Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- DAP’s Lims sweat over dissenters
- Rolling out a dirty carpet
- The PAS factor in DAP polls
- Insider — but not so correct — info
- Umno smiles as PAS grapples with moral policing issue
- Which way will the Malays vote? - Part 1
- A second chance for bankrupts
- Who is Deepak Jaikishan?
- Selangor Sultan: I'm on Rakyat's side
- As GE13 looms, parties get down to knocking on doors
- 1976 plane crash: The unanswered questions
| DAP’s Lims sweat over dissenters Posted: 11 Dec 2012 01:27 AM PST
Those familiar with the inner workings of DAP know too well that public displays of dissent against the party leadership have proven fatal to careers in DAP for some of the brightest young talents, such as current Wangsa Maju independent member of parliament Wee Choo Keong. Shahrum Sayuthi, NST All eyes will be trained on DAP this weekend as delegates, some severely critical of the party for failing to live up to its "democratic" name by twice delaying party polls, head into its congress in Penang to vote on who will lead the charge into the 13th general election. The cynics are not too optimistic that there would be anything new. It's hard to blame them as past experiences point to the central executive committee (CEC) line-up to be likely dominated by personalities aligned to party adviser Lim Kit Siang and his son, secretary-general Guan Eng. That the party had chosen to settle the issue of leadership so close to the general election seems to suggest an initiative to endorse the current batch of party leaders. It could very well be a means to snuff out any hints that the party suffers from a paralysis of democratic leadership due to the dominance of a few individuals, particularly the Lims. Those familiar with the inner workings of DAP know too well that public displays of dissent against the party leadership have proven fatal to careers in DAP for some of the brightest young talents, such as current Wangsa Maju independent member of parliament Wee Choo Keong. Wee was expelled from the party in 1998 following clashes with Lim Kit Siang and his lieutenants. The status quo, however, may be broken this time. Tongues are wagging that the results of the party's just-concluded women and youth wings' elections on Sunday intimate a shift of attitude at the grassroots level. Several candidates, considered by observers as proxies of top party leaders, including Guan Eng, had suffered losses to those who were aligned to "rebels" known for working more independently outside the CEC. Enroute to capturing the Youth Wing's top post, Bahau member of parliament Teo Kok Seong defeated Canning assemblyman Wong Kah Woh. Teo was backed by Negri Sembilan DAP chief Anthony Loke, who was the outgoing youth chief, while Wong was strongly lobbied by the powerful Perak DAP cousins, Ngeh Koo Ham and Nga Kor Ming, who are known to be close allies of Guan Eng. Teo's victory not only strengthens Loke's position in Negri Sembilan, where DAP is hoping to put up a strong showing in the general election, but also paves the way for the Rasah MP to win a seat in the CEC at the party's polls. Guan Eng's stature suffered a serious beating at the Youth Wing's polls when his political secretary, Ng Wei Aik, who is Komtar assemblyman, lost the important secretary post to Tan Hong Pin, the Johor youth chief. Tan is "the right hand man" of Johor DAP chief Dr Boo Cheng Hau, who is well-known for his independent stance and, unsurprisingly, not at all close to Guan Eng and his circle of supporters. The Johor opposition leader, highly popular among members, had been locked in a public internal battle against a group of party leaders in the state known to be backed by Guan Eng's faction. With his protege winning such an important post in the youth wing by beating Guan Eng's man, Dr Boo is expected to not only retain his CEC post, but probably even climb further up in the party's hierarchy, thus offering a serious alternative for the party's future leadership. Attempts to confine changes to within the circle of the Lim family's proxies also appeared to meet with resistance when even the highly prominent Teresa Kok lost to incumbent women's wing chief Chong Eng, who is Bukit Mertajam MP. Kok, despite the strong backing of the party's top echelon and her impressive credentials as the party's national organising secretary, Seputeh MP and Kinrara assemblyman, failed to impress the women delegates who preferred the older Chong at the party's first-ever women's wing's elections. Against this backdrop of simmering dissent against the party leadership's status quo, some surprises are likely this weekend. Former party vice-chairman Tunku Abdul Aziz Ibrahim is convinced that the results of the DAP youth and women's wings' polls justify the existence of differences of views within the party, especially on where members' loyalty should be placed. "It also shows that party members have their own views of the Lim family's domination of the party and the way it is being treated like a family property." Tunku Aziz, who was pressured to quit the party for his dissenting views on the Bersih 3.0 rally earlier this year, insists that there is "a lot of unhappiness" in the party. Nonetheless, he cautions that the dissenting faction in DAP still faces an uphill task to initiate changes within the party, despite their expected strong showing at the party polls. "The Lim family and their supporters will definitely fight back and, as proven in the past, DAP members with differing views will have to suffer for it."
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| Posted: 10 Dec 2012 03:40 PM PST
A carpet trader has reignited a firestorm with his promise to reveal more dirt about the behind-the-scene dealings surrounding the murder of Mongolian national Altantuya Shaariibuu. Free Malaysia Today Call it tragedy, comedy or tragicomedy, the Deepak drama has been unfolding on the national stage to the entertainment or horror of the audience. Here is a cast of characters that makes interesting reading for their role – direct or indirect – in a story that refuses to fade from national memory. It is a dark tale of murder, intrigue, conspiracy, threats, money – all the baser instincts that drive humans to commit deeds most foul. There is carpet trader Deepak Jaikishan, the bit player, who, seemingly stricken by conscience, dusted off the cover on Altantuya Shaariibuu and revealed his role in this sordid affair. According to his own admission, he was the one who persuaded private investigator P Balasubramaniam to retract his first statutory declaration about the murdered Mongolian national. He claimed he did it "on the behest of a female friend" and to protect the "interests of Najib Tun Razak". His confession whipped up a storm and threw the spotlight again on the scene of infamy. Balasubramaniam had made a second declaration which reversed the first one, which meant letting Najib off the hook. Najib, then the deputy prime minister, even swore on the Quran at a mosque that he did not know the Mongolian woman and had nothing to do with her murder. His political career emerged unscathed from the storm swirling around him and he went on to become the most powerful man in the country. A statutory declaration is a legal document and is similar to a statement made under oath. What is written in the document is as good as speaking the truth. Balasubramaniam's first declaration contained the most explosive revelation. In it, he implicated Najib in the murder of Altantuya, a tragic figure in the play. Deepak's admission of his involvement reopens the case because it implies that Najib is not innocent. The link to the murder meant that Najib knew the victim. Najib was the defence minister at the time when Malaysia was negotiating to purchase two French submarines. Altantuya, who was said to be working as a French translator, came onto the stage to allegedly help the Malaysian government buy the submarines worth some RM3.4 billion. She was reportedly playing the role of a broker with the French company for Abdul Razak Baginda, the political analyst, and Najib's close friend. Deep suspicion The Mongolian woman was supposed to pocket a hefty RM540 million in commission. She returned to Malaysia to allegedly hound Abdul Razak – her lover – for payment. Balasubramanaim was then hired by Abdul Razak to keep tabs on Altantuya's movements when she was in Kuala Lumpur. But she met a horrible death – blown to smithereens in a jungle clearing in Shah Alam. Who murdered her? This is what Deepak wants to know – and this is also what the whole country wants to know. Although two former policemen, once the bodyguards of Najib's wife, Rosmah Mansor, were found guilty of the heinous crime and were sentenced to death, the verdict did nothing to erase the deep suspicion surrounding the circumstances of Altantuya's death. What possible motive could have driven the two cops, who never knew Altantuya in all their born days, to snuff out her life in such a cruel manner? Abdul Razak, who was charged with abetting them, was let off without his defence being called but the nagging question remains: was there a conspiracy to cover up the blood stain?
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| Posted: 10 Dec 2012 02:59 PM PST
With the party's national election looming, DAP leaders are increasingly under pressure to stop being in denial mode over PAS' policies and start speaking out against their Pakatan coalition partner's Islamist agenda. "One thing is for sure. Whoever has been consistently against speaking up against Islamisation is going to get the our vote and whoever has been a consistently an apologist for PAS is going to get the door," said a veteran DAP delegate. Baradan Kuppusamy, The Star INCREASINGLY, PAS' excesses are having a harmful effect on the DAP whose leaders find themselves under heavy pressure to account for them. PAS' recent actions against non-Muslim couples for sitting in cars, walking in the park or having their hair cut by the opposite sex are some of the excesses that call the lie on DAP claims that PAS is moderate and liberal. DAP leaders have moved from an outright denial of PAS' excesses to lately claiming that overzealous officials in Kelantan are "sabotaging" Pakatan Rakyat with their summons' action and gender segregation. By extension they are saying that PAS itself is alright, but it is the officials who are spoiling the party's chances and hampering the coalition's march to Putrajaya. This comes at a bad time for the DAP, which finished elections for its Wanita section and Youth wing with focus shifting to the national election for 20 seats in the central executive council (CEC) next week. As the enlarged party hits the home run for the national election, chairman Karpal Singh, who is contesting, is figuring large for his strong opposition to PAS' policies. His opposition to hudud laws, criticism to gender segregation and summonses issue to non-Muslim couples have made Karpal a popular figure in the elections although state warlords are opposed to his "one-man one-seat" rule. Other DAP leaders have started to speak up against PAS, warning that these matters are better resolved quickly or the party risks jeopardising its ties with Pakatan. Some DAP leaders might be engaged in "electioneering" by voicing opposition to PAS' policies and at the same time upholding the rights of mainly Chinese delegates. Many contesting veteran leaders are unsure of how the votes will go in the party that has nearly trebled its base since 2008. But there are larger issues at stake in the sudden spate of DAP leaders speaking up against PAS' policies besides elections. They are genuinely exasperated with PAS for its sudden turnaround from advocating liberal policies to a return to harsh hudud laws at its recent Muktamar. PAS spiritual adviser Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat also dropped a bombshell by coming out strongly for hudud. That statement threw water over many DAP leaders, who secretly hoped for PAS to at least keep its liberal stand until the general election. With pressure mounting from non-Muslims, who are genuinely concerned over various PAS' policies, DAP leaders are under severe pressure. Party elections have made matters worse with delegates watching which leader would be for political expediency and who would be defending non-Muslim rights. DAP leaders are also opposed to the Nov 30 destruction of a Hindu shrine in Sungei Pelek where all of DAP's town councillors in the municipality have absolved themselves of any involvement, privately putting the blame on a PAS person for ordering the destruction. The shrine issue is deeply felt among DAP Indian members, who form about 20% of the delegates, and they are beginning to speak out against PAS for endorsing it, especially after MIC took up the issue. "One thing is for sure. Whoever has been consistently against speaking up against Islamisation is going to get the our vote and whoever has been a consistently an apologist for PAS is going to get the door," said a veteran DAP delegate. Gone are the days when the DAP leaders went around mouthing Islamic verses and the DAP rank and file applaud it, he added. "Today, delegates are all for cooperation with PAS but they want DAP leaders to speak out against its Islamist policies. "They want our leaders to tame PAS and keep non-Muslim rights intact," said the Perak delegate. In this respect Karpal's consistent opposition to PAS' policies has the DAP delegates' respect and admiration. "We are all for cooperation with PAS but PAS must know its limits in a multi-racial society," said a Negri Sembilan delegate. DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng broke his long silence and urged PAS to immediately resolve the summons issue to "avoid jeopardising ties with Pakatan Rakyat". Another longtime PAS apologist - Rasah MP Anthony Loke - has also caught on, urging PAS not to damage its "moderate" reputation. These DAP leaders fail to realise that a religious party like PAS has no concept of moderation or liberalism. PAS takes its rules from established religious edicts and if there is dispute, and there are many, they have a Ulama Council to rule. DAP leaders are finally learning that sleeping with a religious party for political expediency comes with a heavy price – you cannot control what PAS is going to say or do next and there comes a time when you cannot keep on apologising any longer. In this respect Karpal, who is alone among DAP leaders for his principled stand and consistent opposition to hudud and PAS' religious edicts, is rightly admired by the party delegates.
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| Insider — but not so correct — info Posted: 10 Dec 2012 02:53 PM PST
A sensational new website called 'DAP Insider' has emerged overnight as the campaign for the DAP election gathers momentum ahead of the national congress this weekend. But even without the website popping up at this time, it is widely known by now that Kok and Pua, who are the Selangor chairman and deputy chairman, respectively, have ganged up to make sure that former Selangor strongman Ronnie Liu does not make it into the 20-seat CEC or central executive committee. Joceline Tan, The Star THE undercurrents in the DAP election are bubbling to the surface and a new website has emerged that has its guns turned on certain personalities in the party. Titled "DAP Insider – Be The First To Know" (dapinsider.com), the week-old website is a sensational collection of articles about who is trying to finish who off in the party election in Penang this Saturday as well as spilling secrets about the internal DAP politics in Selangor. To date, the No. 1 target of the English language website seems to be Selangor chairman Teresa Kok. Kok, who holds a string of positions in the party and government, is seen as the most powerful woman in DAP. Unfortunately, that also makes her the object of much jealousy and envy. The secondary target seems to be PJ Utara MP Tony Pua who is being portrayed as the puppet-master pulling the strings behind Kok. The website portrays Kok and Pua as a Machiavellian pair trying to eliminate people who are not in their camp. It is all very entertaining although it is best read with a pinch of salt. But even without the website popping up at this time, it is widely known by now that Kok and Pua, who are the Selangor chairman and deputy chairman, respectively, have ganged up to make sure that former Selangor strongman Ronnie Liu does not make it into the 20-seat CEC or central executive committee. These two powerful figures see Liu as a black sheep and a liability to the party. Sources said that if they succeed, it would give the leadership a basis to drop Liu in the general election. However, some say this type of campaigning may backfire because some delegates get turned off by negative canvassing. "It is okay to campaign for support for yourself. Go ahead, tell everybody why you deserve to be in but when you run down the other person, it can blow up in your face," said a Selangor DAP figure. Liu, who is also a state exco member, is fighting for his survival. He was in Perak and Johor last week, meeting with delegates to persuade them to support him. He needs to win a CEC seat to stay in the reckoning as an election candidate and he is lobbying to move from his state seat in Pandamaran to the Serdang parliamentary seat. Kok also wants to get rid of Datuk Teng Chang Khim who is the Selangor vice-chairman and State Legislative Assembly Speaker. However, according to the website, Teng is seen as a voice of conscience in the party and is harder to take on. But Kok will go for him next if she succeeds in eliminating Liu. Another amusing posting in the website is titled "Skyfall – Karpal's Last Stand". Unfortunately, Karpal is no James Bond and according to the posting, this may be Karpal's last stand because he is up against some very powerful forces in the party. However, the website was wrong about the Dapsy contest last Sunday. It had predicted that Perak's Wong Kah Woh would win the Dapsy chairmanship but the winner was Negri Sembilan's Teo Kok Seong. The contest, which had been dubbed the "North versus the South", saw the South beating the daylights out of the North. Every single name on Teo's cai dan or menu was voted in. It was a delicious victory for Teo and his mentor, the outgoing Dapsy chief Anthony Loke. It also speaks volumes of Loke's organisational skills and his growing clout in the party. "The campaign was intense but it was conducted in a healthy manner. I think Dapsy has shown the way forward," said Loke. Wong took his defeat like a gentleman and both the winner and loser even hugged each other. However, the other big casualty, Ng Wei Aik, looked shell-shocked after losing to a relative unknown Tan Hong Pin for the Dapsy secretary's post. Ng probably did not imagine that he would lose because he enjoys an exceptionally high-profile as the political secretary to Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng. The irony here was that Tan used to work for Johor DAP chairman Dr Boo Cheng Hau who has a history of disagreements with Lim. Ng's loss had less to do with his boss than with his own controversial personality. Ng, who is also Komtar assemblyman and Penang DAP secretary, is hard-working and gets things done. Unfortunately, he tends to be over-zealous and often puts his foot in his mouth. He was the early favourite to win because he had raised his profile by lobbying to be made the Speaker at a number of the party's state conventions. He should regard this as a wake-up call because his defeat suggests that the younger delegates are quite discerning and are not bowled over by those with high-level connections. It also lends credence to Internet gossip that the Little Napoleons on Komtar's 28th floor are not well liked by people inside and outside the party. There were 46 candidates vying for 15 committee posts in Dapsy and several big names ended up in the bottom 10. Among them were Miri MP Ling Sie Kiong, Subang assemblyman Hannah Yeoh, Kampung Tunku assemblyman Lau Weng San and Meradong assemblyman Ting Tze Fui. The Dapsy election outcome has raised questions over whether there might be more surprises in store at the CEC election. About 700 or 28% of the 2,500 delegates scheduled to vote at the CEC election this weekend are first-time and younger delegates and party leaders are wondering what sort of impact they will bring.
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| Umno smiles as PAS grapples with moral policing issue Posted: 09 Dec 2012 04:12 PM PST
The stability of support for Kelantan PAS is under threat. Hawkeye, FMT KOTA BARU: Recent indications of PAS' indecisiveness in handling the issue of moral policing has boosted Umno's confidence in improving its electoral performance in Kelantan. It is learnt that PAS supporters are deeply divided over the issue. One side feels that PAS should defend the application of syariah-inspired by-laws on non-Muslims. The other side calls for a reprimand, if not punishment, of local authorities for their excess of zeal at the expense of support from non-Muslim voters. The issue's potential to threaten the stability of support for Kelantan PAS is best summed up by businessman Hussein Ahmad, who operates a string of kopitiam outlets here. Alluding to the claim by Kelantanese that their state is the cradle of Malay culture, he said: "The cradle is rocking too hard, and the baby is wailing." He believes PAS' indecisiveness over the issue of moral policing is inevitable given the factionalism within the state administration that has been apparent to some political observers for some time. He believes too that this is all brought about by the twin factors of Menteri Besar Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat's declining health and his deputy Ahmad Yakcob's lack of talent for administration. Political sources have said that PAS' top leaders want Nik Aziz to remain as Menteri Besar despite his offer to resign. They see him as an indispensable asset for political support because he commands deep respect across the political and racial spectrums. They want him to continue leading Kelantan while they work out a succession plan, which is a difficult task given the factionalism in PAS, at least at the state level. This is all good news, of course, to Umno, which has recently been waxing optimistic about its electoral chances in Kelantan. Umno currently occupies only six of the 45 seats in the Kelantan legislature. Umno Kelantan treasurer Hanafi Mamat says his party is now confident of winning 25 seats in the coming election and that Barisan Nasional may even be able to deny Pakatan Rakyat its two-third majority in the state. Economic changes "We're not over-confident, though," he told FMT, but he added that young voters in the state were increasingly showing they wanted changes, especially in the economic sphere. "The young generation is keen to know about job creation, economic management and the way forward. "The issue of corruption may not be a big issue here as the people here are a pious lot and would not cave-in to such sinful acts. "The new support for Umno may not be enough to enable BN to take the state from PAS, but is significant compared to 2008."
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| Which way will the Malays vote? - Part 1 Posted: 09 Dec 2012 02:56 PM PST
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia's Prof Datuk Mohammad Agus Yusoff breaks down Malay voters into three main groups: rural Malays; young Malays and urban and semi-urban voters. Agus, an associate professor in political science, estimates that at least 65% of Malay rural voters including Felda settlers support BN but there is a split amongst young and urban Malay voters, at 55% for the opposition and 45% for BN. Chua Sue-Ann, fz.com Any political party with aspirations to helm the federal government knows that the Malays are a crucial power base. After all, the Malays form the largest ethnic group in the country, making up over 60% of the population, and are the largest voter group at over 55% of the electorate. Nevertheless, as Malaysia counts down to the next general election – which has to be held before middle of 2013 - there is no certainty as to how Malays would vote. This uncertainty has set the stage for both Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) to battle for Malay support. Umno spearheads BN's charge when it comes to winning Malay votes. Over at the PR side, the Malay majority seats are mostly shared between PAS and PKR, the latter being a multi-racial party. DAP, one of the three parties in PR, too is hoping to field more Malay candidates to shed its label of being a Chinese-dominated party. Political analyst Ooi Kee Beng believes the next GE will see a Malay versus Malay battle with non-Malays playing supportive roles on both sides of the fence. Ooi, who is the deputy director of the Singapore-based Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, said it is difficult to pin down where Malay votes lay. "The Malay versus Malay scenario is here to stay. Broadly speaking, the Indians appear to slightly favour PR and the majority of the Chinese are definitely supporting PR," said Ooi. It is telling that many political pundits are hesitant to predict where the majority of Malay voters stand. Faced with that question, observers tend to preface their remarks by reminding that Malay voters are far from homogenous. "The days of putting blanket perceptions of ethnic groups are long over," says one political observer. Who are Malay voters? Malay voters can be categorised by various factors including location, age, gender, socioeconomic background and perceived political affiliation. The civil servant voter group, dominated by Malays, as well as the Felda settlers are said to throw their support behind BN. Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia's Prof Datuk Mohammad Agus Yusoff breaks down Malay voters into three main groups: rural Malays; young Malays and urban and semi-urban voters. Agus, an associate professor in political science, estimates that at least 65% of Malay rural voters including Felda settlers support BN but there is a split amongst young and urban Malay voters, at 55% for the opposition and 45% for BN. "Rural voters believe that Umno can bring development and stability. This is what they have always known. But younger voters and urban voters are more independent and exposed to alternative information sources. "They think that with Malaysia's vast resources we should be enjoying better than this," said Agus. Agus however disagrees that the next general election will come down purely to a battle between Malays. "Malays are fighting each other. If there is a split between Malay votes, the Chinese votes come in. This time, the majority of Chinese don't support the government. Umno cannot rely on Malay votes alone. "The Malays are very polarised. It isn't just about race, it is also about class. So the recipe (to win voters) has to be different and you have to serve different menus to different groups," said Agus. Opposition works on Malay support Buoyed by the unexpected results of the 2008 general election, PR is preparing itself for a better showing in the next election. The opposition knows that winning over Malay support is an important part of their battle plan but this is no easy task. As it now stands, BN has 138 of the 222 parliamentary seats while the PR has 74 (six of PR's MPs left to become independent representatives, though one - Bayan Baru MP Datuk Seri Zahrain Mohamed Hashim, who was elected on the PKR ticket before turning independent, has since rejoined Umno). There remaining seats are PSM (1), KITA (1) and SAPP (2). The Titiwangsa seat is empty following the death of PKR MP Dr Lo'Lo' Ghazali on July 17, 2011. BN lost its two-thirds majority and five states after anti-incumbent voting by non-Malays and a 5% swing by Malay voters toward the opposition. Universiti Malaya lecturer Prof Edmund Terence Gomez, in an analysis published after the 2008 general election, argues that Malay support for BN began to fall as early as 1990. According to Gomez, BN continued to lose Malay support after the reformasi period following Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's sacking as deputy prime minister although support in all Malay-majority seats rose in 2004 after Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad's departure. In 2008, BN's support in most Malay-majority seats fell as large segment of non-Malay voters swung to the opposition, Gomez said. PKR chief strategist Rafizi Ramli acknowledges that rural Malays is still a challenging group to breach but this does not mean PR, particularly PAS and PKR have no presence in the Malay heartland. According to Rafizi, PR's strategy is to focus more on voters in semi-urban and urban areas particularly the first time voters, a move which the opposition hopes will also help with their rural strategy. "Most of them will go back to the kampung to vote and bring different perspectives back to their families. "They are the best vote canvassers for us, more effective than party machinery on either side," said Rafizi who estimates an additional 3% to 4% rural support for the opposition should this strategy work. According to Rafizi, PR is focusing on bread and butter issues, and not race or religion, to attract urban and working class Malay youth voters. Demographics change fuel new dynamics After the 2008 election results, BN leaders are aware of the changing voter sentiments led by young voters and the middle class who are increasingly shying away from race-based politics. At the recent Umno general assembly, Umno president Datuk Seri Najib Razak warned against over-dependence on the party's traditional rural Malay powerbase and on repeating the mistakes that lead to BN's poor showing at the last general election. "Umno and BN cannot afford to feel relieved and take it easy, hoping for the people's support based on the nostalgia over past deeds or what the party and government has done so far," Najib told party delegates. This is due to Malaysia's "demographic reality" that has changed radically, the prime minister said. Najib pointed out that the next election will have 20% of voters, or about 2.9 million voters of various ages, casting their ballots as new or first time voters. Half of Malaysia's 29 million people are under the age of 25 while 80% are under the age of 45. Additionally, 70% of the population lives in urban areas even though rural seats still form a significant proportion of constituencies. Over the long term, the party who can accurately read the pulse of the young and urban voters will have an upper hand over its competitor. Part 2: Focusing on bread and butter issues
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| Posted: 08 Dec 2012 04:12 PM PST
Malaysia has one of the most stringent bankruptcy laws in the world, but a review may be in the offing. According to the Malaysia Department of Insolvency, between 2005 and June 2012, a total of 243,823 people have been declared bankrupt in the country. Shahanaaz Habib, The Star SAM, an engineer, met Ling when they were both studying in college. They dated for years and even made plans to get married. When Ling bought a car, Sam stood as her guarantor. But Ling did not pay her monthly instalment and Sam ended up paying it for her. Then one day, to his horror, Sam found out that Ling was in fact engaged to someone else. Heartbroken, he broke off all contact with her, changed jobs and moved to another state to get over her. But Ling continued her habit of not servicing her car loan till the bank finally repossessed her car and auctioned it off. Even then, there was still a shortfall of RM45,000.  Since Sam was the loan guarantor, the bank went after him to recover the outstanding balance and started legal proceedings against him. If he did not settle the amount, he would become a bankrupt. Office executive Nadira is just 28 but she may find herself on the road to bankruptcy unless she changes her lifestyle. Nadira, who has two credit cards, loves to hang out at cool places in Bangsar and spend holidays locally and abroad with her friends. She also enjoys dressing up and splurging on new clothes, shoes and make-up. She shares an apartment with two friends and has an LCD TV in her bedroom. She drives a Viva and owns the latest iPad and Blackberry. Nadira took out a RM26,000 student loan for college but hasn't repaid a single sen because, she says, her RM3,400 monthly salary is not enough to cover her monthly expenses, which include car loan instalment, petrol, rent and living costs. Over the years, the unpaid student loan plus interest has ballooned to RM42,000. Her credit card debts, too, have been mounting up as she doesn't pay the full amount at the end of the month, thereby incurring exorbitant interest and finance charges.  Nadira may not realise it yet but it doesn't take much for a person to be declared a bankrupt in Malaysia. If the borrower or the guarantor (who is equally liable) has a debt of RM30,000 or more and has not been repaying that loan, the financial institution or creditor can institute bankruptcy proceedings to get their money back. And it is tough being a bankrupt. When a person is declared a bankrupt, their existing bank accounts will be deactivated. This means they cannot withdraw money, open a new account or use their existing account unless they get permission from the Director-General of Insolvency (DGI). Their assets will be frozen and sold off to pay the debtors; they are unable to get new loans or travel overseas (unless they get written permission from the DGI) and can only use a credit of up to RM1,000 on an existing credit card. Their standing in society is damaged and they can forget about any political ambitions as they would not be allowed to stand for elections. According to Rembau MP and Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin, who has been pushing for a review of the Bankruptcy Law to give people a second chance, Malaysia has one of the most stringent bankruptcy laws in the world. "A creditor can file for bankruptcy for loans above RM30,000. It is not millions. And once a person is declared a bankrupt, it is very difficult for him or her to start life again. "Bankrupts cannot take out loans or start a business. They have to wait years to be discharged from bankruptcy and that process is quite onerous," he says. Statistics reveal that 51% of bankrupts in Malaysia are people below 45, a phenomenon that Khairy finds "very alarming". According to the Malaysia Department of Insolvency, between 2005 and June 2012, a total of 243,823 people have been declared bankrupt in the country. "The statistics keep going up. About 52 people are declared bankrupt every day now compared with 36 in 2007. "If you look at the breakdown, about 16% are (due to non-payment of) business loans, the rest are housing, personal, or car loans. About 25% go bankrupt because of car loans. "You have to address the problem at the source banks are giving out loans too easily. There should be better regulations where car and other loans are concerned," says Khairy, who is Perbadanan Usahawan Nasional Berhad (PUNB) chairman. Khairy says PUNB has just approved a loan to a motorcycle dealer who informed them that sales of super bikes have skyrocketed in the country because banks are making it easier for people to get loans to buy these high-end luxury motorcycles. "These are impulse buys and my concern is that when people are faced with easy credit, they tend to live beyond their means.  Tempting promotions: The public is inundated with offers and discounts, with companies spending millions on advertising to get people to buy. — AFP "This whole business of personal debt could be a potential time bomb if we don't intervene now," he says, noting that Bank Negara has rightly imposed stricter restrictions and limits on credit cards but feels that more should be done to rein in easy access to loans. Fomca deputy president Muhammad Sha'ani Abdullah, who agrees that the bankruptcy law should be reviewed, says that when financial institutions approve loans, they should also be responsible for assisting a borrower who is facing financial difficulty. "Banks should not use their dominant position to victimise their customers," he adds. But he stresses that wilful delinquent borrowers should be penalised accordingly. In genuine cases, he says, there should be a provision in the bankruptcy law where financial institutions have to prove that they made a serious effort to assist the borrower before initiating bankruptcy proceedings. He says banks should also look into the background of the borrowers who default on their loans. Some get into financial difficulty because they have to foot high medical bills as a result of critical illness or are accident victims or retrenched workers who have lost their livelihood. There are also cases where housebuyers who have obtained loans are left in the lurch when the project is abandoned. Even if these housebuyers form a buyers' committee to try and revive the project, Sha'ani says, they often face non cooperation from the financial institutions because the contract terms in the sale and purchase agreement give them a disproportionate advantage to demand their loans. "There should be a new law or an amendment to the Consumer Protection Act 1998 against unfair contract terms in agreements," he adds. He also questions why legal action is taken against guarantors when the principal borrower is easily identified and financially able. Calls to review the country's bankruptcy law are not new. In the past, the government has said it would look into the possibility of an automatic discharge after a certain period of time, which is the norm in most countries. Currently, the law does not allow an automatic discharge. Thus, a bankrupt can only be released of his bankruptcy status after applying to the court for the bankruptcy order to be annulled on grounds that the debt has been settled, or apply for a discharge which would be subject to stringent requirements and with the Insolvency Department putting in a report emphasising the conduct and cooperation of the bankrupt with the department. After five years of bankruptcy, the person can also apply to the DGI for a discharge under section 33A of the Bankruptcy Act 1967, which is subject to the DGI's discretion. Khairy says one of the things they are asking for is an automatic discharge of a bankrupt. He points out that in Australia, a bankrupt is automatically discharged after three years if there are no objections. In the United Kingdom, it is a year but the bankrupt still has to pay his student loan and alimony (which are non-dischargeable loans), in Canada it is nine months for the first bankruptcy, and in Thailand it is three years as long as the bankrupt is not involved in fraud. "In Malaysia, it is a minimum of five years and that is at the discretion of the DGI. It is difficult. Not everyone can settle all their debts. And people want to move on. I don't think we should punish them forever. So we would like a timeline for an automatic discharge. Two to three years is ample," he says, adding that bankrupts should be given a second chance to re-build their lives. But he stresses that it is not a second chance to be a spendthrift and there has to be a balancing act between lifting the life sentence of bankrupts and not wanting to create a spendthrift bankrupt culture. He points out that some people become bankrupt because of unexpected incidents like a flood or downturn. There are also cases where a good business idea did not quite take off due to weaknesses in execution and implementation. He says that in innovation, nine out of 10 businesses fail. "If you send out a message to people that if you fail you are screwed up forever, it is not an incentive for them to go out there and try. We don't have enough entrepreneurs and SMEs in this country. "And you don't want this to be a death sentence, like a guillotine over their heads. "You want to make sure they get a second chance as long as they still have the idea and the drive. The moment people are scared of taking risks, of taking business loans, of starting a business (because they fear the stringent bankruptcy laws), it is a disincentive." There are many who became bankrupts because they were guarantors for someone else's loan. Khairy says people should be very careful and do their homework before agreeing to be a guarantor. He also fears that if the law is not amended to give bankrupts a second chance, then these people might end up turning to Ah Longs to borrow money and end up in deeper financial trouble because they cannot get loans from the legitimate financial institutions. Khairy does not believe that an automatic discharge would be an incentive for young people to get into debt, become bankrupt and then wait out the two- to three-year period to be automatically discharged from bankruptcy. In any case, he says, even if a person has been discharged as a bankrupt, this will remain on his financial record. Financial institutions know this and will weigh the risk before giving him another loan. "We will not disqualify a former bankrupt if he applies for a loan because the purpose is to allow him a second chance. But we will want to know why he became a bankrupt and whether it was because of mismanagement." Khairy also says the public is inundated with offers and discounts, with companies spending millions on advertising to get people to buy. In comparison, the government and consumer groups are not spending as much to create awareness on personal financial management. "The whole world is geared towards consumption. Our concern is consumption based on credit. Young people out of university have student loans to pay off, they want to get married, take a housing loan and a car loan. "We need to educate people from young that they have to live within their means. And when they take out a loan, they have to project their income over the next five to 10 years and be realistic about it," he adds. When PUNB goes through loan applications, they will ask for details on the person's business debt exposure and personal debt as well. "Sometimes an entrepreneur's business is doing okay but his personal finances are not. We look at the houses he is buying or the type of cars he is driving. If his salary is not going to meet the monthly payment for the loans and I don't want him to start embezzling from the firm to pay for it we will reject the applications. "We want to make sure that when a loan is given out, the money comes back to us." The Insolvency Department say they are looking at all issues as the insolvency policy should not stand alone because it has an impact on other government policies. As such, a holistic approach and comprehensive study is required to ensure effective implementation, they state in their e-mail response.
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| Posted: 08 Dec 2012 03:29 PM PST
Carpetman' Deepak Jaikishan has stoked the curiosity of many Malaysians, with his 'timely' or 'untimely' decision to expose the prime minister and his spouse. G Lavendran Who really is Deepak Jaikishan a/l Jaikishan Rewachand? To begin with, he is 40 years old, unmarried and a "successful" Malaysian Indian businessman. He is perhaps best known now as the "carpetman", although i3investor.com describes him as coming from a family "pioneering" in property development and investment. But it also notes that he's been in carpet manufacturing for 15 years. Under his leadership, both his Carpet Raya Sdn Bhd and Tek Holding Sdn Bhd (the property development and investment company), chalked billions. Bursa Malaysia notes that from 2000 to 2009, Deepak had completed property investment projects totalling about RM3 billion. In the carpet field, he initiated and successfully acquired the largest manufacturing plant in Malaysia known as Noble Carpet Sdn Bhd. In the year 2000, this manufacturing unit was said to be the only one that produced its own carpet yarn. In 2003 he set up the biggest manufacturing plant (Premier Weavers) with the latest weaving technology in Malaysia. Deepak is one of five directors in Carpet Raya Sdn Bhd, and an equal shareholder too. It's this company that he's been most associated with of late. 'Rosmah's like my elder sister' Because Deepak has had close ties with the family of Najib Tun Razak, the Malaysian Prime Minister. But more importantly now perhaps is the fact that his name first saw the limelight in the Altantuya murder case. Altantuya, who was named in French police documents as a translator during the talks to purchase the Scorpene submarines for the Malaysian Ministry of Defence was murdered in October 2006 by two members of an elite police unit. The two were later convicted and sentenced to death for the crime. Deepak's link was to the disappearance of PI Balasubramaniam after submitting two conflicting statutory declarations (SD) on the Altantuya incident. The first one implicated Najib and Rosmah while the second claimed otherwise. Deepak was named when PI Bala vanished after submitting a second SD. How did Deepak get close to the PM? According to Deepak, he supplied carpets and other interior products for the PM's family. Explaining his closeness to the family, he once said: "Rosmah, I treat her like my elder sister". But that quote didn't bring him fame. His name came up again when a claimed conspiracy by the Kuwait Finance House (KFH) came into play. KFH is currently suing Jaikishan for an unpaid banking facility amounting to RM170 million. Through a letter of offer dated Nov 16, 2007, Deepak was awarded RM170 million worth of Islamic financing facilities which consists of : i) KFH Ijarah Muntahiah BitamlikAsset Backed Financing-i Facility of RM26.6 million. ii) KFH Ijarah Muntahiah BitamlikAsset Backed Acquisition Financing-i Facility of RM93.4 million. iii) Interchangeable and Combined Limit Facility not exceeding RM50 million. 'Najib exceeded his authority' Why did he suddenly become a turncoat? Was it the discovery that his company Astacanggih Sdn Bhd had lost a portion of land purchased from Umno senator Raja Roopiah's Awan Megah (M) Sdn Bhd, that angered him? According to media reports, Deepak had testified that after obtaining the letter issued by the Defence Ministry's deputy secretary-general on the transfer of the land to him, he and Awan Megah worked out an agreement to formalise this. Cebur Megah was the nominee company or third party vehicle, to obtain the 223 acre land while 23 acres of the land would be returned to Raja Roopiah, who is currently a woman leader in Umno. But something appeared to have happened inbetween and land parcel slipped out of Deepak's grasp. Deepak claims that Najib had bypassed the cabinet in deciding to pull back the land, but says little else. "You could say he (Najib) exceeded his authority (in relation to his decision)" Deepak was reported as saying. According to Deepak, the land involved was owned by the government and the rightful process was not followed. "There is no question of any breach of confidentiality (here)…there's just a lot of fishiness from some people" he was quoted as saying. Deepak is currently suing Awan Megah (M) Sdn Bhd, the Ministry of Defence and the Pejabat Tanah dan Galian.
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| Selangor Sultan: I'm on Rakyat's side Posted: 06 Dec 2012 02:56 PM PST
Ruler plays down talk linking him to any political party, saying he only has the people's interest at heart. The Star Q&A with the Sultan of Selangor THE Sultan of Selangor, by his own admission, is certainly more cautious with his words and speeches of late. He goes through the draft of speeches with a fine-toothed comb, sometimes taking up to two weeks, to ensure the message he wants to deliver does not come across as taking sides with any political party. Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah tells WONG CHUN WAI and LOONG MENG YEE that the only team he wants to be on is that of the rakyat.  Disinterested in politics: The Sultan of Selangor speaking with Star Publications (M) Bhd executive director and group chief editor Wong during the exclusive interview. > Tuanku, with the general election season, it must be difficult to express your views but yet, be fearful what you say will be misinterpreted by irresponsible parties. It is very difficult, the speeches I prepare, I will go through them many times, write and rewrite again. I want to be specific, but unfortunately, some will twist my words to say I am on the side of such and such a party; or that I am hitting out at such and such a party. For instance, in a speech I made to university students, I stressed the importance of respect for our Malaysian flag as some people wanted to change it easily. This is the symbol of our national sovereignty. In some countries, people are willing to die for their flag. Malays, Indians, Chinese, we should be proud of our flag. But, some blogs twist my words, to say I am supporting a certain political party with my statement. Maybe some do not like Rulers who speak up. > There are some wild accusations that Tuanku is partial to Umno. Why should I be? I have nothing to gain from siding with Umno, PKR or any other party. I have known Najib's (Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak) father for a long time. I have known Najib and his brothers from their younger days. I cannot cut ties and make enemies with him now. But, I am clear where I stand. For instance, no politician, not even Najib, can use mosques for politics in Selangor. Those who brand me an Umno man, prove it. Show me proof that I am inclined to be with Umno. Do not blindly accuse me of things I am not guilty of. I have no political agenda. As the head of the state, I am above politics. > Tuanku has stressed that politics must be kept out of mosques as well. You have recently met with the imams (heads of congregrations) to reiterate your stand. Yes, mosques should unite the congregation, not sow hatred. But, some imams are still stubborn. I warn them, but I do not want them to be jobless either. They must know the right thing to do. In churches and temples, too, my advice is pray for unity. Pray that our country will be harmonious, be thankful that we are free from natural calamities. Be united with one another. Look, many other countries are suffering there are natural and economic setbacks. In Malaysia, thank God, we are free from all those superstorms. Be grateful and remain united as a nation. Always keep the good name of Malaysia. > What will be Tuanku's advice to politicians out campaigning during the general election? Both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat want Selangor as their jewel in the crown. When campaigning, do not hurt people's feelings. I am sure my rakyat are not stupid. Be calm, do not disrupt the racial harmony. And, after the elections, I say this sincerely, let us work together to move forward for a better life and I am sure the rakyat will feel the same way. > There is the impression that Shah Alam must not have entertainment. In the past, the development of Shah Alam was on a much smaller scale. My father did not wish to have cinemas in Shah Alam because of the small population and he did not want students here to spend too much time in cinemas. My father also did not want cinemas near the state mosque. Likewise, if anyone asks me, I will also not approve of having cinemas near places of worship of other religions, too. Places of prayer must be respected. But now, Shah Alam is developing much wider. I have no objection to having cinemas in areas in Setia Alam, Bukit Jelutong or I-City; as long as they are away from the mosques and located at shopping malls. But, the approval comes from Shah Alam City Hall, I only provide my input. > Water remains a stand-off issue between the state and Federal Government, even as Tuanku publicly raised your concern two years ago over the danger of an imminent water crisis if the inter-state raw water transfer was not resolved fast. I have repeatedly written letters to both the state and Federal governments. They know my stand, they know I do not wish to have my subjects become the biggest losers when the taps run dry. I also do not want the existing industries in Selangor to move out because of this issue. > Cases of snatch thieves, robberies and burglaries continue to worry many. Some say they fear the streets are no longer safe although police are doing all they can to combat crime. Even my sister was a victim of snatch theft and my brother had his house robbed. I feel CCTVs can be a helpful tool in reducing crime. I did ask the police when I was in England, and they replied such a system was even better than alarms because CCTV recordings can be used as proof of crime. But do not install CCTVs that will later break down frequently. That will defeat the purpose. Learn from countries that have successfully used CCTVs to reduce crime. Perhaps developers can help by contributing the units to the police as well. The state government must seriously look into this matter. > It has been another busy year for Tuanku. Last year around this time, Tuanku was excited over the unveiling of the Raja Tun Uda library, which has now become a gem in Shah Alam. Any other people's project under Tuanku's supervision? I am very pleased with how the library turned out. Some have said it is the best in the country and there are many users. There have been generous donations of books as well and I am very appreciative. For this year, I have created a small football museum at the compound of the main palace, the Alam Shah palace in Klang. The state has produced so many football greats in the past. There is so much to show and tell. It has been my intention, for the past 20 years, to have a proper sports museum in the state. The ideal location will be near the stadium in Shah Alam. People from all over the country come here to watch the football games. The games start in the evening, but some arrive in the morning. If there is a museum, they can spend their time at the museum first. > As 2012 draws to a close, Tuanku's wish for 2013? I hope and pray, really, that next year will be good for all of us. And, whoever governs the state, be nice, work with all to develop the state so that the rakyat can improve the quality of their lives.
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| As GE13 looms, parties get down to knocking on doors Posted: 06 Dec 2012 02:12 PM PST
The next general election is expected to be the closest fight to form the new Malaysian government. The Malaysian Insider takes a look at what happens on the campaign trail to give a sense of the battleground. Zurairi AR and Leannza Chia, The Malaysian Insider As the 13th general election grows closer and the public grows restless over its uncertain date, political parties are picking up their pace in the hectic race to reach out to voters by going back to the oldest tactic in the playbook — knocking on doors.  PKR's Wajah team members make a housecall in rural Perak. — Picture courtesy of Perak Wanita PKR While the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) had reportedly spent close to RM3.6 million a year in recruiting around 10,000 bloggers to increase its online presence and lure in support from young voters, some of the grassroots politicians feel that meeting their constituents face-to-face is the way to go. "People still need to see the credibility of their leaders," said the MCA's Liew Ching Hoong, secretary to Kampar MP and Deputy Home Minister Datuk Lee Chee Leong. Lee, who won the Kampar parliamentary seat in 2008, is a familiar face in the area, serving in the Malim Nawar state assembly seat since 1995 and Tanjong Tualang before that.  PKR Wajah team members check their voters' list during a house call in rural Perak rural. — Picture courtesy of Perak Wanita PKR Kampar is an old mining town, situated a little more than 30km south of Ipoh, Perak. It is a Chinese-majority area, with 62.58 per cent of them, while Malays make up 26.87 per cent and Indians 10.47 per cent. A significant portion of its 98,534 population consists of pensioners who, according to Liew, insist on meeting their elected representative in person rather than online. Since 1995, Lee had assembled a team of five helpers, whom he had tasked with checking on his constituents daily to better spread the message of reliability and familiarity which comes with MCA. Driving an old Mitsubishi Pajero, which the team dubbed the Mobile Service Vehicle (MSV), a pair from the team visits two villages a day — taking down the concerns of the village heads, registering voters, and helping villagers apply for the Bantuan Rakyat 1 Malaysia (BR1M) cash aid. The other three in the team keep in contact from the office, processing the various requests received by the MSV crew, including helping to pay electricity, water and phone bills for villagers who live too far from a post office. This constant attention given by Lee has endeared him to Kampar residents, who visit him regularly at the booth he sets up opposite the town food court nearly every Friday. "Sometimes we even get those coming from Tapah," Liew told The Malaysian Insider, referring to the neighbouring town some 20 minutes away, which falls under a different parliamentary seat and is currently served by the MCA's BN partner, Datuk M. Saravanan from the MIC. But Lee faces stiff competition from political foe PKR's Wanita's Wajah team, which was set up in July. Wajah (face) is an acronym for Wanita Keadilan Jelajah Kampung (PKR Wanita Village Tour), which was formed to spread the opposition party's message of change and reform to women in the rural areas.  A PAS team meets people in Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur as part of its voter outreach programme even after the death of its Titiwangsa MP. — Picture by Saw Siow Feng Wajah's logo, like its name, is shaped like a face and meant to convey a caring persona, a far cry from the impersonal blue and white PKR logo which is not too popular with the rural women, Juwairiya admitted. Among the many state branches, the Perak chapter of Wajah is regarded as the most active and successful by the PKR central leadership. While The Malaysian Insider was speaking to Liew in Kampar during a recent sojourn there, the Perak Wajah team had just met with voters in Lee's old state seat of Malim Nawar, an area which is predominantly Chinese, and which had fallen to the DAP in the last national elections four years ago. The bulk of Malim Nawar's voters — 73.49 per cent of them — are Chinese, while 17.51 per cent are Malays and only 8.95 per cent are Indian. The DAP's Keshvinder Singh had won in Election 2008 against Dr Chai Song Poh of the MCA with a 1,362-vote majority. "We mainly target villages and estates in the state assembly seats contested by PKR," Perak PKR Wanita chief Fathmawaty Salim intimated, outlining the party's strategy on reaching out to voters in a rural setting. She gave the example of the Bukit Chandan seat, which comes under the bigger Kuala Kangsar parliamentary seat and which PKR's Zulkifli Ibrahim lost to Umno's Datuk Wan Khairil Anuar Wan Ahmad at the 12th general election. However, with limited resources and manpower, the Pakatan Rakyat (PR) lynchpin party also helps out regularly in areas won by its political allies as in the case of Malim Nawar in order to cover more ground in preparation for the next polls that must be called by next April when the ruling BN government's mandate expires. There are 24 Wanita divisions in Perak, and each division volunteers on average three workers who will be divided into two teams of between 12 and 20 volunteers each.
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| 1976 plane crash: The unanswered questions Posted: 06 Dec 2012 01:39 PM PST
A test pilot offers a peek into why the fatal 1976 plane crash which killed Sabah chief minister Fuad Stephens and several state cabinet members is seen as a conspiracy by locals. It was a routine short flight except for two things: almost the entire Sabah state government's top leadership was on the plane; and the plane stalled and crashed into the sea about two kilometres from its destination airport, killing the pilot and its 10 VIP passengers. By Hakim Joe What is the difference between five percent and 20 percent? Well, anyone who has half a brain and who had not been asleep during math class in school will tell you that the answer is 15 percent – which is 20 minus five! Let us convert this to figures and let us hypothesise the figure as RM10 billion. Five percent of RM10 billion is RM500 million. Therefore 20 percent is exactly four times that amount. Twenty percent is therefore RM2 billion – witness how vast this difference is now. Imagine a state government possessing the RM500,000 million to develop the vast state or to give it to its people. Now imagine the same state government in possession of four times that amount. Now, instead of only having the monetary resources to provide aid to a quarter of the state's population, the state government can now do the same to everybody – total coverage! Let's not even get to the full 100 percent, which is the RM10 billion. Now assume that a powerful person in that same state, a tribal leader of sorts, has the influence and capacity to take that state out of the federation. This would mean an income shortfall ranging from 80 to 95 percent of the RM10 billion. Well, money isn't everything but an action as such could propel other states into mimicking parallel actions and this is unquestionably something that must be prevented at all cost; collateral damage is damned. On another note, where were you 13,215 days ago? On June 6, 1976, an Australian manufactured GAF-Nomad N.22B-type twin turboprop engine passenger plane operated by Sabah Air with the tail number 9M-ATZ took off from Labuan Airport on its 113-km route to Kota Kinabalu International Airport with 10 passengers on-board. Investigation reports still secret It was a routine short flight except for two things: almost the entire Sabah state government's top leadership was on the plane; and the plane stalled and crashed into the sea about two kilometres from its destination airport, killing the pilot and its 10 VIP passengers. That abruptly ended the reign of Fuad Stephens (Donald Aloysius Marmaduke Stephens) as Sabah's fifth chief minister, a mere seven weeks from the day he took office for a second term. The lists of fatalities included Sabah ministers Salleh Sulong, Peter Mojuntin, Chong Thien Vun and Darius Binion (assistant state minister). Others were Wahid Peter Andau (Sabah finance ministry secretary), Dr Syed Hussein Wafa (a director in Sabah's Economic Planning Unit), Isak Atan (private secretary to Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah), Corporal Said Mohammad (Fuad's bodyguard), Johari Stephens (Fuad's eldest son) and Captain Gandhi Nathan (pilot). The crash was said to have been due to mechanical problems. Perhaps so but then again the original investigation report should have been immediately published and the coroner should have declared the "accident" as a misadventure. However, this report was promptly classified by the federal government (it still remains classified up to this day) and the coroner, Ansari Abdullah, returned an open verdict. Aviation Safety Network (ASN) reported that the aircraft "stalled and crashed on approach". However, in its narrative, ASN stated: "This information is not presented as the Flight Safety Foundation or the Aviation Safety Network's opinion as to the cause of the accident. "It is preliminary and is based on the facts as they are known at this time." What the ASN report did not say was that ground witnesses saw the plane "drop like a stone". What the experts also failed to inform you is that fixed-wing aircraft do not drop vertically but glide to its impact point unless the wings dropped off and the wings on a fixed-wing aircraft do not just drop off by themselves when the engines purportedly stalled. Were there non-mechanical problems? Was it a conspiracy?
Well, there's is no way of knowing the truth until the original investigation report is declassified, but a few officials have put forth the theory that the aircraft was overloaded. Let's just put it this way. The N.22B variant is rated for up to one or two pilots with a maximum of 12 passengers and unless the pilot and its 10 passengers gorged themselves silly during lunch, there is no way the plane could have exceeded its weight limitations. Was it then a problematic aircraft? Yes, the GAF-Nomad N.22B variant aircraft can be considered so. Since its production, the Nomad has been involved in a total of 32 total hull-loss accidents, which have resulted in 76 fatalities including its chief test pilot and the assistant head designer during the design and testing stage. Was this then a conspiracy?
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