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The Challenge of Muslim Youth
Cops and robbers
The decline of quality
More Spectacular Malaysian Scandal Revelations
Deepak and Musa: An Umno inside job?
Father, son and the regional warlords
Campaigning like no tomorrow

Posted: 15 Dec 2012 10:32 AM PST

In an age of self-determination, they crave freedom of opportunity. They aspire to world-class education. And they demand open and accountable government. Our challenge is to deliver those freedoms without sacrificing our traditions. But this is only possible if we show leadership and commit to reform.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, The New York Times

Profound change is underway in the Middle East and North Africa. It is too early to be definitive about causes, but I believe there is a common thread: young people in Islamic societies face an opportunity deficit.

The Arab awakening was driven by youth, organized by technology, and fired by a hunger for political change. In seeking more open societies and more responsive governments, young Arabs demonstrated a yearning for democracy. But they also expressed a deep sense of loss — not just of personal or political freedom, but of opportunity.

This unrest was the result of a basic misallocation of resources. Not natural resources, or capital, but people. The underrepresentation of youth in the economy created conditions in which tensions could grow — tensions that were fanned by a lack of political reform. Politically and economically disenfranchised, young people found an outlet in protest.

These pressures are not unique to Arab countries; they are felt throughout the world. Many young Muslims see no opportunities for themselves and do not feel they have control over their lives or a stake in their nation's future. Such pessimism leads to disengagement. We risk losing a generation of young Muslims to apathy and extremism.

As a leader of a majority-Muslim nation, I believe Islamic countries must better understand what young people aspire to. This means comprehending two great changes affecting their lives.

The first is demographic: The Muslim world is experiencing a "youth bulge." In 2010, people under 30 comprised about 60 percent of the population in Muslim-majority countries. A younger population means a bigger labor force. Higher investment and capital is needed to utilize this spare capacity. A big demographic change can warp fiscal policy for decades, as "baby boomer" countries are discovering. In social terms, the short-term impact can be even greater. A youth bulge introduces latent energy into a nation's economy and society. Left untapped, it can become a destabilizing force.

In 2010, youth unemployment in the Middle East was 25 percent; in North Africa, 24 percent. Such levels are toxic. When young people lack opportunity, they grow restless. Dependency robs them of their dignity; without an economic stake in society, they can lose their sense of belonging. That can spill over into hostility to the state. From 1970 to 2000, eight out of 10 countries experiencing new civil conflict had populations in which 60 percent were under 30.

The second great change is technological. Twenty-one years ago, there were no Web sites; today, there are more than half a billion. In the space of one lifetime, the Internet has opened up opportunities that were previously inconceivable.

The age of information has its own generation, the digital natives — those who have only ever known a connected world. They expect information to be free, democracy to be responsive, communication to be global. They want an active role in the digital economy.

Empowered by technology, young people can articulate their frustrations to a global audience. This has a profound implication: the emergence of a new, international political consciousness.

These two forces — demography and technology — shape young people's aspirations. In an age of self-determination, they crave freedom of opportunity. They aspire to world-class education. And they demand open and accountable government. Our challenge is to deliver those freedoms without sacrificing our traditions. But this is only possible if we show leadership and commit to reform.

Access to education is improving, but many young people still find that their qualifications do not match the opportunities available, so we must focus on vocational and technical training. We should also continue to open our economies: 23 percent of the world's people are Muslim, but the 57 members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation conduct just 8.3 percent of global trade. Structural reforms must be pursued so that our private sectors become more dynamic. We must reform public services and confront institutions that stifle opportunity, remaining ever vigilant against corruption.

We must also respond to technological change. Our starting point must be recognition of the fundamental principle of the Internet — its autonomy. It should stay that way. This does not mean unregulated behavior, but independence. We should equip our youth with the skills to think critically about sources, to understand that just because information is free does not mean it is accurate. But the online space should remain one in which the free exchange of views is encouraged, in the best traditions of discourse.

As a Muslim nation, Malaysia faces many of these challenges. I believe we should see our youth not as a liability, but as an asset. They are an untapped resource that can lay the foundations for great success. Economic and political reform can give young people what they aspire to: a future defined by opportunity, not dependency. It is time to realize the hidden wealth of Muslim nations.

Najib Razak is prime minister of Malaysia.

Cops and robbers

Posted: 13 Dec 2012 07:47 PM PST

The police and Home Ministry have devised methods for the public to rate the efficiency of the police services, but has an internal audit been conducted to gauge what policemen think of their senior officers?

Mariam Mokhtar, Free Malaysia Today

The PDRM is a force in crisis; when three suspects, two Colombians and a Zambian escaped en-route to the Petaling Jaya Sessions Court last week, suspicion fell on the police.

This is in addition to the police being implicated in deaths in custody and the indiscriminate shooting of teenagers. The public complains that the police respond immediately to Umno politicians and their cronies, but are slow to come to the aid of the rakyat.

Former IGP Musa Hassan has made accusations of meddling in the running of the PDRM and the improper conduct of its senior officers, but has anyone stopped to ask what the rank-and-file members of the police think?

Do they think their top cops are able leaders, with integrity? Do they feel that the PDRM has been politicised?

Would policemen feel confident of receiving an efficient service, if they were to seek police help, as members of the public?

Although the Malaysian public has experienced high levels of serious crimes and many have remained unresolved, Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein soured relations between the rakyat and the police by stating that this was merely the rakyat's perception. The current IGP Ismail Omar attracted ridicule when he claimed that only 1% of policemen were corrupt.

Musa alleged that gang leaders had a say in police transfers and promotions. He also alleged that senior politicians used to issue orders to junior police officers and bypass senior policemen. He poured scorn on his successor and called him ineffective.

Despite the apprehensions of the rakyat, Hishammuddin claimed that the recently launched Short Messaging Service (SMS) rating system, whereby the public could leave feedback on the quality of police service, had been "overwhelmingly successful" and that in the first 10 months of 2012, over 90% of people who used the service were "very satisfied".

Perhaps Hishammuddin and Ismail could conduct a similar survey for their own policemen.

Open to abuse

The picture painted by the Home Ministry differs from the experience of the public. In a recently conducted trial, which was reported in another online newspaper, Inspector Luther Nurjib of the Dang Wangi police station is alleged to have used the cover of his undercover work to sell drugs. He had also been implicated in the theft of a Rolex watch from a suspect in another crime.

It was evident from the trial, that procedures for dealing with police informants were flawed and open to abuse. Entrapment appeared to be commonplace. Corruption seemed to be more widespread than the IGP had previously admitted.

Musa's allegations are of an equally serious nature. He alleged that the attorney-general and the former Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA) (now renamed the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Agency (MACC)) were complicit in framing the former Commercial Crimes Investigation Department director Ramli Yusuff and six other police officers.

If the AG's name cropped up, why has the law minister, the home minister and Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak not ordered an investigation into these allegations and either quash them or bring those who responsible for perverting the course of justice to book?

The same should be done to investigate the MACC, but no one appears to want to make the first move.

Musa also alleged that gang leaders would "advise" him on which policemen to promote or have transferred and that the Internal Security Ministry was also complicit in the awkward decision making process. Are Najib and Hishammuddin not aware of these activities?

This is disturbing; so, who runs the Malaysian police force? Do criminal syndicates call the shots? Does the PDRM have joint bosses – the politicians and criminal masterminds?

Is the PDRM running along the lines of the Sicilian mafia?

The decline of quality

Posted: 13 Dec 2012 07:40 PM PST

According to the study, Malaysia had encountered the greatest drop among the 59 countries in 2011. Averagely, Malaysian students scored 474 points in mathematics in 2007 but 440 points in 2011, falling from the ranking of 26th to 20th. As for science, Malaysian students scored 471 in 2007 and 426 in 2011, falling from 21st to 32nd.

Lim Sue Goan, Sin Chew Daily

Politicians have been busy confronting with each other and all they care now is just votes. I believe that they have neglected the latest Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) results.

Although the scores and rankings attract more attention, I am more concerned about the decline of quality among students and the younger generation.

Deputy Prime Minister and Education Ministry Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin pointed out last month that the Ministry targeted 60% of new Science stream students nationwide, but achieved only less than 20%. Therefore, the government would take various measures to increase the number of Science stream students, including considering tax breaks for parents.

The TIMSS results reflected the factors behind the sharp decline in the number of Science stream students. Students are unable to master Mathematics and Science when they lack the ability to think logically. How would they dare to choose Science stream if they are not good in the subjects?

According to the National Education Blueprint preliminary report, out of 74 countries participating in PISA 2009+, Malaysia performed in the bottom third for Reading, Mathematics, and Science. The results of PISA and the TIMSS have consistently proven that the ability of in-depth thinking among Malaysian students are still at a low level.

The lack of in-depth thinking ability will cause people unable to solve problems with knowledge. It could even lead to the lack of analytical skills. These have explained why there are so many problems in the country.

Politics is chaotic as politicians lack the ability to think. As a result, they make incoherent statements. The rare earth refinery issue has exposed the brutal facts.

A recent report pointed out that many people, including artists and dignitaries, believe that spiritualists and shamans can cure them and as a result, many were cheated and some women were even raped. According to the police, a total of 243 people were cheated in the first 10 months of this year and Chinese alone accounted for 93 people. The total amount of losses involved is as high as RM12,499,665.

If fake spiritualists can turn believers into billionaires overnight, why do they still need to work? Who to blame if we are fooled because we cannot think logically?

Meanwhile, the popularity of the Internet has also weakened the people's ability to think as nowadays, everyone just browses the Internet and resulted in the fall of concentration and interpretation ability. Therefore, they just parrot what others say.

The results of the annual government examinations, including the UPSR, PMR, SPM and the STPM have been getting better year by year and more and more people have scored straight As. Is it because the authority has lowered the standards or the examination candidates have precisely spotted the questions, causing the government not aware of the decline of quality?

The quality of the people must be above "average" to successfully transform the economy and turn the country into a high-income state.

Politicians should stop the war of words and pay more attention to education as the top priority now is to enhance the people's quality.

More Spectacular Malaysian Scandal Revelations

Posted: 13 Dec 2012 12:29 PM PST

It takes a worried man, to sing a worried song

Carpet seller implicates, PM's brother in bid to silence murder witness

For the past four years, Bala has continued to accuse forces aligned with Rosmah of engineering his forced departure from Malaysia. Now, however, Deepak has largely corroborated Bala's original statement and added new revelations. In a series of interviews with independent or opposition news sites and bloggers, Deepak has been metering out additional details that implicate others.

John Berthelsen, Asia Sentinel

The world of Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak and his wife, Rosmah Mansor appears in increasing danger of coming apart because of sensational revelations by Rosmah's former personal friend hinting at complicity in the six-year-old murder of Mongolian national Altantuya Shaariibu. Najib's brother Nazim has now been enmeshed in the scandal.

The 28-year-old Altantuya was shot in the head twice and her body was blown up with C4 plastic explosives, possibly to hide an unborn child, in October 2006 by two bodyguards from Najib's personal unit. One of the two confessed that they were to be paid RM100,000 to get rid of the woman, who had been jilted by Najib's best friend, former security analyst Abdul Razak Baginda.

The two have been on death row for three years. The confession, despite the fact that it was a cautioned statement, was never introduced in court and the individual who offered to pay to have Altantuya killed has never been named.

The big question being asked all over Kuala Lumpur is who, if anybody, put the businessman Deepak Jaikishan, who once said he was as close to Rosmah as if she were his sister, up to the revelations, which began just before the three-day United Malays National Organization's Annual General Assembly which started Nov. 28.

"Deepak has claimed that he's with the No. 2 (Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin), but there's no evidence to prove that," a longtime political source told Asia Sentinel. "If you remember, there were moves earlier this year to suggest that Najib should step down before elections and allow the Nov. 2 to lead the Barisan Nasional (the national ruling coalition) into the polls. Posters to this effect were put up in Johor and Penang but they fizzled out just as fast."

During the UMNO conclave two weeks ago, Deepak met with Zahid Hamidi, the defense minister to appear on a video that supposedly implicated Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim in his decision to go public. That has largely been discarded by the political cognoscenti in Kuala Lumpur as a red herring.

At the same time as Deepak has been making his statements, the retired inspector general of police, Musa Hassan, has issued a series of charges that politicians have intervened in police affairs and called for an independent panel to probe his allegations. For Musa to protest that he is shocked, shocked to learn of such political intervention is almost laughable, since he himself played a role in railroading Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim into prison for six years on trumped-up charges of sodomy. Musa told opposition publications that when the police were about to arrest politically connected suspects, they would often receive calls from powerful figures.

As with Deepak, the timing of Musa's allegations raises many questions -- including allegations he didn't make. On Oct. 20, the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand announced that Musa would hold a Monday press conference in Bangkok with "new revelations" over Altantuya's murder. Then, just as mysteriously as it had been made, the announcement was withdrawn and Musa told local reporters he had never heard of the matter.

National elections must be held before mid-April 2013. Driving Najib from power at this point, especially if his faction were to turn its back on the party, would probably wreck its organizational capability to put on the elections.

Although it appears unlikely that would happen, the allegations are believed to be taking their toll among party stalwarts. Especially if Muhyiddin is behind them, it would spell big trouble. Political observers say it does pave the way to drive him out if the Barisan doesn't make gains in the April polls. The scandal so far hasn't resonated outside the urban areas into the Malay heartland enough to damage the party's chances.

At the heart of the Deepak revelations is a statement by Perumal Balasubramaniam, who was hired by Razak Baginda to keep the Mongolian translator and party girl away from him after she jilted him. In a sworn declaration he said that Razak Baginda had told him Altantuya had been Najib's girlfriend first, but that he had passed her to Razak Baginda because he expected to become prime minister and didn't want a scandal over a girlfriend. Najib has repeatedly denied meeting the woman and sworn on the Quran that he knew nothing of her. He called Bala's statements "frivolous."

That statutory declaration earned Balasubramaniam a fast ticket out of the country after a quick trip to a local police station, where he later said he was forced to sign a statement recanting his original one, on pain of harm to his family. In November 2009, Balasubramaniam displayed photocopies of several RM50,000 checks drawn on Public Bank of Malaysia made out by Deepak as an inducement to leave the country.

For the past four years, Bala has continued to accuse forces aligned with Rosmah of engineering his forced departure from Malaysia. Now, however, Deepak has largely corroborated Bala's original statement and added new revelations. In a series of interviews with independent or opposition news sites and bloggers, Deepak has been metering out additional details that implicate others. He has now threatened to go public with a 26-page booklet detailing his relationship with Rosmah and to give the full details of the episode involving Bala.

Deepak and Musa: An Umno inside job?

Posted: 13 Dec 2012 12:12 PM PST

A good many Umno members believe Najib Tun Razak had something to do with Altantuya's murder although they don't believe he had given the order.

Is it also then a coincidence that Johor PAS had lodged a police report on the matter of Musa's allegations? Even the national PAS leadership was not aware of the Johor PAS' move to lodge a police report.

Toffee Rozario, Free Malaysia Today

The whispers by the anti-Najib faction along the corridors of the recent Umno general assembly were all centred on Rosmah Mansor (Najib Tun Razak's wife) and Muhyiddin Yassin (Deputy Prime Minister).

Whispers also revolved around the fact that Najib hides behind the office of the prime minster, using his powers not to answer the many allegations thrown at him.

The corridors were abuzz with talk about Rosmah's insatiable hunger to grab business opportunities, wealth and anything that would enrich her.

The name of a certain prominent Malaysian Indian businessman (not Deepak Jaikishan) kept coming up over and over again, a new television company to rival Astro was mentioned and so many other matters. All roads, however, led back to the house of Najib.

Najib is seen as a weakling because of the Rosmah factor. They feel that Rosmah has too much control over him.

Today, a good many Umno members believe Najib had something to do with the murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu.

Although they do not believe that he did it himself or that he ordered his two bodyguards to do it, they have been silently pointing their fingers at someone "so close" to him saying, "only that person would have had the authority to direct the guards".

In which case, is it then a coincidence that Deepak and former inspector-general of police Musa Hassan have come out at this "opportune" time to reveal "the truth"?

Does Musa know what we do not? Is Umno and Barisan Nasional in for a big fall?

There are just so many questions.

The action, according to some PAS members, was done on the instigation of certain friendly Umno members in Johor.

Friends in PAS, PKR and even DAP

It was, they said, all being done to embarrass and tire Najib.

Imagine the Johor Umno members attacking Najib's cousin, Hishammuddin Hussein, saying he knows nothing and does not deserve a seat, let alone the position of home minister.

They were comparing him with more prominent Malays who'd do Umno proud. Doesn't this seem like a direct affront to Najib?

Were these, in the first place, the work of Muhyiddin's men?

Father, son and the regional warlords

Posted: 13 Dec 2012 11:55 AM PST

This election will see a changed party with many new voters and alliances but all of them, in one way or the other, are supporters of the father-and-son team.

Some warlords are excluding Karpal Singh from their cai dan, seeing him as a stumbling block in the party's cooperation with PAS and for campaigning the "one-man one-seat" rule. But he is popular with the grassroots for putting party principles over political expediency.

Baradan Kuppusamy, The Star

While the Lims remain party favourites, the availability of positions has caused infighting among DAP's lower ranks.

The names of the father and son team of DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang and secretary-general Lim Guan Eng are on the cai dan or "menus" of all feuding warlords in the DAP elections tomorrow and because of this they are expected to romp home.

The two along with another, party chairman Karpal Singh, are the three most frequently mentioned names in the menus, a list of 20 names that various DAP warlords are distributing and urging their supporters to vote for in the election. In the last election in 2008, the older Lim came out first followed by his son.

The 2008 party elections were held just months after the victories of March 2008 general election. Delegates were mostly made up of the party's old guard – a close-knit group owing loyalty to the elder Lim and his henchmen.

The party has almost trebled in membership with the entry of mostly younger members, who are used to tasting power and liking it.

The exercise of power and the availability of perks and positions have also caused infighting among leaders of the once united party

A classic example is how Ipoh Barat MP M. Kulasegaran and his men were routed in state DAP elections by powerful Perak cousins – Ngar Kor Ming and Datuk Ngeh Koo Ham – who were allied with the new Perak Indian DAP leader, Buntong assemblyman S. Sivasubramaniam.

In Selangor, too, a fierce fight erupted between the State Assembly Speaker and Selangor DAP vice-chairman Teng Chang Khim, Seputeh MP Teresa Kok together with Pandamaran assemblyman Ronnie Liu for control of the state. But that election produced mixed results.

These continued feuds will colour the national election with all sides trying to use the election as a chance to kill each other politically.

This election will see a changed party with many new voters and alliances but all of them, in one way or the other, are supporters of the father-and-son team.

The annual delegates conference will also see hot debate over the "one-man, one-seat" rule. Delegates are expected to endorse the ruling which will apply to all except Guan Eng, who needs to hold both state and parliamentary seats.

While more than 10 leaders will be appointed to the Central Executive Committee (CEC) and some of these appointments would be from among the losers, it would be a major dent to their morale if they are not elected. Under the DAP constitution, the 20 elected delegates will get together immediately afterwards to select from among themselves who will fill the top posts.

One notable fact is that Guan Eng is going for his third term as secretary-general and it will be his last because the recently amended constitution bars anybody from holding the post for more than three terms. After this term, he is expected to become party chairman, with Karpal having to make way.

The party is also under pressure to make sure more Malay leaders are elected to the CEC.

While observers will keenly watch who comes out first – the father or the son – and how well Karpal fares, all eyes will really be on the success or failure of the two prominent dissidents in the party – Teng and Johor chief Dr Boo Cheng Hau. While the elder Lim has had a working relationship with both dissidents, Teng in particular is seen as rival to Guan Eng for the secretary-general's post.

Guan Eng himself is not on close terms with Teng and this election will be a good opportunity for him, if he so chooses, to finish off Teng.

Guan Eng will need new friends and new allies to shore him up if he wants to keep the party under his control. Teng has been a dissenter for much of his political career, tapping on a strong undercurrent of dissent to get himself elected.

The two-day conference is also Guan Eng's swansong as it is being held in Penang, the DAP fortress and he wants to showcase his CAT – clean, accountable and transparent – administration.

The state is the only one in the Pakatan Rakyat stable that has any chance of holding its own against an onslaught by a reinvigorated Barisan Nasional and Guan Eng is expected to emphasise this fact in his call to arms to the party – to close ranks, unite and save Penang.

With the general election imminent, the 1,500 delegates to the two-day conference are not in the mood to experiment but eager to endorse the father-son team. However, regional warlords are also working hard to outdo each other.

Campaigning like no tomorrow

Posted: 13 Dec 2012 11:52 AM PST

The competition is overwhelming because DAP is the only party in Pakatan Rakyat assured of doing well in the general election. No one is willing to let go, not even those with political baggage or old faces who seem to have been up there forever.

The campaign for the DAP election tomorrow has been the most intense that anyone in the party has ever seen with delegates wooed and sweet-talked at dinners and via SMSes.

Joceline Tan, The Star

SELANGOR warlord Ronnie Liu has been travelling from north to south asking people to give him another chance.

He was in Penang and Kedah the last few days canvassing for support to put him in the 20-seat central executive committee (CEC).

His luck has not been good the last few years but he still controls about one-third of the DAP ground in Selangor and cannot be written off just yet.

The party election is tomorrow and some of the candidates have been campaigning like there is no tomorrow.

For people like Liu, there might actually be no tomorrow if he does not win a CEC post. He needs the post to stay in the running as a candidate in the general election.

His rival Teresa Kok who controls another third of the DAP in Selangor has also been campaigning hard especially for the Indian vote because there has been a surge in Indian members in the party.

Kok, who is Selangor chairman and state exco member, met a group of about 30 delegates and members on Tuesday night at the office of an ally, Klang MP Charles Santiago, to ask them to give their full support to the two Lims – Guan Eng and Kit Siang – and also asked them to support her.

She also introduced them to the new DAP Senator Dr Arrifin Omar and lawyer Ganapathy Rao who is slated to contest the Kota Shah Alam state seat before taking everyone for an expensive dinner.

However, Datuk Teng Chang Khim, the man who controls the other one third of the party in the state, does not appear to be campaigning at all.

The State Legislative Assembly Speaker has been in Beijing the last one week and only returned a few days ago.

The stakes have never been this high as 68 candidates vie for 20 CEC seats at the two-day congress in Penang this weekend.

Kit Siang has, with his usual rhetorical flair, described the congress as a "historic curtain raiser to the hundred days to Putrajaya".

The party is giddy with thoughts of political power and incumbents are clinging on to what they have while newcomers are trying to make it through the door.

All of them want a place in the CEC because it is equivalent to a passport to be a candidate in the general election.

The competition is overwhelming because DAP is the only party in Pakatan Rakyat assured of doing well in the general election.

No one is willing to let go, not even those with political baggage or old faces who seem to have been up there forever.

The campaign, especially among the big stakeholders, have been intense and a number of party members said they have never seen anything like this in the history of DAP.

"They have been buttering up the delegates especially in the last 48 hours," said a Penang delegate.

Delegates have been taken for lunches and dinners and SMSes are flying about appealing for support. Delegates from Penang were feted at a dinner held at a Chinese restaurant in Sunshine Square and the key figure was Guan Eng who is also the party secretary-general and Penang Chief Minister.

Not everyone, especially those who do not have the resources, is pleased about this type of campaigning. They said it is not the party culture and will set a bad precedent.

But others argued that members expect it now that the party is in power and the leaders are getting big, fat salaries and going about in chauffeur-driven cars.

The states bringing the most number of delegates are Perak, Selangor and Penang – in that order. Together they make up two-thirds of the 2,500 delegates from throughout the country.

But the Penang delegates are expected to make up the most numbers since the congress is being held in Penang. As such, it makes sense to sweeten up the mood of the Penang delegates – the way to a man's heart and vote is through his stomach.

It is evident that those around Guan Eng want to ensure that he gets the No. 1 slot in the CEC line-up.

Anything less would be seen as a loss of face and affect his quest to hold on to Penang.

Penang DAP sources said the top five slots were expected to go to Guan Eng, Kit Siang, Karpal Singh, Fong Kui Lun and Tan Kok Wai.

Apart from Guan Eng, the rest are the long-marchers who have stuck by Kit Siang through thick and thin.

Talk of a conspiracy to bring down Karpal's votes are still circulating. But the plot to cut him down to size is unlikely to work.

His outspoken style grates on the top leadership but the general body in the party appreciates it.

However, his "one man-one seat" mission is not generating as much interest as he would like.

The trouble is that those who currently have two seats have no intention of letting go while some of those with one seat are actually eyeing an additional seat.

The same sources said the two Selangor adversaries, Teng and Kok, will also do well for different reasons – Teng because there is always a place in the party for independent voices, and Kok because of her high national profile.

The young Turks who will make it are said to include Anthony Loke, Tony Pua and Teo Nie Ching. Loke is being groomed for bigger things, Pua is seen as bringing something extra to the party while Teo is trying to fashion herself as the next Fong Po Kuan.

Some said the CEC election may try to compensate for what happened at the Dapsy election where the South thrashed the North but others said sour grapes are not going to help anyone win.

Despite DAP's claims of being a multi-racial party, the general CEC line-up will end up looking like that of a typical Chinese party with a few Indians and, if they are lucky, a token Malay face.

Party leaders are anxious that the congress takes place without any hitch. They do not want to be embarrassed by incidents like what happened at the PAS muktamar or the barely-there quorum during the party convention in Selangor.

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Ahad, 16 Disember 2012

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

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