Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- The deuce position
- Nurul’s statement and the Kaum Tua mentality
- Shah Alam the battleground for urban Malay votes
- Green Walk a death knell for MCA?
- Dr M drums up support for Umno
- Conspiracy to oust Karpal?
- Making way for the president
- Sabah Umno could lose ‘birthplace’
| Posted: 26 Nov 2012 07:41 PM PST
As the general election approaches, the great challenge comes from East Malaysia. Ooi Kee Beng, fz.com THE coming into being of a steady two-party system in Malaysia is often thought of as a necessary step in democratic development. But we have to remind ourselves that the process itself, the detailed dynamics of that transformation, is not a given matter. There are many ways to skin a cat, and there are many ways for Malaysia to become a country where open political competition is a norm … even now when the polarity has become so obvious, and so obviously contentious and deep. To be sure, we are talking about coalitions, and in both cases — the Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat — the marriages are largely of convenience. In many ways, therefore, there is a stand-off in Malaysian politics where both sides, despite their best efforts at putting on a united front, do not seem able to make serious inroads into the position of the other side. In such a deuce situation, the advantage of incumbency becomes a major factor to consider. The national budgets for 2012 and 2013 have both been geared towards electoral concerns, and notwithstanding social media and Internet news sites, the government still controls the print media and television networks. This is alongside the enormous resources that are available to the federal government, which have often been used as much for policy purposes as for partisan campaign reasons. And yet, this 50-50 situation is not a stable one. Today, as the 13th general election approaches, the great challenge to this largely peninsula-based division comes from East Malaysia. The neat divisive dimensions that we are so used to when studying Peninsular Malaysia are not only undermined by the Sabahans and the Sarawakians; they are actually becoming outmoded. And it is, therefore, the challenges to basic dimensions of socio-political life and thought in the country that we should be paying greater attention to. We are dealing with a deep paradigmatic shift, not just a simple challenge to the race-based party coalition by another that is less race based. As in 1969, it was the failure in 2008 of Chinese-based parties within the ruling coalition to harness votes for the BN that led to serious reversals in popular support. But unlike 1969, the general election of 2008 saw a broad maturing of Malay opposition to Umno — and by extension, to BN itself — and it was under the leadership of that enhanced Malay interest in nation-building options that the other communities also revealed their wish for a change away from the system of government that the BN had settled upon. Paradoxically, it is the gradual rise of a strong Malay opposition which lies behind the shift away from racial politics. The other ethnic groups would not have moved to any significant extent — be this through Bersih or Hindraf — without the sustained public display of dissent by members of the Malay community over the last 15 years. More immediately, the disappointment with former premier Tun Abdullah Badawi's reforms was a major element in the electorate decline of the BN. That disenchantment was deepened by the conceit and arrogance, not to mention the lack of political sense, displayed by establishment figures and ministers following the amazing victory won by Abdullah in 2004. Although the popular support was just over 60%, the BN gained control of over 90% of parliamentary seats. We should also remind ourselves that the BN won all — I repeat ALL — by-elections during the 2004-2008 mandate period. The Reformasi of 1998 seemed forgotten, and the relative success of the opposition in the 1999 elections (excepting the DAP), seemed a thing of the past. What is the situation today?
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| Nurul’s statement and the Kaum Tua mentality Posted: 25 Nov 2012 02:41 PM PST
Nurul Izzah, who adopts the modernist Kaum Muda mindset, recently found herself the target of the Kaum Tua ire over her 'freedom of religion' comment made at a recent public forum. By AB Sulaiman The case of Nurul Izzah Anwar, the PKR vice president, making the statement that there is no compulsion in religion and that this should apply not only to non-Malays but to Malays as well is now commanding the public domain. Thanks to Utusan Malaysia and the Internet, the speed at which Nurul's statement spread was staggering. The very next day, it appeared as a front-page headline in the Malay daily but with a twist: it was reported that she had been 'suggesting' Malays could commit apostasy; or showing the way to do so. (Apostasy is considered the greatest sin in Malay reckoning.) To the Malay-Muslim, she has committed a grave offence for which she must be taken to task. I will try to identify what really is at issue by way of asking some pertinent and relevant questions. First question: Nurul quoted the Quranic edict that "there is no compulsion in religion". Is she right? The answer is yes, she is, as in Surah 2.256. Following question: Did she state that this edict should apply to Malays as well? Her words spoken at the Nov 3 forum held at the Full Gospel Tabernacle church in Subang Jaya, according to the transcript provided by Malaysiakini, were: "How can anyone really say, 'sorry, this only applies to non-Malays.' It has to apply equally." Her statement can be understood as meaning that the Article 11 constitutional provision on the freedom of religion must apply for Malays as well. Since nowhere in the Quran does it mention the Malay ethnicity, we should logically infer that Nurul's remark was a comment on Malaysian law rather than on Islamic jurisprudence. Next: why then did former PAS deputy president Nasharudin Mat Isa reportedly say that the Surah was not applicable to Malays? I do not wish to answer for him, but according to the reports it is because as a religious scholar he feels qualified to comment on such things while others are not. Sri Gading Member of Parliament Mohamad Aziz raised the Nurul issue in the House on Nov 7 saying" "Apa hukum dari segi syariat Islam atas kenyataan Ahli Parlimen Lembah Pantai yang menyatakan orang Melayu Islam bebas memilih agama yang diminati? Dalam erti kata lain, boleh keluar daripada agama Islam yakni murtad. Kenyataan ini seolah-olah meraikan orang Islam menjadi murtad." Translated into English, the MP had described Nurul's remark as more or less as a statement to celebrate Malay conversion because apostasy will now be permitted among Muslims. You might ask: Did she actually encourage apostasy for Muslims? The answer is no. Syariah augmented by civil laws In her reply to Mohamad Aziz, Mashitah Ibrahim – the Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister's Department in charge of Islamic affairs – said that under the law, anyone found guilty of mocking or maligning Islam could be sentenced to prison not exceeding two years, fined RM3,000 or both. If wielded, this piece of prohibitive legislation portends a conflict and tussle pitting a reformist and progressive Malay-Muslim mind such as Nurul Izzah's on the one hand, and the orthodox and conservative mind represented by Mashitah, Nasharudin, Mohamad Aziz and the rest of them on the other. This conflict is common enough in any religion and Islam is not spared. In Islam, this conflict stemmed from the tussle between Revelation and Reason, which I shall delve into immediately. For this discourse, I will refer to a scholarly work Crisis in the Muslim Mind by Dr Abdul Hamid Ahmad AbuSulayman who was a Rector of the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM). In his 1993 book, the author explained the relationship between Revelation and Reason. Revelation in Islam decrees that all knowledge comes from God via His Revelations found in the Quran which is 'God's word'. Reason is Man's ability to rationalise by using his God-given intelligence and memory. Reason is God's way of making mankind understand Revelation. As Revelation is 'stored' in the Quran, mankind must use his reasoning ability to adhere to all of the edicts, rules and regulations inherent in this holy book. It is at this point that there appears a split in understanding between the orthodox and the progressive. To the orthodox, as the Quran is God's Words, its entire contents are to be the ultimate Truth. The Quran has to be adhered to without any hesitation, doubt, scepticism. To progressives the Quran might indeed be God's Words but mankind has been given intelligence by God. The Muslim can and should employ thought and rationality to everything, even to the Quran. Bow and obey An illustration taken from Islamic history might help you to understand the point. For this I will refer to the writing of Pervez Hoodbhoy's work, Islam and Science (1992) from where I take the case of Abu Yusuf Yaqub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi or better known as al-Kindi (801-873 CE) – a philosopher, mathematician, and musician during the Caliphate of Al-Mutawwakil in Baghdad. Al-Kindi pointed out that Surah 55.5 of the Quran states that the sun, moon, stars, mountains, trees and beasts 'bow themselves' before God. For the unsophisticated, this invokes an idea wherein all creation literally bends in prayer – a bowing tree, a bowing mountain (for example) bending in prayer. He had some doubt over this term in its literal sense. After a long mental search, al-Kindi interpreted that 'bow' could mean 'obey' – the mountains and trees and all other creations obeyed God's Words but did not bow in doing so. A point to note is that al-Kindi lived during the period when human civilisation was rudimentary and the literacy rate was low. The aristocratic class was all-powerful and feudalism was the norm. There was also an emergent clergy or ulama class of citizens, usually aligned with the aristocracy. In the event, al-Kindi's radical views had to be acceptable to the rulers and the ulama class. Apparently in this specific 'bowing' case, they did not agree and deemed his opinion a heresy. The reaction was swift to his heretic and dangerous beliefs. The Caliph had al-Kindi flogged in public and confiscated his library the 'Al-Kindiyah'. The old philosopher fell into depression and silence, and died a broken man. Revelation had won over Reason. God's Words (and by extension the Syariah) are an immutable set of rules which cannot be modified according to the times. Sure enough when the four Imams – Maliki (d.795 CE), Hanafi (d.767 CE), Shafii (d.820 CE), and Hanbali (d. 855 CE) – codified the Islamic jurisprudence that is applied right up to today, they were all under the influence of Revelation over Reason. "There were slight differences in weight they attached to various Quranic verses and degree of validity they assigned to various Prophetic traditions", says Hoodbhoy. Nonetheless their philosophies were otherwise uniform: Revelation over Reason. The orthodoxy and conservatism of Islam was later strengthened by the immensely influential Al-Ghazzali (d.1111 CE). Islamic commentators claim that by the end of the 11th century, all major problems of Islamic jurisprudence had been resolved between these Islamic schools. After that, all the doors for discourse or Ijtihad were slammed shut. Bolting the Gates of Ijtihad Let's pause a little over the points made in the last paragraph. Before the closing of Ijtihad, the flame of learning had burnt bright in Islamic civilisation. Scholars like al-Kindi, Ibn Sina, Omar Khayyam and many others were leading the known world in intellectual development and study. Modern day scholars and adherents of Islam will not miss the opportunity to remind the non-Muslim world of Muslim contributions to human knowledge and science. But after this glorious era, there was the ascendency of an ossified religiosity making it harder for secular pursuits to exist. It appeared that the closing of Ijtihad had also closed the minds of the Islamic civilisation. Partly because of this closed mind, the Muslim civilisation missed out in the subsequent human intellectual developments: the thoughts of Copernicus, Galileo, and Newton and a long list of illustrious names that had led to the explosion of science and scientific thinking; the growth of democracy, capitalism, the Industrial Revolution. It missed out from the burgeoning economic, social, political, intellectual and technological opportunities and advancements faced and undertaken by the universal human civilisation. When Islam was brought into this country (circa 1403 CE), it was this orthodox and conservative version that arrived. I have not come across of any record of any meaningful intellectual development from the Malay civilisation from this date. Malay intellectual discourse began in the early 20th century, as shown by recent Malay social history. During this time there appeared the tussle between the Kaum Tua and Kaum Muda. Farish Noor has written a concise and fairly authoritative account of these factions under an article titled Pre-Net Reformists in Malaysiakini (22 March 2001). According to Farish who is presently a senior fellow at the Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, the Kaum Tua comprised mainly the traditional ruling elite led by the royals and aristocrats of the Malay sultanates on the peninsula while the Kaum Muda were the modernist reformist Malay and Peranakan intelligentsia based in the more cosmopolitan centres on the West coast. Both groups were worried about the future development of the country and their collective fate under British rule. The royal families and aristocrats, Farish writes further, launched a number of initiatives that were aimed at protecting the interests of the local communities against the onslaught of British political and economic hegemony. One such effort was the Majlis Agama Kelantan (Kelantan Religious Council) that was formed in 1915. But the Majlis and many other bodies like it soon came under the leadership and patronage of Malay rulers who were more interested in protecting the interests of the traditional ruling elite than the Malay masses. Another source quoted the conflict between Kaum Muda and Kaum Tua as centring on the validity of Reason to verify religious matters (or Ijtihad) versus those who blindly followed the teachings of early scholars (or Taqlid), see Middle-East Journal of Scientific Research 7 (special issue of 'Diversity of Knowledge on Middle East': 07-13, 2011 © IDOSI Publications, 2011). The advocators of taqlid, Kaum Tua, rejected the use of reason in religion as they claimed that the practice conflicted with the Quran. The task of genuine social reform and political organisation therefore devolved instead to the new generation of Malay reformers and modernists who came to be known as Kaum Muda, writes Farish Noor. Kaum Muda had this modernist opposition towards blind imitation (taqlid) and their emphasis was on the dire need to use Reason. To them, instead of simply accepting the words and opinions of the religious scholars, Man is required to make use of Reason to distinguish between the valid and invalid opinions, or to reinterpret them. Those arguments are strikingly familiar and from this I can safely deduce that they refer to the tussle of Revelation over Reason in the Malay social context. In that pre-Internet era, the Kaum Muda was trying to disseminate the new mental order via newspapers, journals and magazines. One prominent personality, Syed Sheikh al-Hadi who hailed from Penang went over to Singapore and Malacca to open madrasahs or religious schools hoping to spread progressive Islam.
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| Shah Alam the battleground for urban Malay votes Posted: 25 Nov 2012 08:56 AM PST
The next general election is expected to be the closest fight to form the new Malaysian government. And several seats across the nation are likely to be heated battles with the slimmest of majorities. The Malaysian Insider takes a look at some of these hot seats in what will be an intense election for control of Malaysia. In Shah Alam, the total registered voters as at last June numbered 96,066 people where Malays made up about 70 per cent and the rest consisting of Chinese, Indians and others. Amin Iskandar, The Malaysian Insider The capital city of the country's richest state, Shah Alam, is peopled by pensioners, civil servants, businessmen, traders, undergraduates and assembly-line workers who are predominantly Malay and Muslim. The political landscape in this parliamentary seat underwent a sea change in Election 2008 when for the first time a PAS contender, Khalid Abdul Samad, beat the incumbent, Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Shamsuddin, from the mammoth Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition by a whopping 9,314-vote margin. It seemed like a David-vs-Goliath battle. And since then, Khalid's popularity appears to be on the upswing. But the battle is not quite over for BN.
It may have been stunned by the unexpected blow four years ago but BN has caught a fresh wind and is likely to field a fresh man to go toe-to-toe with Khalid (picture) in the ring — local-born Datuk Ahmad Nawawi Md Zin, who is the the Umno division chief and Shah Alam BN chief. Ahmad Nawawi may not be as high-profiled as his PAS opponent nationally, but his political pedigree is just as illustrious as Khalid's, who is the younger brother to long-time Johor Baru MP Tan Sri Shahrir Samad and bats for the Umno team. Ahmad Nawawi is the son of Datuk Md Zin Sulaiman, a former three-term assemblyman for Batu Tiga — one of two state seats that falls within the Shah Alam parliamentary constituency, the other being Kota Anggerik. Md Zin was state lawmaker from 1982 to 1994, and died while an incumbent, just ahead of the 1995 general election. His son is counting on old-time voters with fond memories of his father's service in Batu Tiga to contribute to the BN's bid to reclaim Shah Alam at the next polls due soon. "Batu Tiga is categorised as a white area, that is one the BN can confidently win while for Kota Anggerik, its status is currently more grey-white where it is possible to win but the ruling federal coalition will have to work much harder," Ahmad Nawawi told The Malaysian Insider in a recent interview. Ahmad Nawawi though is no electoral novice. As the former Kota Anggerik assemblyman, he speaks from experience and he is confident BN can wrest control of the Selangor capital. He said BN has a key performance index (KPI) and a realistic breakdown of the percentage of support that showed one of the main factors that had contributed to its defeat in Election 2008 was due to the coalition fielding non-Shah Alam natives as candidates or, in the local lingo, "parachute candidates". Ahmad Nawawi said in 2008 one of the main reasons that led to BN's crushing defeat was that the locals no longer accepted Aziz Shamsuddin.  Ahmad Nawawi is confident of winning back Shah Alam. "With the suppport of the Malays who have returned to BN compared to previously, we feel more confident of taking over Shah Alam," he said. In Shah Alam, the total registered voters as at last June numbered 96,066 people where Malays made up about 70 per cent and the rest consisting of Chinese, Indians and others. Ahmad Nawawi, who was also a state executive councillor during the administration of Datuk Seri Dr Mohd Khir Toyo, said the Malay support towards BN had slid, similar to during the 1999 general election, but in the 11th general election the coalition was saved by Chinese and Indian support. "In the present situation, when we look at the positive response from the public, especially the Chinese when we are on the ground, this gives us the confidence that the chances are better. "The government pensioners' club is actively helping us, previously where were the retirees who wanted to help us? Now everyone is volunteering themselves because they are worried, including Umno veterans," he said.
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| Green Walk a death knell for MCA? Posted: 25 Nov 2012 08:45 AM PST
MCA veterans are of the view that things could only get worse for the party in Pahang as long as the party continues to worship Umno feudalism while paying lip-service to the people. Stanley Koh, FMT The anti-Lynas one-man 300-kilometre journey initiated by Himpunan Hijau chairman Wong Tack from Kuantan to Kuala Lumpur had attracted thousands of ordinary Malaysians, mostly Chinese, to join in his cause to protect the environment. The overwhelming support at stop-overs along the way in towns and new villages in Pahang had generated numerous "touching" human stories on the rapport and silent support towards the protection of the environment, which had been abused and grossly neglected by the Barisan Nasional government. It is therefore not surprising that worrying murmurs of deep concerns are haunting the MCA's rank and file in Pahang, which is also the home state of Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak. MCA has distanced itself from the opposition against the Lynas rare earth operations located at Gebeng, Kuantan, and quietly banned all party rank and file leaders from actively supporting the protest walk. By abandoning and isolating the party's dutiful role, the leadership had chosen to be in a self-denial mode, underestimating the impact it can cause in the upcoming general election. However, many MCA veterans are not so sure of the party leadership's reassurances and confidence anymore. The Pahang MCA's electoral performance in 2008 embodied tale-tell signs that nothing should be taken for granted.
A disconnected party In 2008, MCA garnered only some 59,784 popular votes in Pahang, winning two out of three parliamentary seats contested. Out of the eight state seats, the party won six, namely Cheka, Damak, Teruntum, Bilut, Mentakab and Semambu. The opposition DAP won Tras and an Independent candidate Ho Yip Kap claimed Tanah Rata and had since since declared himself pro-BN. But the electoral fortunes of the party's performance in Pahang are changing. The Green Walk is more than just a simple human endeavour. What emerged out of it is a strong political will by a conscientious few. It also reflected how disconnected the BN coalition is from the aspirations of ordinary Malaysians on environmental issues. The public resentment in Pahang against MCA's impotent role on environmental protection will deepen and is expected to cause a bigger electoral backlash. Aggravating matters, the MCA top leadership, including its Pahang state leadership, had shown a disappointing response towards public grievances on controversial environmental issues since the 2008 election. However, the MCA leadership has been quietly undertaking moves to strengthen its electoral performance in the state. According to 2008 figures, only 46% of the 29,086 valid MCA members had registered themselves as voters although there were some 62,593 Chinese voters in Pahang. There are onging efforts to enlarge the base of electoral support by actively registering party members as voters, including shifting pro-MCA voters to safeguard future party candidates in winnable seats. The party wants to be able to retain its two parliamentary seats that has given it two ministerial positions – Tourism Minister Dr Ng Yen Yen in Raub and Health Minister Liow Tiong Lai in Bentong. The party is also constantly reminded of its defeat in Kuantan in 2008 – to PKR's Fuziah Salleh – that no seat is safe. Two other MCA state seats are also in danger of falling, namely the Damak and Teruntum seats which the party had won with narrow margins of 509 and 293 votes respectively.
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| Dr M drums up support for Umno Posted: 24 Nov 2012 03:12 PM PST  Top driver and VIP passengers: Dr Mahathir is committed to helping Najib and Umno win the general election. They are seen here with their spouses in a golf buggy during the last Hari Raya open house at Seri Perdana. Umno's grand old man is doing whatever he can to help Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak lead Umno and the Barisan Nasional to a convincing electoral victory. Joceline Tan, The Star EVERYONE seems to want a piece of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad. The Umno general assembly is just days away and the media has been after him for interviews. They want to know what Umno's grand old man has to say about the party. Just a year ago, the former Premier was still unsure and fretting about how Umno and the Barisan Nasional would fare in the polls. At that time, he could not see the light at the end of the tunnel. But it was quite a different story last week. Dr Mahathir was sanguine and in a mellow mood despite juggling a hectic week. His replies to questions were brief, sharp and, well, rather cheeky at times. The prognosis of the "Doctor In The House" – to borrow from the title of his best-selling memoirs – is that the party is in a much better state than it was last year. Umno has made it out of the tunnel under the stewardship of Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak. This is a busy month for Dr Mahathir. Outside the suite at the PWTC where the interview was taking place, there was a hive of activity connected to his Perdana Foundation for World Peace. There was an exhibition on War Crimes and inside one of the halls, the Kuala Lumpur War Crimes Commission was hearing testimonies on war crimes against Palestine. Last year, the commission held a mock trial that convicted George W. Bush and Tony Blair of "crimes against peace" in the Iraq war. Dr Mahathir's commitment to the Palestinian cause is not just about commiserating with the Muslim brethren. It also has to do with his life-long conviction against imperialism and colonialism.  Faizal: 'Either we make it or we are finished' But all that may not quite rival his commitment to Umno. Dr Mahathir has been working quietly behind the scenes, doing his part to assist Najib in drumming home the message that if Umno wants to win well in the general election, it has to stop the old culture of political sabotage. He has met one state Umno delegation after another at his Perdana Foundation premises in Putrajaya. "The key message was: do not sabotage the party. He told us, whoever contests, please support him or her. One of the reasons we did badly in 2008 was because our own people sabotaged the party. There is a Malay shift back to Umno so if we still lose it will be because of internal sabotage," said Cheras Umno chief Datuk Syed Ali Alhabshi, who was part of the Federal Territories Umno delegation that met Dr Mahathir last month. Umno plays a largely supporting role in Kuala Lumpur where it contests only three out of 11 seats but the session was packed because members were keen to hear what he had to say. "It was a bit emotional for us, the fact that at his age he is still out there rooting for us especially when he said that even if his son is not nominated as a candidate, he would still go all out for the party," said Syed Ali. The hall was just as packed when it came to Selangor Umno's turn. "He said this is going to be the mother of all battles. He appealed to us to come together as one. We are at the crossroads – either we make it or we are finished. He was pleading with us, I thought he came close to tears at one stage," said the Kapar Umno deputy chief Datuk Faizal Abdullah. Umno needs to go the extra mile to convince people that the party is open to change and reform. Najib is preparing to embark on a bold slate of candidates that will include experienced as well as new and fresh faces. If he is going to convince voters, especially the undecided ones, that Barisan candidates are the team of the future, he cannot have people who have overstayed or those with baggage clinging on. Najib's problem is how to ease them off as smoothly as possible. Some of the people who are dropped may be Umno warlords and no one likes to be told they are no longer needed. Umno's election history has had its share of the local party machinery closing shop or "tutup bilik gerakan" when their man is not selected. Dr Mahathir has seen it happen many times in his 22 years as Prime Minister. He was almost disqualified in the 1999 general election because of an error in his nomination forms. Fortunately, he was able to submit a new set of forms before the deadline but his political secretary who prepared the forms had to quit after the election. And that is why the party leadership is working hard to psyche members against internal sabotage so that they will be mentally ready to accept the candidate line-up when the election is called. Dr Mahathir has also used the sessions to ask those present to give their full support to Najib so that he can lead the coalition to a convincing victory. He is aware of pro-Pakatan news portals carrying reports that he is trying to topple Najib and that he prefers Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin.  Suraya: 'Mahathir factor will have impact in Kedah' Common agenda The reports do not make sense because Dr Mahathir has no reason to want to topple Najib. Both of them have a common agenda – they want Umno and Barisan to win well, they aim to finish off Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's career, and they have no love for PAS and even less for DAP. What many are not aware of is that Najib and Dr Mahathir have a warm relationship. Quite a lot of it is due to Najib's personality because he has been able to maintain cordial ties between the two warring former premiers. Besides, Najib's office has many Mahathir admirers who understand that Dr Mahathir is not the sort of man who indulges in flattery or praise. He is an exacting man who gives credit and makes criticism in equal measure. When the elder man criticises government policy they understand that it does not mean he is against the government or their boss. "We are very confident that Tun Mahathir is with us," said a staff member. Dr Mahathir has dropped by for tea with the PM on a number of occasions and the staff always behave as though a movie star has arrived. They rush to kiss his hand and have their photos taken with him. He is ushered up via the private lift and when he leaves, Najib personally sends him down to the car. Both men are also known to invite each other to their homes for dinner. During the last Hari Raya open house at Seri Perdana, Najib left his lunch when he was told that Dr Mahathir and Tun Dr Siti Hasmah Mohd Ali were at the entrance so he could escort them to the VVIP table. At functions attended by Dr Mahathir, Najib often whispers to his staff to make sure than Dr Mahathir's car drives out first when the event finishes. Protocol dictates that the Prime Minister's car should leave first but Najib will insist that Dr Mahathir be shown the top respect. The Prime Minister's aides are very aware of these gestures of respect. Dr Mahathir has amused reporters with his tongue-in-cheek remarks about who is most suited to be Pakatan's candidate for Prime Minister. On Wednesday, he said that DAP chairman Karpal Singh is the most qualified because of his legal background and the fact that he has been around so long. "If he puts on his turban, he can compete with Nik Aziz (Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat) but he is not a Malay although that can be easily corrected," he said with a broad grin. Actually, he added an even more cheeky remark that is best not repeated. On Thursday, he told reporters that PAS president Datuk Seri Hadi Awang is more qualified than Anwar to be prime minister because the former has no baggage. But he said that Hadi, who had referred to Umno as an "evil party" or "parti syaitan", should know he is working with the devil himself. "He is in a coalition with the devil. I know this devil. Hadi is in cahoots with this devil," he said with a devilish grin. It was vintage Mahathir. He was basically saying that Karpal is a good lawyer but has overstayed in politics, Nik Aziz has the religious but not the professional credentials, Hadi accuses Umno of being an evil party but is working with the devil and Anwar has too much political baggage.  Syed Ali: Drumming home 'no sabotage' message That is the advantage of knowing when to let go after 22 years in power – it gives him the licence to say what others cannot. Nik Aziz would be in the same privileged position had he kept his promise to step down after Dr Mahathir goes. Nik Aziz marked his 22nd year as Kelantan Mentri Besar last month and Dr Mahathir is not about to let him forget the past. "These people never keep their word. They are supposed to be religious people but people who don't keep their word are not very religious. They called me firaun (pharoah), syaitan. It doesn't affect me; it's like water over a leaf. I trust the public; I think they can see through it," he said. Many people are simply amazed at the way that Dr Mahathir, 87, is going all out for Umno. So is Dr Siti Hasmah. "I know Tun Siti was so sad when Kedah fell. They were outside Umno in 2008 but they are back and that's going to make a difference especially in Kedah," said Sungai Tiang assemblywoman Datuk Suraya Yaakob. The former First Lady's eyesight is failing but she is there at all the Umno functions. At the session with the Kedah Umno delegation, Suraya noticed that Dr Siti Hasmah's eyebrows looked lop-sided – one eyebrow was only half pencilled in. They had a good giggle especially after Dr Siti Hasmah confessed that she had been at another function the whole morning looking like that. Dr Siti Hasmah also confessed that she would sometimes ask Dr Mahathir to help draw her eyebrows. He would oblige but he would also tease that this sort of thing was not part of their marriage contract. "They are such a cute couple, so devoted to each other," said Suraya. The former First Couple are equally committed to seeing that Umno succeeds in the general election. "Umno enabled me to become Prime Minister. Now is my time to pay back what it did for me," said Dr Mahathir.
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| Posted: 24 Nov 2012 02:23 PM PST
Ringleaders are upset with Karpal's insistence on one man-one seat electoral formula as part of party strategy to face the next GE, claims a former DAP man. Athi Shankar, FMT Is there a grand design – purportedly mooted by the Lim Dynasty faction – to oust DAP national chairman Karpal Singh in the party national election next month? According to former DAP grassroots leader Tan Tuan Tat, such a plan is already allegedly in place to vote Karpal out from the central executive committee (CEC). Tan, a former Selangor DAP publicity secretary, said the plan was hatched to protect the self-interest of a few. "The warlords don't want the Singh to be their King. They feel Karpal is against their selfish interests," the former DAP's Taman Seri Sungai Pelek branch chairman told FMT here. These ringleaders, he said, were extremely upset with Karpal's insistence on one man-one seat electoral formula as part of party strategy to face the next general election. Karpal's single seat proposal for a party candidate to contest only either a federal or a state seat, albeit some exemptions, has been overwhelmingly popular among party grassroots and lay public.
But Tan said some of the party's current nine double-seat holders from the Lim Dynasty were unhappy with Karpal's initiative to streamline their multiple positions and multiple perks. He alleged that the warlords were also unhappy with Karpal outspoken criticisms against PAS Islamic state and PKR supremo Anwar Ibrahim's unsuccessful Sept 16 Putrajaya coup in 2008.
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| Posted: 23 Nov 2012 03:09 PM PST
MIC president G.Palanivel wants to contest in the safe Cameron Highlands seat while incumbent Devamany has to step aside and contest in Sungai Siput Humayun Kabir, FMT MIC vice president S K Devamany seems to be the unwilling candidate chosen by party president G Palanivel to contest in Sungai Siput in the coming general election. A party insider confirmed to FMT today that Devamany is MIC candidate who has also been endorsed by Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak. Devamany has been reportedly reluctant to step down from MIC's safe parliamentary seat of Cameron Highlands which he had won for two terms, to contest in Sungai Siput. However, Palanivel flexed his political muscles and is set to contest in Cameron Highlands while sending Devamany to Sungai Siput. Devamany could not be contacted while his office staff declined to comment on this speculation, saying only Premier Najib knows the chosen one. Since 1974, former party boss S Samy Vellu had kept an iron grip for 34 years on this MIC strong hold but lost the parliamentary seat to Parti Socialis Malaysia Dr Michael D Jayakumar in 2008 . After Samy's defeat, a few MIC leaders were reluctant to contest in Sungai Siput. Among those were MIC information chief and Samy's son S Vell Paari who cited that he does not want to step into his father's shoes but had kept his options open to serve the party in other ways. Another reluctant candidate was MIC secretary-general S Murugesan whose wife is believed to be a native of Sungai Siput but the ambitious MIC leader had set his political sights on Selangor . Another name mentioned was fomer party state chief S Veerasingam but he was sidelined by the new state chief. Another party hopeful was former deputy minister T Murugiah who had set his sights on this former party stronghold but party veterans were unwilling to give this new kid a chance. In the Sungai Siput parliamentary constituency, the Chinese voters hold the majority percentage with 40.2 while Malays form 36.3% and Indians 22.6%.
Sungai Siput has two state seats of Jalong and Lintang and in the 2008 polls, the former seat was won by DAP Leong Mee Meng while the latter seat was retained by Umno incumbent Ahmad Pakeh Adam. Meanwhile, MIC's proposed party candidates for the other parliamentary seat of Tapah is incumbent M Saravanan while the state seat of Hutang Melintang may go to state party deputy chief and state speaker R Ganesan.
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| Sabah Umno could lose ‘birthplace’ Posted: 23 Nov 2012 03:04 PM PST
Iranun, which is considered as Umno's first 'child' in Sabah, may see a tough fight from opposition STAR Calvin Kabaron, FMT KOTA BELUD: Opposition State Reform Party (STAR) has penetrated Umno's bastion in the state – the Iranun and Bajau kampungs – which incidentally is the birthplace of Sabah Umno. STAR's Sabah chairman, Jeffrey Kitingan, was elated to see about 150 senior citizens and the young who thronged to his ice-breaking "ceramah" at two kampungs here recently. One session was held in Tempasuk Tamau, an Iranun kampung, not very far from Umno's Pandikar Amin Mulia's home. The ceramah was hosted by a local ustaz who recently joined STAR. The other function, attended by some 170 individuals, was in Usukan's Lebak Moyoh at the residence of a local Umno leader and well-known Bajau political activist, Ridzuan Sikah. Ridzuan's entry into STAR is a signal that Umno in Kota Belud is not invincible and that change is coming. In fact, in the last 2008 general election, through manipulations by local political warlords, Umno did lose votes in some of the Muslim kampungs in this district, especially in Iranun areas. At that time, Kota Belud's Umno members were humiliated when the party chose outsider Abdul Rahman Dahlan, who is from adjacent Tuaran, to contest under the Barisan Nasional banner, dropping popular Salleh Said Keruak. The decision was seen as discrediting a pool of many local talents. Abdul Rahman went on to win Kota Belud parliamentary seat, nevertheless, but with a much reduced majority as compared with his predecessor Salleh who won the seat for Umno in the 2004 general election. Salleh, in a three-cornered fight, then retained Kota Belud with a thumping 10,227 vote majority. Abdul Rahman in 2008 won it in a straight fight with a PKR candidate, Saidil Simoi, but with only a 3,020 majority. Divided Tempasuk According to Umno insiders, disgruntled party leaders and members in Kota Belud are still licking their wounds from the humiliation and their angst will resurface and be magnified if again the incumbent, an "outsider", is retained at the coming polls. And, STAR is cashing on the still disgruntled local community. Its Tempasuk coordinator, Suwah Buleh, is a personal friend of the young ustaz who is affectionate to many people. According to local observers, Suwah is gaining ground there already. STAR flags have begun coming up much to the frustration of Umno local leaders. Businessman Suwah, who is active in his SIB church, is poised to be STAR candidate for mixed-seat Tempasuk. He is set to attract the bulk of the votes from the Dusun community.
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