshops to prepare the youth members for work in promoting government policies and agenda and also to prepare them for the general election. They should be well prepared to answer questions from the public on what the government was doing.

We targeted Kelantan in our political work as the PMIP was strong there. Most workshops were held there. During that period of time, we were not paid by the party to carry out these activities nor could we claim from the Ministry for doing outside jobs. We had therefore to carry out some ministry work in order to justify our claims. As political secretaries we were paid in total RM1,350 a month.

Thus the foundation for dirty tricks department was established. This department grew and grew till today and used tactics as dirty as they possibly could be. The current RCI in Sabah has given some insight into what could be achieved.

Mostly, the political work had been concentrated in the rural areas as Umno feared that the rural population would turn to PMIP as religious issues were being used as bait to attract support. Umno had been very secular and urbane during this period of time.

The lifestyle had been very liberal. Almost at every function, drinks were liberally served and the "joget' was a very popular form of dance. There was much gaiety and merry-making at all these functions.

Preparations were more or less progressing well towards achieving victory for the '69 elections. Prospective candidates for the State and Parliamentary constituencies were being finalised.

Did Najib lie to the nation?

Posted: 08 Mar 2013 11:24 AM PST

Najib is wrong in making unilateral claims that Sabah belongs to Malaysia when historical legal documents and agreements may indicate otherwise.

Vidal Yudin Weil, Free Malaysia Today

According to the Manila Accord signed on July 31, 1963 and registered in the United Nations as document No. 8029, then Malayan deputy prime minister Abdul Razak Hussein (late father of the present Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak) met up with foreign minister Dr Subandrio of Indonesia, and vice-president Emmanuel Pelaez of the Philippines in Manila for five days from June 7 to 11, 1963, to discuss about the status of Sabah.

Consequently, it was agreed in writing by former Malayan prime minister Tunku Abdul Rahman together with president Soekarno of Indonesia and president Diosdado Macapagal of the Philippines in paragraph 12 thereof:

"The Philippines made it clear that its position on the inclusion of North Borneo in the Federation of Malaysia is subject to the final outcome of the Philippines' claim to North Borneo. The ministers took note of the Philippines' claim and the right of the Philippines to continue to pursue it in accordance with international law and the principle of the pacific settlement of disputes. They agreed that the inclusion of North Borneo in the Federation of Malaysia would not prejudice either the claim or any right thereunder. Moreover, in the context of their close association, the three countries agreed to exert their best endeavours to bring the claim to a just and expeditious solution by peaceful means, such as negotiation, conciliation, arbitration, or judicial settlement as well as other peaceful means of the parties' own choice, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and the Bandung Declaration."

Subsequently on Aug 5, 1963 in a joint statement released to international media, the same also agreed in writing under paragraph 8 thereof:

"In accordance with paragraph 12 of the Manila Accord, the three Heads of Government decided to request the British Government to agree to seek a just and expeditious solution to the dispute between the British Government and the Philippines Government concerning Sabah (North Borneo) by means of negotiation, conciliation and arbitration, judicial settlement, or other peaceful means of the parties' own choice in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations. The three Heads of Government take cognizance of the position regarding the Philippines claim to Sabah (North Borneo) after the establishment of the Federation of Malaysia as provided under paragraph 12 of the Manila Accord, that is, that the inclusion of Sabah (North Borneo) in the Federation of Malaysia does not prejudice either the claim or any right thereunder."

It was undoubtedly stated from the above provisions of the Manila Accord and joint statement that:

the inclusion of Sabah into the formation of Malaysia is subject to the Philippines claim; and

the Philippines' claim on Sabah must be settled in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) run by the United Nations.

Therefore, until such time when the ICJ has decided, Malaysia does not have absolute ownership of Sabah.

Gift or Nightmare for Najib?

Posted: 08 Mar 2013 11:09 AM PST

Sabahans are now clearly paying for the sins of the much-touted Project IC or Project M (named after ex-prime minister Mahathir Mohamad), which opened the gates for illegal immigrants, thousands of them from the same Tausug community as the Sulu intruders, to become Malaysian citizens.

Kee Thuan Chye

The ongoing Sabah crisis could turn out to be the gift Prime Minister Najib Razak was hoping for to help his Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition to victory at the impending general election, which he has yet to call, or a ticking bomb instead.

In rejecting the ceasefire proposed by the Sulu Sultan whose followers landed in Lahad Datu more than three weeks ago to reclaim Sabah as their ancestral homeland, Najib has scored much-needed positive points. Already, even his detractors have expressed support for his stand. They now declare that for once, he is saying something "sensible", that they are agreeing with him "for the first time".

Some, however, are saying this is "the only right thing" he has done during the whole crisis. Nonetheless, if he manages to pull off a decisive victory over the intruders, votes, especially from fence-sitters, might actually drop to BN.

But Najib has to do it before the general election has to be held, the absolute last date for which is June 28. If the crisis is not resolved before the general election, his ineffectiveness as prime minister would be exposed. He needs to win the conflict decisively, like Margaret Thatcher won the Falklands War in 1982 and went on to resuscitate her flagging popularity at the UK general election the following year.

On that score, if there was indeed a conspiracy to stage the Sabah crisis as a gamble on the part of either BN or the Opposition, Pakatan Rakyat, to influence the election outcome, it would seem to have favoured BN more than it would have Pakatan. There's nothing like a war – or, in this case, armed conflict – to unite the people behind the Government against the common enemy. And victory would bring it even greater rewards.

On the other hand, however, the discerning ones among the electorate are aware that this is only the first time throughout the crisis that Najib is talking tough. Prior to this, his administration had approached the crisis in a manner that Malaysians found to be surprisingly too gingerly. The police instead of the army were entrusted with dealing with the situation, and talk in the form of diplomatic negotiations with the intruders rather than action to evict them characterised the first two weeks of the crisis. It was only when the intruders reportedly started shooting on March 1 that the Government was riled into action. But it cost the lives of eight Malaysian police officers that might have been saved if the Government had taken the offensive first.

This is something Najib and his government have to answer for. But more significantly, and going beyond just this crisis, is the larger reality that Sabahans are now clearly paying for the sins of the much-touted Project IC or Project M (named after ex-prime minister Mahathir Mohamad), which opened the gates for illegal immigrants, thousands of them from the same Tausug community as the Sulu intruders, to become Malaysian citizens.

This has become the biggest issue in Sabah and the focus of the ongoing Royal Commission of Inquiry to investigate it. What the current crisis has invoked are the ghosts of Project IC and their potential to haunt the genuine Sabahans for a long time to come. The future for the latter will be filled with the possibility of threat arising from further aggressive forays by the Tausugs, kin of the Suluks who have now settled in Sabah as citizens.

Given this terrible uncertainty, genuine Sabahans might face the dilemma of whether to continue supporting the ruling party that has brought this upon them or to vote it out of power. If they choose the latter course, the crisis might turn out to be a nightmare for Najib instead.

* Kee Thuan Chye is the author of the bestselling book No More Bullshit, Please, We're All Malaysians, and the latest volume, Ask for No Bullshit, Get Some More!

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Sabtu, 9 Mac 2013

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

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