Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Najib is too proud to bow before the people
- Don’t see DAP congress with Umno mindset
- PKR’s Tanjong Malim dilemma
- Malaysia poised for pivotal polls
- PRU 13: Antara strategi BN dan Pakatan Rakyat
- Lynas' Waste Plans A Toxic Pipe Dream
- The transformation of DAP
- May 13, Kg Medan – Never again!
| Najib is too proud to bow before the people Posted: 20 Dec 2012 04:08 PM PST
Hell would freeze over before the prime minister would apologise for his wrongdoings. Mariam Mokhtar, FMT Last July, the New York Times (NYT) carried a report on the apology by the outgoing South Korean President Lee Myung-bak, for the various corruption scandals said to have undermined his government. Several close colleagues and relatives of the president had been prosecuted and jailed. Many of them had influenced the workings of the government. In recent weeks, Malaysians have noticed a succession of people who have come forward to implicate Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak, his wife Rosmah Mansor, his brother Nazim Abdul Razak as well as those in positions of responsibility, such as Attorney-General Abdul Gani Patail and Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein. These people, whose reputations are tarnished, appear to have no desire to clear their names, nor deny the allegations. Have they complete disregard for the rakyat? Was it pure coincidence that Rosmah has announced the publication of her biography, which she and her "publishing adviser", Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, Ahmad Maslan, claim will address the various allegations made against her? Had she been prepared for a day of revelations by disgruntled former associates? The pre-launch is most unusual. JK Rowling did not have a pre-launch for her books. Most authors launch their books with a promotional tour. What is significant about president Lee's humiliating apology and the NYT claim that "he could hardly lift his face", was that when he came to office, Lee described his government as "morally perfect". During his television appearance, Lee said, "The more I think about it, the more it crushes my heart. But whom can I blame now? It's all because of my negligence. I bow before the people in apology". Hours after Lee concluded his nationwide apology, two of his colleagues were arrested for corruption. In all, three of Lee's relatives, four senior presidential aides and several former senior officials in the Cabinet and government-run companies had been implicated. Malaysian leaders don't apologise and hell would freeze over before Najib would bow before the rakyat and apologise for his wrongdoings or the various scandals which have hit his government. In September 2010, a year and a half after becoming prime minister, Najib told Malaysians that "combating corruption is not only a moral imperative but a prerequisite for national survival". In a speech that was delivered by his deputy, Muhyiddin Yassin, at the Asian Development Bank/Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (ADB/OECD) Anti-Corruption Initiative for Asia and the Pacific's 10th Regional Seminar: Criminalisation of Bribery, Najib said that three organisations would fight the corruption menace – the police for investigating the criminal acts, the Attorney-General's Chambers for dealing with prosecutions and the Prime Minister's Department for "crafting the preventive eco-system". Najib stressed that "prevention and education should be given equal attention alongside enforcement in the fight against corruption". He praised the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) for receiving an increased amount of information from the public which led to investigations, arrests and prosecutions. This, Najib concluded, was a reflection of the public's confidence in the government. Despite the recent revelations by carpet trader Deepak Jaikishan and former inspector-general of police Musa Hassan, the rakyat has yet to see an investigation being initiated by the police or the MACC. The Attorney-General's Chambers has also remained silent. In 2010, Najib claimed that "…studies reveal that corruptors tend to hide themselves or their ill-gotten gains in foreign jurisdictions. The denial of a safe haven for corruptors and their proceeds of crime is vital in any strategy to combat corruption".
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| Don’t see DAP congress with Umno mindset Posted: 20 Dec 2012 12:13 PM PST
The worse thing any Malay DAP member or leader can do is to read what has just happened at the 16th DAP national congress with an Umno mindset. And what is this Umno mindset? The Umno mindset is that you deserve to get something just because you are Umno. Mohd Ariff Sabri Aziz, Free Malaysia Today The recent DAP polls showed that Malays in the party must earn their keep and keep their peace. A total of eight Malay candidates contested for places in DAP's central executive committee (CEC) last week. But no Malay candidates won any place. Also, more Indians offered themselves in the contest but only M Kulasegaran got in. I don't hear them grumbling or getting gruffy. Perhaps the Malay DAP members must learn from them a thing or two. Why didn't any of the Malays get selected? Perhaps it's the fault of the candidates and the delegates and also the DAP leadership. But first let's set aside one issue – viewing the results with an Umno mindset. The worse thing any Malay DAP member or leader can do is to read what has just happened at the 16th DAP national congress with an Umno mindset. And what is this Umno mindset? The Umno mindset is that you deserve to get something just because you are Umno. Umno is built on the idea that you can get ahead by cutting corners, leveraging politics, exploiting inherited status and so forth. But the world does not operate on these terms. The world moves on, driven by people's abilities and on what they can contribute. And this is typically NOT the Umno mindset.
In DAP, recognition, respect and appreciation must be earned irrespective of creed and stature. All of us, not only Malays, must now begin to think if we have not already done so, that we move on in life being assessed by:
The DAP leadership has not abandoned its agenda for "inclusiveness". But what the results did reveal is that it has some weaknesses in translating this agenda into practice. It showed that the leadership hasn't done enough to educate the delegates and DAP members of the importance of inclusiveness. Read more at: http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2012/12/21/dont-see-dap-congress-with-umno-mindset/ |
| Posted: 20 Dec 2012 11:55 AM PST
Two viable candidates - one Malay and one Chinese - are eyeing the seat In the 2008 election, the PKR had great difficulty in finding suitable candidates to field in this semi-urban constituency. Now, it has one too many. Chen Shaua Fui, fz.com In part two of a three-part series focusing on the Tanjong Malim parliamentary seat, we look at the challenges facing PKR in picking the right candidate to stand here in the next general election THE opposition in the Tanjong Malim parliamentary seat has an unfamiliar problem in the coming general election. In the 2008 election, the PKR had great difficulty in finding suitable candidates to field in this semi-urban constituency. Now, it has one too many. There is a laid back air about Tanjong Malim that hides the intense political attention that this constituency is attracting. Many people have left the area for higher education and in search of better job opportunities. Kuala Lumpur is an accessible 70km from the main town. The electorate of some 53,000 voters consists of 53% Malays, 28% Chinese, 14% Indians and 5% others. A local politician says that Malay voters will decide who wins the coming contest, especially since there has been an increase of some 2% of their numbers since the last election, due to a rise in the number of auto workers in the Proton City in the constituency. For the PKR, the lesson from the 2008 general election was that it needed to do the groundwork long before the next election if it hoped to gain the public's backing. A young, vocal NGO worker was chosen by the party to build up support on the ground. Chua Yee Ling, 29, was selected because of her track record as the councillor for Hulu Selangor, which is adjacent to Tanjong Malim. She was also an aide to Selangor state exco member Elizabeth Wong and was elected to the PKR women's wing as an exco member in the party's election in 2010. Chua was an active member of a youth group, Youth4Change before she joined politics. Chua has been working on the ground since two years ago and has built up a team consisting of young former MCA members. In that time, she has opened two party branch offices in Tanjong Malim and Bidor towns, organised fundraising dinners and talks and walkabouts in the Felda settlements. "In these small towns, you have to turn up at weddings, funerals and any social functions that are going on, so that people get to know you personally," she tells fz.com in an interview. Chua sees some change in the people's mood in the Malay-dominated Felda areas. "Previously, we could only turn up at kenduris (feasts). Now, we can organise ceramah (talks), and the turnout is quite encouraging," she says. Two viable candidates About a year ago, Chua had to deal with a new factor. Another potential candidate for PKR appeared in the form of Jeneral (retired) Datuk Abdul Hadi Abdul Khatab, a retired air force officer. The local PKR leaders want Chua to contest the seat, as they believe that a young Chinese leader like her will be able to win Chinese votes that went to the MCA in 2008. The PKR Tanjong Malim division chief Mejar (retired) Kamal Badri said the division had conveyed the message to the party leadership at the state and national levels. He said that during the last election, there was no Chinese candidate from the opposition to contest in the parliamentary and three state seats – Behrang, Slim and Sungkai – and he believes that this was why the 1,500 Chinese voters in Slim River did not vote for the PKR. He said that Chua had been working in the area for a year before Hadi appeared in the picture, and considered that as "a little bit late." Kamal said that the voters have seen Chua as the potential candidate, and they may not endorse Hadi if he were to stand in her place. "This will not only affect (Pakatan Rakyat's chances for) the parliamentary seat but also the state assembly seats," said Kamal, who is the potential candidate to contest in Behrang state seat. Chua said that the party may be working on the basis that Hadi could gain the Malay votes in view his rank as a retired general. Another factor, according to a Perak PKR leader who spoke to fz.com, is that the seat is being held by a former federal minister, Datuk Seri Ong Ka Chuan, and the party's top leadership was concerned that Chua could be too young to take on a political heavyweight. On her part, Chua is being supported by the PKR women's wing to contest the seat, to meet the 30% women's candidacy quota set by the party. However, she stressed that she has no problem if Hadi is chosen, and will work hard to make sure the party's candidate wins the election. "We have been going to the ground together. Let us compete to win the chance to stand in the seat," she said. Chua also pointed out that, although she and Hadi are competing with each other, they are united in the aim of making sure the party wins in the election. The MCA, however was affected by factionalism, she opined, as Ong Ka Chuan's faction and the other division leaders do not work together. For example, she said, the publicity materials of MCA leaders reflect this lack of unity. While Ong has his own banner, the MCA Tanjong Malim Division Chief Loke Yuen Yow's banner has the party president Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek's photo on it. However, Chua acknowledged that PKR needs to be cautious about the candidates it fields so as not to repeat its experience with representatives who have defected. Since 2008, at least six legislators have left PKR, including Behrang assembly member Jamaluddin Radzi, and the party's image has suffered as the voters have felt betrayed by these defections. The party had promised to screen its candidates more strictly. Chua proposed that the party holds a debate between she and Hadi to see who is more suitable to contest. The danger in race-based campaigning Hadi, when contacted, shared Chua's view, promising that he would work hard to ensure that whoever contests the seat would win. He said he has been promoting the party rather than himself personally. "I'm selling the party, not myself. I think that should be the way," he said
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| Malaysia poised for pivotal polls Posted: 19 Dec 2012 07:37 PM PST
Simon Roughneen, Asia Times Ahead of what reform campaigners believe will be Malaysia's "dirtiest ever elections", the long-ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO) has engineered something of a clean-up. In recent months, it has reformed some old and oft-derided laws, such as allowing indefinite detention without trial and forcing local newspapers to apply each year for a publication permit, a stipulation that encouraged self-censorship. UMNO and its allies have governed Malaysia consecutively since achieving independence from colonial rule, a longevity not usually associated with electoral democracies. UMNO and its Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition survived the last election in 2008, though it ceded its two-thirds parliamentary majority for the first time and lost five out of 13 federal states to the opposition, a coalition of three parties led by controversial former UMNO firebrand Anwar Ibrahim that includes the Islamic party PAS and the Chinese-dominated Democratic Action Party (DAP). While some in the Malaysian opposition and rights groups have criticized the recent reforms as piecemeal electioneering for next year's vote, there are indications that the government has made some real positive changes, particularly regarding the overhaul of certain emergency laws and repealing the old Internal Security Act, a law which has in the past been used against the government's political opponents. Noting some improvements, Amanda Whiting, a law academic at University of Melbourne who carries out research on the Malaysian legal system, told Asia Times Online that "there now cannot be lengthy detention without trial, there must be a criminal court process, not extrajudicial detention." It remains to be seen whether the "two steps forward, one step back" reforms will be enough to help UMNO and its fellow members in the BN (or National Front) coalition to retain power over the Pakatan Rakyat (or People's Justice) opposition coalition, said James Chin, a political scientist at Monash University's Malaysia campus. He views the reforms as an appeal by Prime Minister Najib Razak to voters to stick with the devil they know. "Najib is trying to say, 'you can have an UMNO that is trying to reform, or you can opt for uncertainty with Anwar and PAS'," Chin told Asia Times Online. Many of Malaysia's main political parties held internal conferences in late November and early December, with the election foremost on members' minds. UMNO delegates rehashed old themes about continuity while accusing the Anwar-led coalition of being foreign-funded stooges with an anti-Malay, anti-Islam agenda. These were viewed in some quarters as diversionary tactics. Najib and UMNO have come under fire of late with renewed allegations centering around a possible cover-up of the murder of a Mongolian model living in Malaysia in 2006 who associated with government officials, which in turn has been linked to a kickback scandal involving the government's purchase of French submarines. At times, the fear-mongering took unwittingly comic turns. Ibrahim Ali, president of Perkasa, a Malay supremacist organization with links to UMNO, suggested that Malays are economically disadvantaged against non-Malays due to Islamic law and therefore the government's long-standing effective subsidization of the Malay population at the expense of other ethnic groups should continue. "Gambling, liquor, entertainment outlets... how could Malays afford, be able to compete?" Ibrahim asked, citing businesses prohibited by sharia law.
Read more at: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/NL21Ae01.html |
| PRU 13: Antara strategi BN dan Pakatan Rakyat Posted: 19 Dec 2012 01:22 PM PST
Umno/BN juga akan mengambil pendekatan meletakkan calon bebas untuk memecah undi di kebanyakkan kawasan Pakatan Rakyat. Kalakau Untol, Free Malaysia Today Formula Satu Lawan Satu dalam Pilihanraya Umum ke 13 Satu lawan satu adalah formula yang terbaik dan berjaya meletakkan Pakatan Rakyat ke landasan yang kukuh menumbangkan kerajaan Umno/BN pada PRU ke 12. Di Semenanjung sahaja negeri yang diterajui Umno/BN di lima buah negeri telah tewas. Jesteru strategi pucuk pimpinan Pakatan Rakyat kini cuba dan berusaha dengan lebih gigih menjadikan agar formula satu lawan satu menjadi realiti. Samada menampakkan strategi ini berjaya atau sebaliknya, penulis ingin menyingkap dan berkongsi kebarangkalian bagi dijadikan perhitungan dan pertimbangan pengundi menilai dan memuktamadkan pilihanraya umum ke 13 nanti. Strategi Umno/BN Pertahanan dan perkakasan Umno/BN Bagi memulakan gerakan strategi kotor Umno/BN akan menggunakan pelbagai muslihat dengan mengaburi mata pengundi di mana Umno/BN menggunakan jentera-jentera Biro Tata Negara melalui saluran agensi kerajaan Kemas,Jati atau Tekun dengan mengedarkan mesej-mesej hasutan kepada kakitangan–kakitangan kerajaan di mana mereka akan dikenakan tindakan disiplin mahupun ditukarkan ke jabatan-jabatan lain ataupun ke tempat –tempat yang jauh dan terpencil serta juga akan mengugut suami atau isteri dipisahkan melalui teknik "politic of fears". Dalam masa yang sama Umno/BN akan menggunakan Jabatan Pendaftaran Negara (JPN) sebagai pintu mengeluarkan kad pengenalan Mykad kepada pendatang-pendatang tanpa izin seperti Bangaladesh, India, Pakistan, Filipina dan Bugis dan mendaftarkan mereka sebagai pengundi sah. Sudah tentu kenyataan yang dikeluarkan dari kementerian dan JPN yang bertanggungjawab akan menafikan segala tindakan teknik kotor ini. Ini nampak jelas ketika era rejim pemerintahan Perdana Menteri Tun Dr Mahathir dan Perdana Menteri kini yang diterajui kerajaan Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak. Penipuan ini bukan lagi setakat di Sabah sahaja tetapi telah menjalar ke seluruh pelusuk Semenanjung. Peranan Suruhanjaya Pilihanraya (SPR) Bagi menjayakan kesinambungan talian hayat pemerintahan Umno/BN, peranan Suruhanjaya Pilihanraya akan memastikan segala tindakan halus kotor Umno/BN akan berjaya dilaksanakan. Cara yang terbaik adalah memanipulasi daftar pengundi dengan menggunakan daftar pemilih yang belum lagi digazetkan. SPR akan menggunakan daftar pengundi yang berlainan ketika waktu pembuangan undi. Antara lain penipuan SPR adalah dengan memindahkan pengundi-pengundi dari satu kawasan mengundi ke lokaliti yang lain tanpa pengetahuan pengundi itu sendiri, mendaftar pengundi yang diragui sebagai pengundi sah,menambah dan mendaftar sebahagian besar anggota rela sebagai pengundi pos dan banyak lagi jenis penipuan. Dalam keadaan sebaik mungkin formula satu lawan satu adalah jalan terbaik bagi memastikan kemenangan kepada Pakatan Rakyat. Oleh itu melalui pelbagai saluran maklumat, Pakatan Rakyat melalui unit media haruslah menyampaikan mesej secara meluas mengenai kesedaran supaya mesej satu lawan satu dapat menyuntik dan memahat ke pemikiran pengundi. Ini jelas terbukti apabila formula satu lawan satu telah berjaya dibuktikan di Semenanjung. Melihat kepada kesatuan inilah, kesepakatan menumbangkan Umno/BN berhasil. Pada tahun 2008, semasa PRU 12 , formula satu lawan satu tidak menjadi di Sabah kerana tidak wujudnya persefahaman dan permuafakatan di kalangan parti-parti yang bertanding dan menampakkan suasana gelanggang pertandingan adalah "Free for all to contest". Hakikatnya Pakatan Rakyat atau pembangkang kecundang. Dalam hal ini, Pakatan Rakyat mesti melahirkan dan menerapkan mesej yaitu 'Mana-mana calon Bebas atau calon-calon dalam parti' yang tidak bernaung di bawah Pakatan Rakyat adalah dilihat sebagai `agen pemecah undi' bagi pihak Umno/BN. Tujuan yang disampaikan adalah jelas iaitu perjuangan kali ini adalah untuk perjuangan rakyat dan menumbangkan kerajaan Umno/BN yang zalim dan autokratik. Jesteru, rakyat jelata mesti dimaklumkan dalam penegasan mereka mengenai "siapa agen pemecah undi' yang berselindung disebalik pelbagai slogan rakyat. Jika rakyat menyedari hal ini ianya akan mengkukuhkan lagi pendirian mereka ke arah perubahan kepada kerajaan baru Pakatan Rakyat. Read more at: http://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2012/12/20/pru-13i-antara-strategi-bn-dan-pakatan-rakyat/ |
| Lynas' Waste Plans A Toxic Pipe Dream Posted: 19 Dec 2012 01:07 PM PST
"If this was all ready to go they would be trumpeting it in the public arena … already it looks slippery. If this was possible wouldn't most countries around the world be doing it?" Scientists and community leaders are concerned about radioactive waste from Lynas' Malaysian plant but the company representative who took Wendy Bacon's questions brushed off the criticism This is the second of two articles about Lynas by Wendy Bacon. Read the first here. Australian rare earth company Lynas has always known it had a waste problem. It plans to process rare earth concentrate, imported from its mine at Mount Weld in Western Australia, at its Lynas Advanced Materials Plant (LAMP) in Malaysia. It will not only produce rare earths for export but also a huge amount of waste, including more than a million cubic metres of low level radioactive material. Lynas was originally going to build its LAMP plant in China, which produces more than 90 per cent of global rare earths. But according to its 2007 annual report, it decided to move to Malaysia, because the Chinese government was increasing its control over production, including applying environmental standards more strictly. Lax regulation had led to what a Chinese government white paper described this year as extensive emissions of radioactive residues and heavy metals, clogged rivers, environmental pollution emergencies and accidents causing "great damage to people's safety and health and the ecological environment". Lynas was attracted to Malaysia because it was offered tax free status for 10 years. Its first choice was a site in the state of Terangganu where it quickly received necessary construction approvals. Then the Malaysian government asked Lynas to move south to the Gebeng industrial estate which was built on a reclaimed swamp, 2.5 kilometres from the port of Kuantan in Pahang. Although the new land cost $30 million rather than $5 million, the company reported that it "had little choice but to accept this", and in any case the infrastructure at the new site was better as it was close to petrochemical plants. For its cooperation, Lynas's tax holiday, which included all imports and dividends, was topped up to 12 years. The company told the sharemarket that it would start producing rare earths by June 2009. New environmental approval documents were filed in January 2008. It took only five weeks for the state and local council environment departments and the Malaysian Atomic Energy Licensing Board to give the company a construction licence. It is clear from the documentation that at this stage the company had only temporary plans for waste storage, had not addressed the possibility that future events including flooding could affect the safety of the site, or selected a permanent waste facility. Despite the delays, shareholders were told that production would still start in 2009. As 2012 ends, the plant — which will take months to become fully operational — received its first rare earth concentrate several weeks ago. There is an emphasis in the the company's glossy investor presentations and annual reports of the sustainability of its products, which are necessary for the operation of almost all electronics — from smart phones to missiles. However, there was little mention of the waste — or "residue", as Lynas prefers to call it. Lynas and its supporters assert its operations are completely safe, but as NM reportedon Monday, others — including scientists — are less confident. Lynas relies on an IAEAreport that found it had complied with international standards in its construction phase, but needed to do more prior to operating. Lynas told New Matilda that since the IAEAreport, it has taken the "additional safety step" of placing "hydrated residues in safe, reliably engineered, elevated storage cells that are designed so that there is no possibility for any leakage of material into the environment". These storage cells will be monitored by Lynas and the Malaysian Atomic Energy Licensing Board (AELB). The IAEA also recommended that Lynas proceed no further until it had filed comprehensive plans for the permanent disposal of waste, decommissioning of the plant and remediation of the site at the end of its life. The AELB and Lynas issued a joint statement mid-way through last year stating that this work would be done before any rare earths could be imported. But then, earlier this year, the AELB jumped the gun by granting a temporary operating licence which gave the company 10 months to come up with these plans. This temporary operating licence was then delayed as a result of court action until November. Shutting Down the Critics When New Matilda suggested that problems are more likely to arise in the long term, even 20 or 30 years away, he replied: "I would be lying if I categorically tell you there is no risk in 20 or 30 years time from anything. What I can tell you is that the unanimous conclusion of all of the scientific experts from all of the different organisations that have investigated this material and everything else is that there will be no discernible risk for the public or anyone else from this facility." But this is far from true. For example, in April this year, the National Toxic Network (NTN), a community based network "working to ensure a toxic-free future for all", published a preliminary assessment of the waste steam of Lynas's LAMP project. It was prepared by Lee Bell, a qualified environmental scientist with 20 years experience in analysis of industrial process plants, groundwater monitoring and contaminated sites. He co-chaired the Core Consultative Committee on Waste under the former Labor government in Western Australia, which reformed the state's hazardous waste sector. Readers of his 29 pageNTN report (pdf), which was reviewed by another scientist, are likely to be concerned about the company's environmental plans. I asked Lynas' spokesperson about the NTN report: "Whatever you think of it, it [the report] is a solid document. It appears to be academically referenced and it also appears to have had some form of review. If you read it, on a number of scores, you would be concerned?" To which the Lynas spokesperson responded: "The relevant thing there is 'appears to be' that is a really interesting phrase … I take you to the disclaimer right at the end [of the report] — 'Please note this information is provided as general information and comment should not be seen as professional advice' — on the basis that it 'appears to be well referenced', that is a strange disclaimer to have." In response Bell explained the disclaimer is used to indicate the report is intended for public use. Most of Lynas's reports on the other hand are not easily accessible. The Lynas spokesman rejected an NTN claim that the LAMP's location on a reclaimed swamp with a high rainfall is relevant to disposal of low level radioactive waste. Asked if he was aware it was a "marshy site", he said, "I have no idea". He explained that although there is a pristine fishing village and beach at Kuantan three and a half kilometres away on the coast, "if there is a risk there, it is much wider than just Lynas because the LAMP is in a petrochemical zone". In fact, the site is on a reclaimed peat swamp. Bell doesn't buy Lynas' argument that their plant will be yet another structure in the petrochemical zone. "The area may well have been developed for petrochemical plants — but these do not have large tailings ponds full of low level radioactive material," he said. "Refineries usually dispose of their waste by on-site incineration or off-site disposal in stable geological areas. This is comparing chalk and cheese." Discrediting sources is a familiar public relations tactic used by companies to protect themselves against journalists relying on their critics as sources. So NM asked if the company had prepared a response to the NTN report. The spokesperson said it had but it was "unfortunately contained material before a [Malaysian] court and I can't share that with you". The NTN report deals with LAMP waste steams which include non radioactive fluoride, dust particulates, gas, acidic waste water as well as more than 22,000 tonnes of low level Water Leach Purification (WLP) radioactive waste which a year. The most critical issue is the control and disposal of the WLP wastes — which for radioactive material may mean for many hundreds of years. On the basis of specific criticisms, NTN has two main recommendations. First, that the temporary licence issued by the AELB should be revoked until the issue of long term waste disposal is resolved and second, that the plant should not be allowed to operate until the release of mlliions of litres of effuent into the Balok River that runs past the site has been "further modelled and assessed". "The lack of data on these issues (the impact on the river) means the Lynas EIA is well below international standards and insufficient for granting of operational licences," theNTN says; the LAMP temporary licence would never have been granted in Australia. Novel Solutions — But Will They Work? Worley Parsons worked on the basis that there would more 800,000 cubic metres of the most radioactive WLP waste over 10 years. (The company has stated its mine will last for 20 years and more recently told New Matilda, 50 years). When other wastes were included, there would be 2.7 million cubic meters of waste that need permanent disposal over 10 years. Lynas's preferred option has always been to recycle as much of the waste as possible. If safe, recycling has environmental advantages but Worley Parson also noted that by-product production requires time and investment. It may also have little or no commercial value, although this may change over time. Neither Worley Parsons or Lynas have ever suggested that even if recycling options worked, they would account for all dangerous waste, which under a new Australian law for the disposal of radioactive waste cannot be imported back into Australia. Worley Parsons reported that the WLP residues contain relatively high levels of the nutrients phosphorus and magnesium, which have potential agricultural uses, particularly for palm oil plantations. However, it might be hard to find buyers for fertiliser based on the recycled waste. This option has not been mentioned recently. Instead, the current preferred option is to dilute the radioactive material from 6 becquerels (Bq) to 1Bq and bury it as roadfill and in other civil engineering works. While Lynas says it is confident in the current by-product plans, they are yet to be tested. Dr Peter Karamoskos, who has been a nuclear radiologist for 13 years and represents the Australian public on the Radiation Safety Committee of Australia's nuclear safety agency shares none of that confidence. Read more at:
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| Posted: 18 Dec 2012 03:32 PM PST
The nature of a party predicts its destiny. The DAP was formerly lauded as 'the father of hawkers' while the MCA was termed 'the party of boss'. Nonetheless, the MCA is part of the dominant power. The MCA cannot stand abreast with the general public in many occasions; that includes the Clean Elections Campaign, Anti Lynas, Dong Jiao Zong's Peaceful Assembly of Petition. All these alienate itself from the general public and make way for DAP to grab the upper hand politically. Lim Sue Goan, Sin Chew Daily The DAP is the only party which braved to hold its intra-party election before the general elections and proceed to its power transfer as well as younger leader programmes. In this vein, impacts confronted though, it is undeniably a promising matter. Among the 20 elected general committee seats, father-and-son Lim Kiat Siang and Lim Guan Eng were once again elected with the highest votes respectively as ascribed. Karpal Singh came third. But veteran leader Tan Seng Giaw, Penang second deputy chief minister Prof. Dr. P. Ramasamy and Selangor state executive councillor Ronnie Liu were denied mandate. The DAP is a huge political party in capacity. Honestly speaking, the 20 committee seats designate not for all the luminaries within. Umno and MCA have similar mechanism which reserves 25 highest voted seats for both leading committee and general committee. I would highly recommend that DAP expand its force thus provide allowance for leaders from all the thirteen states and federal territories. In yesterday's re-election, eight denied running members were appointed to the general committee. There were two Malay delegates in this new power order. Indian representatives were not forgotten. Teng Chang Khim the maverick was given the power to head the new Pakatan Rakyat Bureau. It is considered perfect in terms of election. Regrettably, there were no Malay delegates elected as general committee members. Umno will toy it as a controversy and it actually backfires Pakatan Rakyat's devoted effort to gain Malay votes as can be foreseen. Lim Guan Eng is to step down after the next election in accordance with the DAP regulations. Probably Lim Kiat Siang and Karpal Singh will make room for the younger delegates. Vote gains and re-election results show Loke Siew Fook is a potential successor. The crux of staying strong for any organisation is its "metabolism". DAP obviously excels in this. It is only fair to say that the DAP persists in the upholding of democracy. They have fought inexorably for the equality of people, social integrity, and economic fairness with their marked consistency over the years. In the memories of the elderly, the DAP is a political party for the general public. The grassroots image of its leaders is expected as they were always ready to stand behind bars for the country's controversial issues and the good for all and sundry. Inevitably, the DAP remains the strongest opposition party though it is outnumbered in members, weak in hierarchical structure and caught in trying period. The nature of a party predicts its destiny. The DAP was formerly lauded as 'the father of hawkers' while the MCA was termed 'the party of boss'. Nonetheless, the MCA is part of the dominant power. The MCA cannot stand abreast with the general public in many occasions; that includes the Clean Elections Campaign, Anti Lynas, Dong Jiao Zong's Peaceful Assembly of Petition. All these alienate itself from the general public and make way for DAP to grab the upper hand politically. The DAP has only a meagre 15,000 members, but it outshines the MCA, which has a 1,115,167 strong membership. The nation's train of development is advancing, the DAP should not remain a grassroots party but put transformation into practice. Lim Guan Eng once remarked that Pakatan Rakyat and the DAP had to aim for four million middle grounded voters if they wanted to earn the mandate to run the country. To realise this, an influx of younger professional new bloods, consolidation of ruling theories, strategic economic plans are sought after. In other words, change of mindset and refinement in practice are the way to their continuous success. The DAP supporters' great expectation, I think, lies strongly in its quantum leap from grassroots party to a party for all the nation.
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| May 13, Kg Medan – Never again! Posted: 18 Dec 2012 02:27 PM PST
Even though biologically, there is no such basis for a category known as "race", the social construction of race is ever present in this country. By Kua Kia Soong, FMT This is the first book written to put the record straight on the racial violence against ethnic Indian Malaysians at Kampung Medan in 2001. For this racial violence to happen more than 30 years after "May 13" is a scandal and an indictment of Malaysia's modern day institutions which are still steeped in racism and racial discrimination. My 2007 title, "May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969" challenged the official version that the violence (in which the victims were mainly ethnic Chinese) was the result of "riots" between "Malays" and "Chinese" who had been provoked by irresponsible opposition politicians. The official version of the Kampung Medan violence in 2001 was that the "riots" had been sparked by incidents which ignited "naturally" in a neglected urban ghetto. The facts on May 13 point to an orchestrated pogrom in which a complicit state allowed the violence to drag on until July 1969, before the security forces demonstrated their full capacity to restore order. As documented in Nagarajan and Arumugam's new book, the Kampung Medan violence, which started on March 8, 2001, was allowed to continue over a number of days in a relatively small enclave of Petaling Jaya – with the last tragic incident occurring on March 23. This delay in taking action reveals a serious credibility problem surrounding our law enforcement and security forces. How is it that these forces failed in their duty to apprehend the thugs who unleashed the racial violence and also failed to investigate those who had organised the violence? Eyewitness accounts show that in some of the racial attacks there, the police just stood by without stopping and apprehending the thugs. This was the same observation noted during the "May 13" pogrom, namely, the security forces did not play the professional role expected of them. Just as in 1969, these incidents were not "racial clashes" between ordinary Malays and non-Malays. In this record of Kampung Medan, it is clear that the people within this community were of diverse ethnicity and that between them there was the sort of camaraderie evident in Kampung Baru in May 1969. The culprits who were responsible for the violence were fascist thugs from outside these communities who had been brought there by "hidden hands". It is the duty and responsibility of the police and security forces to apprehend the thugs and to unmask the hidden hands and reveal their agenda. After all, our Malaysian Police Force pride themselves on being one of the best in this part of the world, having been trained by the British colonial power to handle the Emergency during the fifties. Note the speed with which they execute ISA operations and their alacrity in breaking up civil demonstrations of thousands! Racism against ethnic Indians In recent years, a pattern has emerged in which ethnic Indians, who are a minority community in this country (of less than 10% of the total population) finding themselves the majority in official statistics on deaths in police custody and victims of police shootings. These shocking facts reflect the racist portrayal of the marginalised Indian community in the state institutions. Through the years, we have also witnessed many cases of racial slurs against ethnic Indians in the mainstream media and school textbooks. Even though biologically, there is no such basis for a category known as "race", the social construction of race is ever present in this country. Racism and racialisation came about during the period when the different communities were under the dominance of British colonialism. In the circumstances of that time, it suited the dominant group to legitimise dominance by a divide and rule strategy that viewed minorities as "non-indigenous" who required assimilation. This legacy of racism, which has been further institutionalised since independence, is not only evident in school textbooks but also in media discourse and everyday conversation. My writings on press coverage of ethnic affairs since the Eighties (eg. "Media Watch: The Use and Abuse of the Malaysian Press", SCAH 1990) have shown that ethnic minority groups tend to be reproduced in the Malay-language press in stereotypical, blatantly racist terms. Thus, minorities are associated with problems and conflict and then portrayed as a threat to the dominant Malay population. Topics tend to focus on "aliens", "them versus us", crime and cultural differences are interpreted negatively. The message is clear: "Immigrants must adapt or else…", "Indians must behave…" Today, this blatant racism has become second-nature to the Malay-language press and media watching is no longer an art in Malaysia! '1Malaysia' forces Umno to outsource racism At the time when the racial violence happened at Kampung Medan in 2001, the so-called "Malay Action Front" provocatively waved the keris and pledged to defend "Malay ethnic supremacy". Such racist provocation and Umno's manipulation of Malay sentiments serve to ensure Umno's monopoly of political power and their ability to reap the fruits of Malay-centrism. In the process, such racist propaganda serves to divert the attention of the Malay poor from their real problems and the ruling elite responsible for them. Since the 2008 political tsunami and Umno's attempts to win back non-Malay support through such ploys as the "1Malaysia" slogan, it appears that Umno Youth's traditional role of racial breast-beating has been outsourced to the far-right groups. Umno soon learnt that the spectacle of "Kerishamudin" playing the Malay warrior at the 2006 Umno general assembly had cost them too many non-Malay votes in the 2008 general election. The Umnoputras, in their pursuit of political and economic power, are not interested in solving the social problems that have resulted from the neo-liberal and discriminatory policies which they have put in place. The far-right is there to ensure that the Malay working class and middle class are wooed by the "Malay-centrist" ideology in an effort to prevent them from joining the growing movement against the present unjust system. As has happened in the history of capitalism, fascists only offer racism and violence as a solution to people's desperation. "Hate crimes" are criminal acts committed as intimidation, threats, property damage, assault, murder or such other criminal offence. The negative impact of hate crimes on the greater community cannot be emphasised enough. In order to nip this tendency in the bud, "Incitement to racial hatred" needs to be made a criminal offence. Under the British Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 for example, publication of materials that incite racial hatred is an arrestable offence. These include deliberately provoking hatred against a racial group; distributing racist material to the public; making inflammatory public speeches; creating racist websites on the internet; inciting inflammatory rumours about an individual or ethnic group, in order to spread racial discontent. The UK Public Order Act 1986 defines racial hatred as "hatred against a group of persons defined by reference to colour, race, nationality or ethnic origins". Section 21 of the Act makes "incitement to racial hatred" an offence to publish or distribute material which is threatening or abusive or insulting if intended to stir up racial hatred…" In Malaysia, the proposed Equality Act and Equality and Human Rights Commission (see below) should likewise specifically deal with hate crimes and incitement to racial hatred.
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