Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News
Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Migrants, church may end BN’s Borneo vote bank
- Beyond the fight to be Lembah Pantai MP
- Exposed! Soros RM120m for regime change devils
- Britain's brutal rule in Kenya on the docks
- Muhyiddin supporters can't wait for the PM's exit
- Why Najib has to watch his back
- Assaulted DAP man receives ‘threat’ calls
- A tough battle in Lembah Pantai
- Does Nazri want to turn Sabah into a Filindo state?
- Is Pakatan afraid of its own shadow?
- How parents can unite, where politicians divide
- The V-neck battle goes on
- Mustafa hits back at PKR deputy president over Selangor MB remark
- Stubborn Umno ‘killing’ race relations
| Migrants, church may end BN’s Borneo vote bank Posted: 07 Oct 2012 12:21 PM PDT  Sabah Christians walk during a procession ahead of Sunday Mass to celebrate Malaysia Day in Tambunan on September 16, 2012. With a general election due within seven months, the ruling BN is banking on Sabah and Sarawak state to prolong its 55-year grip on power. — Reuters pic The 50-year-old lives on the outskirts of Kota Kinabalu, the capital of Sabah, where her tin-roofed shack jostles for space with more than 1,000 others in a slum where children play beside heaps of rubbish. She is hopeful that her three children will get a new home and identity cards if she votes for the government again. With a general election due within seven months, the 13-party ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition is banking on Sabah and neighbouring Sarawak to prolong its 55-year grip on power. But its support in the two Borneo states, which account for a quarter of Parliament seats, is showing signs of slipping.  Residents of Pulau Gaya's water village, who are mostly Filipino migrants, gather outside their houses on the sea outside Kota Kinabalu on September 17, 2012. — Reuters pic Fawziah said she was a beneficiary of a secret plan said to have been approved by Dr Mahathir that has helped fuel a five-fold surge in Sabah's population since the 1970s and turned it into a vote bank for the ruling coalition. "I am part of Project Mahathir," she said, referring to the plan. "I was told to turn up at an office with two photographs and some money," added Fawziah, who showed her identity card that lists her as a Sabah-born citizen. Without support in the two eastern states, the ruling coalition would have lost power in the last general election, in 2008, when a resurgent opposition won a majority of votes on Peninsular Malaysia. Now that support looks fragile. Residents of Sabah complain about competition from Filipino and Indonesian migrants for jobs in the oil and gas-rich region, whose revenues are mostly channelled to the federal government and where one in five people lives on less than US$1 (RM3.10) a day. Christians, mostly members of indigenous groups such as the Kadazandusun in Sabah and the Dayaks and Ibans in Sarawak, once made up nearly half of Sabah's population but now form less than a third of its 3.2 million people. But they can still give a potentially vital boost to the opposition, which won a majority of votes in mainland Malaysia in 2008 but only got three of 56 seats in Sabah and Sarawak. FLEXING POLITICAL MUSCLES The election is expected to be the closest in the former British colony's history after the coalition lost its two-thirds majority for the first time in 2008. This is partly due to Christian, Buddhist and Hindu minorities in the mostly Muslim country abandoning the coalition, complaining of discrimination over issues such as the airing of Islamic programmes on state television. Arnold Puyok, a political scientist at Universiti Teknologi Mara Sabah, says the frustration could translate into votes for the opposition led by Dr Mahathir's former deputy, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, which could pick up at least 10 seats out of 25 in Sabah. Opposition strategists say they need to win an extra 10 seats each in Sabah, Sarawak and mainland Malaysia to win the election with a simple majority of 112 seats. The opposition — a coalition of Borneo parties and a mainland alliance that campaigns for greater transparency — won 15 seats from the ruling bloc in Sarawak state elections for its best showing in 24 years. It got votes from indigenous Christians as well as from the ethnic Chinese minority. As Christian frustration grows over Muslim migrants, churches are becoming more vocal. Malaysia's largest evangelical group held a 40 day-fast last month, which included prayers for the resolution of what they see as the immigrant problem.  A Sabah Christian reads from a prayer book with the Arabic word 'Allah' in reference to God, at a church in Tambunan on September 16, 2012. — Reuters pic "There are quite a few unhappy Sabah people. Sabahans do not usually show it openly, they are doing it through prayer," Stephanie Rainier, a Kadazandusun among 7,000 worshippers at a stadium in Kota Kinabalu, said of people's frustration. "They are taking over businesses. They are everywhere," she said of migrants. Read more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/migrants-church-may-end-bns-borneo-vote-bank/ | |||
| Beyond the fight to be Lembah Pantai MP Posted: 07 Oct 2012 12:20 PM PDT
The next general election is expected to be the closest fight to form the new Malaysian government. And several seats across the nation are likely to be heated battles with the slimmest of majorities. The Malaysian Insider takes a look at some of these hot seats in what will be an intense election for control of Malaysia. Joan Lau, The Malaysian Insider Bangsar Baru with its leafy affluent neighbourhoods and trendy cafes serving artisanal coffee is a far cry from Kampung Kerinchi and Pantai Dalam where the residents are more accustomed to teh tarik and sup ekor. Yet these two areas are part of the federal constituency of Lembah Pantai, one of the next general election's hot seats. The incumbent is PKR's Nurul Izzah Anwar, the daughter of Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. She is touted to be the future opposition leader so there is much talk in Barisan Nasional (BN) circles that it is important she be "taken down." To be denied re-election to the seat she won as a rank novice back in 2008. Her opponent — even though it is still unofficial — is Raja Datuk Nong Chik Zainal Abidin, who is the federal territories and urban well-being minister. Although Raja Nong Chik, 59, an accountant, is more well-known in the corporate scene than the political arena, he has taken to his role as Lembah Pantai challenger rather well with a mix of on-the-ground events and social media. There is the perennial accusation of phantom voters and a suspicion that some 14,000 Umno members have been relocated to Lembah Pantai from bordering seats of course. All this will purportedly bump up the number of votes the BN candidate — whoever it is — will receive of course.  Nurul Izzah has found it a tough to carry out events and hold ceramahs within her own constituency. Still, Nurul Izzah, 31, has found it a hard slog trying to carry out events and hold ceramahs within her own constituency. "Yes, it is practically impossible for the current Lembah Pantai MP to use any Dewan Bandaraya Kuala Lumpur (DBKL) facilities," said one of her aides, referring to Kuala Lumpur City Hall. "We are stonewalled." Getting permits for her events has been particularly difficult in the Kampung Kerinchi and Pantai Dalam areas. Very often Nurul Izzah has had to cancel ceramahs planned for the People's Housing Project flats neighbourhood and hold them in private homes, using their compounds, instead. "Yes, her programmes have been blocked many times. Sometimes directly, others indirectly," said another aide. "We've been told that those who host her programmes — especially those in the low-cost housing area — are often harassed by DBKL or other agencies afterwards." The stonewalling takes on various forms: she has been blocked from presenting aid to students at a school in Pantai Dalam; not permitted to distribute dates and her MP newsletter at the Masjid Saidina Abu Bakar As Siddiq in Bangsar during Ramadan (she had to retreat to a nearby carpark) and so on. The more affluent middle-class component of Lembah Pantai — Bangsar, Bukit Travers and Pantai Baru — is home to the chattering masses. These are well-educated, highly opinionated Malaysians who used to be content to just chatter and complain. But in the past two years, many of them have walked their talk... attending both Coalition for Free and Fair Election (Bersih) rallies, for example.  Raja Datuk Nong Chik is expected to be the BN candidate for Lembah Pantai. They will very likely vote for the incumbent but across at the land of low-cost flats and blue-collar workers, the largesse a BN candidate will very likely bring may just be too tempting. Read more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/beyond-the-fight-to-be-lembah-pantai-mp/ | |||
| Exposed! Soros RM120m for regime change devils Posted: 07 Oct 2012 12:17 PM PDT | |||
| Britain's brutal rule in Kenya on the docks Posted: 07 Oct 2012 12:10 PM PDT
(Al Jazeera) - Also closely following McCombe's decision were Indians, Malaysians, Cypriots, and Guyanese - others who lived and suffered under British rule. Cases have been filed across the former British empire's vast expanse seeking reparations for colonial-era abuses. The British colonial officers ordered the Kenyans off the crowded bus, hunting for insurgents who had brazenly challenged the empire's rule.
Naomi Kimweli did not think, as she lay for weeks in King George hospital in Nairobi, that the men who tortured her and her husband would ever be held accountable. In Nairobi, elderly Kenyans - many the victims of torture under British rule - waited anxiously at the Kenya Human Rights Commission for the verdict. George Morara, the commission's officer in charge of the case, received the call from London. Naomi Kimweli sits at a table on the south bank of the River Thames leafing through an Olympics pamphlet. It is just after 5pm and Londoners are gathering for a glass of Pimms and some rare sunshine. Naomi and three other elderly Kenyan torture victims spent two weeks at the Royal Courts of Justice in July 2012. For six hours a day they watched men and women in powdered wigs read aloud evidence of their rapes and castrations in a language they could not understand. In 2003, Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki lifted the 40-year-old ban on the Mau Mau, ending their political marginalisation. About the same time, historians researching the Mau Mau uprising gained access to secret colonial archives detailing the extent to which the colonial authorities systematically used torture to suppress the rebel movement. The old horror stories of the Kimwelis and thousands of other Kenyans found new legal footing. Thus began the legal battle that would challenge the impunity of empire. "We are not talking about phantoms," said Morara of the Kenyan Human Rights Commission. "We are talking about real men and women who exist and still bear scars." During the second hearing last July, the Foreign Office faced growing piles of evidence - oral testimony, medical records, and diplomatic wires from London. In their opening statements, lawyers representing the British government admitted torture had occurred. Read more at: http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2012/10/201210610143126968.html | |||
| Muhyiddin supporters can't wait for the PM's exit Posted: 06 Oct 2012 08:58 PM PDT
IT'S TOFFEE'S TURN Muhyiddin Yassin's supporters have finally come out to stake the claim for their chief as the next PM of Malaysia, and it is not really surprising as so many things have gone weirdly wrong with Najib's running of the country, the party, and most of all the elections campaign, that most of the people in the BN seem to be sure that with Najib at the helm the BN will suffer an agonising and humiliating defeat when he calls for elections this time around. To Muhyiddin, and in fact the majority at UMNO, Najib has and is taking the party in the wrong direction, he has not asserted his authority sufficiently to maim the opposition, to them he does not have enough, "fire in the belly" to win the elections they way his predecessors did. Najib's deputy has scarce respect for him, he has displayed that time and again by deliberately contradicting so many directives of Najib's, as one observer noticed, "the other so called "heavyweights" in UMNO - Nazri, Rais Yatim, Khairy, and even the likes of Sharizat seem to leaning towards Muhyiddin almost to say that there is this general feel in UMNO that Najib has to go."
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| Why Najib has to watch his back Posted: 06 Oct 2012 06:02 PM PDT
Hence Najib's career all depends on how well he performs in the coming general election. Unless he can do better than what Abdullah Badawi did in March 2008 then he would have to go. Winning the general election is not good enough. He would have to ensure that Pakatan Rakyat does not win more than 80 Parliament seats and Selangor falls back to Barisan Nasional plus Barisan Nasional retains Perak. THE CORRIDORS OF POWER Raja Petra Kamarudin
UMNO President and PM Abdullah announced on July 10 he will step down as Prime Minister in June 2010 and hand over power to his deputy Najib Tun Razak. He also will relinquish his positions as president of United Malay National Organisation (UMNO) and as chairman of the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition to Najib. The PM added that he would not lead BN into the next general election, which has to be held by May 2013, as at that time the country would have Najib as its new Prime Minister. At a press conference after chairing the UMNO Supreme Council and a briefing to around 1,000 UMNO grassroots leaders, Abdullah added that he would defend his UMNO President's post, with Najib as his running mate, at the national party elections scheduled in December. Abdullah stated at the press conference that during the two-year transition process, he would consolidate and restore the people's confidence in UMNO and BN. The PM also stated that he chose the time frame to ensure he will be able to implement to the programs outlined in the Ninth Malaysian Plan (2006-2010), particularly hardcore poverty eradication and the judicial reforms he had earlier announced. The Prime Minister noted that he would give Najib more tasks and duties to prepare him for the leadership take-over and to face the next general election. Abdullah told reporters that UMNO grassroots leaders at the July 10 closed-door briefing had welcomed his transition proposal. One Johor UMNO delegate who spoke with us said those attending the briefing applauded the Prime Minister's announcement as they had no choice, in the meeting at least, particularly given Najib's acceptance of the deal. The UMNO delegate clarified that the UMNO Supreme Council had not precluded a contest for the top two slots (a decision the Supreme Council has taken in certain past elections). It remained to be seen whether branches and divisions would fully support the transition deal, or endorse other nominations. Standing beside Abdullah at the press conference, Najib expressed his gratitude and reiterated his loyalty to Abdullah. The DPM described the transition as in accordance with UMNO's tradition, and hoped that UMNO grassroots would accept and support the plan. One UMNO divisional leader told us that Najib knew that many grassroots leaders were not happy with the deal, but Najib had explained he had never challenged the party president before and was not about to change that record. PM Abdullah supporters in the UMNO Supreme Council echoed Najib's view that the transition announcement was in keeping with UMNO party tradition. Party Information Chief Muhammad Taib stated that the plan was the best way to strengthen UMNO, particularly as history has shown that a contest for top posts will only divide the party. Youth Chief and Najib's cousin Hishammuddin and Deputy Youth Chief and Abdullah's ambitious son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin both stated that the transition plan will help unite the party and enable BN to concentrate on fulfilling its election promises. UMNO Women's Chief Rafidah said, with support for the transition plan, party leaders could focus on tackling the challenges arising out of current global economic problems. Not all UMNO leaders rushed to endorse Abdullah's hand-over plan. Veteran UMNO leader Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, who has been campaigning for the party presidency, described the transition plan as a "wrong move" and "unconstitutional". Razaleigh claimed he was confident of getting sufficient nominations to contest the presidency, as he would now attract the support of those who previously backed Najib to oust Abdullah. Three-term UMNO Vice President and Minister of International Trade and Industry, Muhyiddin Yassin, who aspires to the deputy president slot, voiced disappoint with the transition plan describing it to reporters as "too long". Previously, Muhyiddin publicly urged Abdullah to step down sooner rather than later. Muhyiddin stated categorically that the decision on the transition should be left to UMNO members during the branch and division meetings, hinting that the deal may not be acceptable to the UMNO grassroots. Stirring the pot, Former Prime Minister Mahathir, now a strong critic of Abdullah, took exception to the transition plan and predicted that in the end Abdullah would not allow Najib to become Prime Minister. Writing in his blog, Dr. Mahathir said Najib would be purposefully weakened by damaging allegations, so much so that Najib would no longer appear suitable for office. Some party activists took exception to the autocratic nature of Abdullah's pronouncement. John Pang, an advisor to Tengku Razaleigh, described Abdullah's plan as arrogant and undemocratic. He told us that the "feudal culture in UMNO in directing the grassroots" is destroying the party. In support of Razaleigh's statement (and political ambitions), Pang claimed that Najib's supporters were "rabidly" unhappy with the transition deal. Abdullah's announcement was clearly timed to influence the UMNO grassroots immediately prior to party branch meetings, scheduled for 17 through August 24, which start the nomination process for the top UMNO posts. Following the party's unprecedented set-back in the March general elections, Abdullah has come under pressure to resign in favour of Najib or not seek party re-election in December. By confirming a hand-over date and Najib as his successor, Abdullah hopes to cement his re-election bid and head off any grassroots mobilisation in favour of challengers, including Najib, Muhyiddin, and Razaleigh. Currently, Najib is in no position to reject Abdullah's proposal, given Najib's vulnerability to unconfirmed but widely believed allegations of his connection to the Altantuya murder case. The UMNO grassroots will have the opportunity in the next few weeks to signal whether they acquiesce to Abdullah's plan. The reaction of senior UMNO figures who lose in this deal, like Tengku Razaleigh and UMNO vice president Muhyiddin, also will be important to gauge. ********************************************** That (above) was the confidential report that the United States Embassy in Kuala Lumpur sent to Washington on 11th July 2008. This report was regarding Umno's closed-door meeting to resolve the succession issue. Basically, the then Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi was not prepared to resign immediately. He wanted a 'transition period' where he would 'eventually' had over power to his Deputy, Najib Tun Razak. The Umno grass-roots leaders plus the top leadership did not agree to this. And amongst those 'top leadership' of Umno who also did not agree to this was ex-Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad who did not see the need for the delay. He wanted Abdullah Badawi out straight away. Dr Mahathir wanted Najib to challenge Abdullah Badawi for the Umno Presidency, and hence that would mean for the Prime Ministership of Malaysia as well. Najib, however, refused to do that and even publicly stated that he supports Abdullah Badawi and is loyal to him. This upset Dr Mahathir. But then Najib has never had to challenge anyone in the past. Even his post of Umno Youth Leader was handed to him on a silver platter -- by no other than Anwar Ibrahim. So Najib is not the fighter that Dr Mahathir had hoped he would be. Dr Mahathir made it very clear that if Najib did not want to challenge Abdullah Badawi for the leadership, then he (Dr Mahathir) will back another 'horse'. And this 'dark horse', so to speak, would be Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. And to push the point home, Dr Mahathir started 'flirting' with Tengku Razaleigh. This spooked Najib who saw his chances of taking over fading. But there was one issue that was the stumbling block for Tengku Razaleigh. And that stumbling block was: Tengku Razaleigh refused to be Dr Mahathir's proxy with the latter being the de facto Prime Minister who will 'guide' the former. Tengku Razaleigh was adamant that if he became Prime Minister then he would be 'independent' and will not be under the control of Dr Mahathir. That, in fact, was supposed to have been the arrangement between Dr Mahathir and Abdullah Badawi. However, as soon as he became Prime Minister, Abdullah Badawi all but ignored Dr Mahahir's wishes. And that was Abdullah Badawi's downfall -- his refusal to honour the deal he had made with Dr Mahathir. Abdullah Badawi was smart, though. He agreed to all the 'terms and conditions' and then after taking office he did a U-turn. Tengku Razaleigh was not so smart. He rejected the terms and conditions so Dr Mahathir had no choice but to dump Tengku Razaleigh and revert to Najib -- who agreed to comply with whatever terms and conditions to become Prime Minister. Technically, Najib is Prime Minister at the pleasure of Dr Mahathir. If it is displeases Dr Mahathir then he can no longer become Prime Minister. And it would certainly displease Dr Mahathir if Najib cannot do better than Abdullah Badawi did in the March 2008 general election. Hence Najib's career all depends on how well he performs in the coming general election. Unless he can do better than what Abdullah Badawi did in March 2008 then he would have to go. Winning the general election is not good enough. He would have to ensure that Pakatan Rakyat does not win more than 80 Parliament seats and Selangor falls back to Barisan Nasional plus Barisan Nasional retains Perak. Furthermore, even if Pakatan Rakyat gets to retain Penang, Kedah and Kelantan, it has to be with a reduced majority. So this is not just about whether Barisan Nasional or Pakatan Rakyat gets to win the coming general election. Barisan Nasional is not concerned about losing the general election because they are confident of winning it. It is about how impressive a win. And whether Najib remains the Prime Minister would all depend on his election performance. But not everyone is happy with Najib. Many within Umno would like to see him fall. The question is: would they play certain 'tricks' to make sure that Barisan Nasional wins with a lesser majority than in March 2008? Umno is worried that it may see elements of internal sabotage in the coming general election. After all, this is what they did in 2008 to force Abdullah Badawi out of office. So they have done this before. And Umno is worried that they may do it again so that Najib can be forced out off office just like Abdullah Badawi was. Sometimes, in politics, we need to make alliances with the other side. And many alliances across the political divide are going to be made in this coming general election. Enemies are going to become temporary friends based on a common goal. All through history this has been the case where enemies ally themselves to defeat another but common enemy. Of course, once this common enemy has been defeated that does not mean the alliance will continue. But that is a matter to be resolved once you need to cross that bridge. For the meantime, the battle lines are not too clear. Expect enemies to ally and friends to sabotage each other. No doubt, if Umno thought it was going to lose the election then they would close ranks to deny Pakatan Rakyat the government. But if they thought they were going to win and there was no threat of a Pakatan Rakyat take over, then Umno with turn on itself and the warlords in Umno will try to kill each other off. Hence it does not serve Pakatan Rakyat's interest to demonstrate too much confidence. That would just strengthen Umno's unity. Only if Umno thought that Pakatan Rakyat posed no danger to it would we see a house divided and a house divided is a house that will fall. This, however, appears to be something that I can't get across to Pakatan Rakyat. The response I get from the Pakatan Rakyat supporters over the last two years is the opposite of what they should be saying. And that, I suppose, can only work in Umno's favour.
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| Assaulted DAP man receives ‘threat’ calls Posted: 06 Oct 2012 04:13 PM PDT
Taman Murni DAP branch chairman, A Thirumalvalavan received two calls that threaten to injure him. K Pragalath, FMT A DAP member who alleged that he was assaulted by gangsters in a party meet last week has received calls from unknown people who want to assault him. "I received the first phone call at 10.23pm from an unknown Indian man. The caller wanted to kick, beat and chop me up. "I also received another threatening call, this time from a private number about 26 minutes later," said Taman Murni DAP branch chairman, A Thirumalvalavan in his police report. The police report was lodged a short while later at Sepang district police headquarters in Bandar Baru Salak Tinggi. He claimed that the threatening calls were made as a result of his allegations that DAP has gangsters within the party fold. "The man threatened me because I spoke to the media on Friday," said Thirumalvalavan. On Friday, he and another party member R Selvan alleged that they were assaulted by gangsters when they attempted to give a memorandum that also included allegations of gangsterism within the party. Both Thirumalvalavan and Selvan along with Pantai Putra Sepang branch secretary Rashid Md Gani also questioned the DAP secretary-general, Lim Guan Eng and Selangor DAP chief, Teresa Kok for ignoring the issue even though both Lim and Kok had witnessed the incident on Monday.
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| A tough battle in Lembah Pantai Posted: 06 Oct 2012 03:47 PM PDT
SHOWDOWN: Barisan Nasional is going all out to wrest the hottest urban seat in Kuala Lumpur back from the opposition, which it won by a narrow margin in the 2008 general election, writes Carisma Kapoor | |||
| Does Nazri want to turn Sabah into a Filindo state? Posted: 06 Oct 2012 03:10 PM PDT
Daniel John Jambun The comment by Datuk Nazri Aziz that the immigrants in Sabah are under control and are not a threat to the state is another proof that the Federal Government is not interested to solve this mother of all problem. What is painful about this comment is that we can smell a dirty rat, a mala fide (bad intention) and the underlying reality that the Federal Government is actually supporting the presence of illegal immigrants in Sabah as part of some sinister plan to continue changing the demography of the state. What he said was outrageous and unacceptable and should have been condemned by everyone and every party, including the leaders and parties of the Barisan Nasional. Unfortunately only PBS, through its Secretary General, Datuk Henrynus Amin was daring enough to protest, saying Nazri "was politically insensitive to grassroots sentiment in Sabah, especially their fears and concern for the future wellbeing posed by the huge presence of illegal immigrants" and that the statement fuelled "speculations in the streets as the genuine commitment of the Barisan Nasional Government to resolve the perennial problem of illegal immigrants in the state." He demanded that the minister clarify and correct his statement. The response is still total silence. What is amazing is Nazri's continuous denial of the problem. How do we get him to behave like a responsible leader? How do we get this stubborn minister to retract his words and change his attitude about the issue? Obviously diplomacy and polite tones like the ones used by the BN component parties do not work. What Nazri needs is outright condemnation in the strongest words to make him realize that the people of Sabah are thirsty and hungry for the defence and protection of the federal government from non-military invasions which continues to this very day. We can't accept that he is ignorant. He is too educated and too well-informed by the various security branches of the police and army to be ignorant of what are really going on in Sabah. Our only reasonable conclusion is that Nazri is purposefully saying his offensive remarks because he is bullying Sabahans, to let us know that he is boss. We can see that he has been telling us indirectly to shut up about this issue, to let it go, to allow the illegals to grow and increase. Dear Sabahans, please pay attention to the fact that the illegals (Filipinos and Indonesians) are already the majority group in Sabah (27.79%), compared to KDMs which are now only 21.2%. And they are still increasing through continued arrival, and much more rapid birth rate. And in spite of this the federal leaders, including Tun Mahathir are campaigning for them to be legalised, on top of those hundreds of thousands who already have genuine MyKads! Leaders like Nazri must be gloating and laughing in glee to see that this has happened, to see that the KDMs, "the most stubborn people in Malaysia" (bangsa yang paling degil di Malaysia) have been and are being taught a powerful lesson! But in case Nazri is actually ignorant, I would like to offer him a free tour of the illegals situation in Sabah, with a package tour including the following: the illegals squatters being allowed by the authorities to spawn and expand in areas KK like Likas, Tebobon, Signal Hill (these are all stealing water and electricity to the tune of millions of ringgits per year); the congested hospital lobbies where a huge proportion of outpatients are illegals; to the Likas Hospital where the maternity wards continues to record that the highest number of births are among Filipino mothers (some of them have three kids within two years!); to the streets of KK where naked children are harassing motorists and pedestrians with begging, and these pests retaliate by hitting cars if not given anything; to the stairways of the Sinsuran and Segama shophouses where foreigners piss and defecate like there is not tomorrow; to the sprawling Filipino handcraft market, the dry and wet fist markets, and open-air restaurants in Sinsuran and Segama in KK, and the smuggled cigarette peddlers in Inanam, and the dirty, dark and smelly tamu in Inanam where Filipinos rule at the blessing of the DBKK and the local YBs; the newspaper reports of crimes committed by illegals (rapes, muggings, thefts, snatching, slashing, drug pushing, murders, etc.); the "free-ports" of the East Coast where illegals can come and in out without much difficulty; to the East Coast towns like Semporna where illegals have outnumbered locals five to one; to even the Interior areas like Keningau, where illegals have gone into the jungle to cut down the trees to start new settlements and plant crops, and so on and so on. But the irony of this offer is that, in case Nazri takes it, he would most likely be smiling and rubbing his hands in glee at the sight of all these because these are what he wants for his grand scheme to turn Sabah into a Filipino and Indonesian state! Can Nazri deny that this is his real intention for Sabah? Is his intention to turn Sabah into a new Filipino-Indonesian (Filindo) state? Now to talk about security, and Nazri continued stupid assertion that the illegals pose no security threat, doesn't he know that all the major cities and towns in Sabah are already surrounded by illegal settlements? Doesn't he know that in the nearby Sulu islands, the tradition among people of power and influence is to keep a lot of weapons (pistols, M16s) in the house, and these weapons can easily be smuggle into Sabah? If these heavily populated settlements launch an attack for some reasons the consequences will be too horrid to describe. Remember the Corregidor Incidence which almost caused a war to erupt between Malaysia and the Philippines. Remember that during the 1970s and later, Sabah was a channel for transfer of weapons to the southern Mindanao. Remember the Philippines' claim on Sabah is still in effect. Remember that the Indonesian government is still very much anti-Malaysia. Remember sukarno's "Ganyang Malaysia," the Ambalat island conflict, the Sebatik boundary argument, and the new ongoing protests against Malaysia's stealing of Indonesian dances. Nazri needs to be sober up and stop treating Sabahans as if we are idiots.
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| Is Pakatan afraid of its own shadow? Posted: 06 Oct 2012 02:59 PM PDT
ABOUT-TURN: The opposition's failure to form a shadow cabinet shows the three Pakatan parties don't see eye to eye on many issues The issue was reignited when Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak last week challenged the opposition to form its much-promised shadow cabinet. The Barisan Nasional chairman said the most fundamental thing any opposition should do was to have a shadow cabinet, but Pakatan could not even do this. A Jalil Hamid, NST BY definition, a shadow cabinet represents a group of senior opposition figures in the Westminster system of government which forms an alternative cabinet to the government, and whose members "shadow" each minister to provide a system of checks and balances. According to Prof Rodney Brazier, a United Kingdom constitutional law expert, the convention of having a shadow cabinet in Britain is not new. Throughout the 19th century, they were simply known as former cabinet ministers. The word "former" was replaced by "shadow" in 1880, hence the shadow cabinet. Shadow cabinets are the norm in mature parliamentary democracies, such as Australia, Canada, Germany, Italy, New Zealand, Turkey and many other countries. In the case of Malaysia, the opposition appears to go against its word or contradicts itself every time the issue of shadow cabinet is raised and debated, raising doubts about its credibility. Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, who went on record for a few times since the March 2008 general election promising a shadow cabinet, now has said there will not be a shadow cabinet. His latest contention that Pakatan Rakyat does not need a shadow cabinet because it is not a common practice in other countries, such as Indonesia or Thailand, simply does not hold water. Why a change of heart after all this while? The issue was reignited when Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak last week challenged the opposition to form its much-promised shadow cabinet. The Barisan Nasional chairman said the most fundamental thing any opposition should do was to have a shadow cabinet, but Pakatan could not even do this. "You must show your team. You must show your cabinet. Don't talk about forming the government, form a shadow cabinet first," he said at the Gerakan annual delegates' conference. Anwar has now gone against his word. "A shadow cabinet is only practised in the United Kingdom and Australia. Not in the United States, France, Indonesia or Thailand," he responded later. His excuse in the past was that Pakatan's parliamentary panels had been undertaking some of the functions as a shadow cabinet. But these committees, which are made up of representatives from each party, are not a good substitute for a shadow cabinet. Perhaps the real reason why Anwar (we are assuming he is the shadow prime minister) refused to unveil his shadow cabinet is because the three Pakatan parties, with widely differing agendas and ideologies, do not see eye to eye on many issues. There is no real unity in the opposition and there is lack of consensus on issues such as hudud, let alone power-sharing. If they cannot be transparent on things that matter most to the rakyat, then how can the people have confidence in their leadership? The cracks between Pas and DAP over the hudud issue certainly reflect the vulnerability of the opposition pact and no amount of smokescreens can camouflage that. Even with a shadow cabinet, the three parties -- including Anwar's Parti Keadilan Rakyat -- are bound to face a fractious tussle for ministerial positions if they ever win power at the federal level. We see that happening in Selangor now. A mere mention by PKR vice-president Azmin Ali of the possibility of Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim being promoted to a federal position from being Selangor menteri besar has sparked an uproar within Pakatan. Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng has brushed aside an initial list of shadow cabinet ministers purportedly released by PKR. He instead suggested that should Pakatan form the next Federal Government, each ministerial portfolio would have three members, one each from each party. "PR is more concerned about policies that benefit the people and not personality or position," he was quoted as saying. "We are not crazy for position." Does this mean the potential Pakatan cabinet, already littered with political dynasties, will be so unwieldy and cumbersome just to accommodate each party? It must be setting a new world record for cabinet size. Pakatan leaders know that to cobble together a realistic list of shadow cabinet members now is politically risky as it could start fresh bickering among them and undermine their electoral chances. So it is better to agree to disagree and sweep the problem under the carpet, at least for now. Returning to the issue of political dynasties, the Anwar, Karpal and Lim families are set to rule the cabinet if Pakatan ever comes to power. Voters will have to decide then between real democracy and Pakatan's brand of political dynasty. | |||
| How parents can unite, where politicians divide Posted: 06 Oct 2012 02:45 PM PDT
Dr Lee Yu Chuang, The Star MY grandparents came to Malaysia from Guangdong province in China with the clothes on their backs, and not much else. My paternal grandmother toiled as an itinerant hawker selling lai fun (rice noodles) until she could not work anymore. In spite of their disadvantages in life, my parents were the first in their families to complete a university education, both graduating as teachers of the Chinese language, which they imparted to generations of students. They both served faithfully in government schools until they retired. My father and mother decided to bring us up in Penang, where we kids had a simple, happy childhood. We spent the evenings cycling around the neighbourhood with the local kids, having water-pistol fights in the backlanes at night, and kicking the ball around the playground whilst trying to avoid piles of cow pat that littered the field. Like most first-generation immigrants everywhere, my parents were somewhat ambivalent in their feelings towards their motherland and their adopted land. For instance, when it came to badminton matches, they would vociferously support the Chinese team whenever they played on TV. But they never demanded that we shared their allegiance in sports, and in all other matters, they resolutely put their nose to the grindstone and concentrated on the business of putting food on the table. Most importantly, I never heard them belittle other races or people who were different from us. Through his actions, I came to learn that my father was a man of principles. Once, while taking a detour through a narrow kampung road, our car hit and killed a goat which strayed into our path. Although it would be more convenient to drive off and avoid any possible confrontations, my father alighted from the car to seek the owner of the cow, to make recompense. My father may not have realised it at the time, but this lesson left a powerful impression on me precisely because it was not meant to instruct. When it was time to start formal schooling, our neighbour suggested that putting us in an English-medium school would give us a competitive edge in life. And thus, my elder brother and I were enrolled in St Xavier's branch school. Novel experience Growing up with an array of friends with names like Porramate, Ahmad Roslan, Surendra, Ronald Nieukey and Hua Ghee, I learnt not to give a hoot about somebody's skin colour but rather, whether they were decent folks and whether we could get along. And if we dropped by each other's houses during festivals, we would not feel any acute social discomfort. Rather, we would look forward to it with child-like anticipation of a novel experience – much like going to a candy store for the first time. I imbibed the pleasure of diversity as naturally as if it were fresh air. After getting good results and in deference to my parents' wishes, I continued my secondary education at Penang Free School. Although I missed my old friends, I quickly settled into my new surroundings and led a busy life with plenty of activities, especially with the Scouts. With a never-say-die attitude, my Scouting buddies Hup, Prasert, George and I learnt that although you may need to take the tasks you perform seriously, you never need to take yourself too seriously. I sat next to a boy named Hussain in Form Four, and apart from sharing the odd Hudson sweet in class (which I would break into two at the edge of our desk to share equally between us), we could also be found sharing the answers to our homework and scribbling all manner of nonsense in our little notebook, all while the teacher was conducting her lesson – oblivious to our shenanigans. Oh yes, we still keep in touch, most recently for some paediatric advice, the man having been blessed with yet another baby in his ripe old age! Form Six was memorable, probably because we had girls studying alongside us for the first time. I made many life-long friendships during that phase. When my close buddy Vijay got married later in life, I was deemed good enough to be his best man. And even though Azilah left for further studies in the US after only a few months of sixth form, we nurtured a kinship that continues between her family and mine until today. Vicky and I got into the same medical school, and now she is my boss when it comes to child neurology. Being a paediatrician enabled me to be of some use to friends who decided to start their own families, and allows me to remain relevant in their lives, even with the distances that divide us. With such an assortment of friends in my formative years, I had a mild cultural shock when I entered university and found the student population rather ethnically polarised. I observed that most students preferred to stick to their comfort zones and not venture outside their cultural perimeters. Nonetheless, it was an excellent opportunity to mingle and learn. I found that beneath the conservative dressing and orthodoxy of my Muslim course-mates, were some really sweet and gentle human beings who would be gracious and generous to a fault. Not that this should be confused with being pliant, I would hasten to point out, for people like Ghazaime and Haseenah could give as good as they got – both in humour and wisdom. We were bonded by the common task of getting through medical school without burning out. In reflection, perhaps that is what it takes to get people together – a common goal that transcends superficial differences. Anyway, one thing that I can be sure of: being a doctor is a good way of becoming colour-blind. All doctors and nurses can attest that after you have witnessed enough sickness and death, you cannot help but realise that this is the fate of everyone of us. Thus, with our scripts already written out and within the time that remains for all of us, how can we justify treating a fellow human being with less than deferential dignity? When you have seen children battered to death by their parents or molested by trusted religious elders, you awake to the truth that good and evil is present in all of us, regardless of race, religion, gender or any other term we use to divide ourselves. In the end, we are merely mortal beings with our mortal failings. All we can hope for is the chance to redeem ourselves with acts of kindness towards a fellow human being. Now that I have children of my own, I pray that I am also imparting the right values and outlook to them. I try to speak of good individuals and good acts, bad individuals and bad acts, and I never use stereotypes. I want to impress upon them that kindness is the basic tenet of all true religions. I hope they never grow up to speak uncharitably of any group of people by virtue of their external differences. Our true value At the most basic level, my children must know that we are all humans in need of the same things. For this reason, I want my children to understand that nobody should feel that they are above the poorest, most wretched people in the street. Nor for that matter should anyone feel that they are beneath the richest, most powerful royalty on earth. All are the same; all are human beings. Only our character will reveal our true value. Neither the colour of our skin nor the depth of our wallets will compensate for any moral deficiency. Of course, as they grow, my children will bear witness to the disparities and unfairness inherent in society and life, and I will encourage their moral outrage to right these wrongs. They would need to be courageous in dealing with those who try to bully their way through, given that the person who shouts the loudest is not necessarily right. I would want my children to have a humble understanding of the human condition, and thus act with kindness in their dealings with all around them. As a parent, and learning from other parents and my own, it is clear that our children's prejudices are modelled by and taught by us. If we consistently denigrate others with labels and derogatory words, it is only a matter of time before the poison seeps into our children's hearts, and breeds a generation filled with hatred and discontent. Compounded by the politician's tongue which is skilled but not necessarily wise, we will not only miss the forest for the trees, but in the tragic finale, set fire to our common abode – just to prove who's right. We must change the only thing that we truly can – ourselves, to be the light that illuminates a better path for our children. We can drop the unproductive attitudes that we grew up with, and choose instead to promote goodwill and kindness in a society where all can win and all who need help will get help, regardless of class, creed or ethnicity. For all the politicians who have gotten it wrong, we can be parents who say: "No! You will not impose your vile prejudices onto my family, and we will not submit to leaders who do not make us stronger as a nation." When we accept what true power we hold in our hands – the power to enlighten our children in their perception and thinking – then we will do the right things and say the right things to our children because their future depends on the direction that we set their sails to. It all starts with us. It is ironic that now, with the passing of the years, and having dealt with thousands of children and their families, I have come to revisit the universal truth: that young children – if left alone – get along splendidly with almost any other young children. They see others with a clear eye and an open heart. They do not even bother to ask each other's names, only knowing that they delight in each other's company and that they will play to their hearts' content in their limited time together. Theirs is a truly inclusive brotherhood. Theirs is the wisdom of the innocent. It is the parents who hurrily grab them away, who tell them who they can and cannot play with, and who must be shunned – and thereafter, this child is forever stained with the pockmark of prejudice which is not easy to erase. In the final analysis, it is clear that if there is one thing children can teach us, it is to strive to see with child-like clarity. For in the kingdom of the coloured, perhaps there is an advantage in being colour-blind.
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| Posted: 06 Oct 2012 02:39 PM PDT
Dr Mohd Puad: I don't want to be drawn into the debate of whether it (LGBT) is a lifestyle or natural instinct. That is why we want to bring it out in the open because it can be debated on. Reiterating the Government's commitment, Dr Mohd Puad stresses that it is crucial for parents to get exposure and knowledge of the LGBT trend so that they can be more vigilant of the signs and tackle the threat early. The Star V-neck Day and free Briyani for those in V-neck shirts? "It should not be a joking matter," Deputy Education Minister Dr Mohd Puad Zarkashi bemoans, commenting on some of the reactions to his effort of highlighting the "dangers" posed by the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) phenomenon on the youth in Malaysia. But Dr Mohd Puad is determined to walk down the unpopular road of curbing the trend of LGBT in schools. As he puts it, the trend seems to be prevalent in society and popular media, making it imperative for the Government to prevent it from penetrating schools. "It is not prevalent in school yet but preventive action is needed to ensure that it does not spread among students," he says. When asked how prevalent the phenomenon is in schools, he says, the ministry does not have any data. "I don't know because we don't have the facts. We don't have the data to show how serious it is," he tells Sunday Star. He adds that when the issue "exploded" - specifically the disputed LGBT-symptom guidelines - he received a lot of flak, but it has only made his belief that the LGBT lifestyle is not a healthy way of life. "There are two reasons: it is the biggest cause of HIV after drugs. It also causes a lot of social problems such as broken marriages. That is why we need to nip it in the bud," he says. And that is why, Dr Mohd Puad points out, we need to raise parents' awareness. "They have to be exposed to what it is all about, many parents don't even know what the terms mean; they say that they are confused by the terms." For those who need a reminder, the deputy minister was slammed last month for purportedly supporting a list spelling out some definitions and identifiable LGBT traits, at a seminar in Penang, aimed at helping parents recognise "symptoms" of LGBT in children. The seminar, "Parents Handling LGBT Issues", organised by Yayasan Guru Malaysia Berhad and Putrajaya Consultative Council of Parent-Teacher Association, has since been held in Kedah and Trengganu. Although it is independent of the Education Ministry, the deputy minister had officiated at the seminars. The list reportedly says that gay men have muscular bodies that they like to show off in V-neck and sleeveless clothes, or tight and light-coloured clothing; and that they like to carry big handbags similar to those used by women. Lesbians are said to be attracted to women, and like to eat, sleep and hang out in the company of other women and have no affection for men. Reiterating the Government's commitment, Dr Mohd Puad stresses that it is crucial for parents to get exposure and knowledge of the LGBT trend so that they can be more vigilant of the signs and tackle the threat early. However, he declines to elaborate on what the Government would do to "correct" or "prevent" LGBT in schools, conceding that the science of it is debatable. "I don't want to be drawn into the debate of whether it (LGBT) is a lifestyle or natural instinct. That is why we want to bring it out in the open because it can be debated on. However, it is not something that should be joked about," he says. When pointed out that there are many studies disputing the effectiveness of corrective therapies, Dr Mohd Puad cites the case of "two ex-gays" presented by the seminar. "If the two can change and become straight, I don't see why others cannot." When asked about the dangers of discrimination and bullying in school, he declines to answer. Dr Mohd Puad shares that the ministry is looking at equipping school counsellors with the necessary knowledge and understanding as well as training to deal with LGBT. However, he denies that the Ministry will be taking a hardline stance - "We are not looking at identifying LGBT students or punishing them," he says. "We in the Ministry of Education look at this LGBT issue seriously, and all we wish to do is to educate people, parents especially, on how to overcome this issue, how to prevent it as well as early corrective measures," he says.
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| Mustafa hits back at PKR deputy president over Selangor MB remark Posted: 06 Oct 2012 02:36 PM PDT
(The Star) - PAS secretary-general Datuk Mustafa Ali has hit back at Azmin Ali, who has stirred controversy with his Selangor Mentri Besar remark, by calling the PKR deputy president as being "too ambitious". "I don't have to make any comment but as an old man, I understand the feelings and ambitions of a young leader. Let him be," he wrote via an SMS to Utusan Malaysia. This is the second time in a week that Mustafa had locked horns with Azmin. The first was when he warned Azmin against making statements on matters that had never come up for discussion at the Pakatan Rakyat leadership council. Azmin had earlier reacted to Mustafa's warning by tweeting: "The age factor has made him confused and shoot his mouth." The Gombak MP had told a Malay daily that Selangor Mentri Besar Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim might be made a Federal Minister if Pakatan won Putrajaya in the general election, implying that the state would have a new mentri besar. His statement had come under fire from his own party members, with PKR vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar describing it as "just an opinion" and Khalid's aide Faekah Husin expressing her disappointment. Meanwhile, Selangor Barisan Nasional coordinator Datuk Seri Mohd Zin Mohamed said he expected the infighting in Pakatan to continue, adding that Azmin was keen on displacing Khalid as Mentri Besar. The infighting, he added, was an "open secret", with many in PKR wanting Azmin to be Mentri Besar, although this move was objected to by DAP and PAS. With Barisan's strong revival in Selangor, Mohd Zin said there were those in PKR who felt that Khalid was politically not strong enough to defend the state. Meanwhile, Selangor PKR deputy chief Zuraida Kamaruddin had criticised Faekah for describing Azmin's statement as "not politically smart". "She should concentrate on improving the political relationship between the MB and party leaders and not cause instability by unnecessarily jumping the gun," said Zuraida, claiming that Azmin had often voiced his support for Khalid's leadership as MB.
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| Stubborn Umno ‘killing’ race relations Posted: 06 Oct 2012 02:20 PM PDT
Umno's refusal to adapt to the changing socio-political setting in the country is its own doom. Umno's approach to 'unity' is something like the Nazi final solution. It thinks it can achieve national unity by pitting one race against one another. Mohd Ariff Sabri Aziz, FMT The Malaysian people have already shown that they no longer accept the Umno solution. The coming together of various races during Bersih 3.0 earlier this year sent shivers along the spine of the Umno leadership unless of course they misread or simply refused to read the signals sent by the tens and thousands of participants who voluntarily rallied. Umno's approach to 'unity' is something like the Nazi final solution. It thinks it can achieve national unity by pitting one race against one another. Today the Chinese, tomorrow the Indians and later all other non-Malay Malaysians. Eventually, it will apply the same gas-chambering treatment to the Malays who dared challenge and reject Umno. The Malays who are opposed and reject Umno are classed as either not having sufficient Malayness or apostates. The majority of us reject this fascism. The socio-political setting in the country has changed but Umno refuses to adapt. And those who don't adapt will perish. As a DAP member, I am also ready to concede that in the long run, DAP will lose its wider relevance if it also refuses to adapt to the new social setting. The new social setting demands recognition that despite being of different races, heterogeneity does not prevent the sharing of universal and common values. Different races value the same freedom and economic justice. Being of different races does not preclude sharing similar ideas about equality or sharing the same idea about a common future. You think the right thinking Malay is unmoved to see Umno abuse the Malay definition? The ordinary Malay finds it reprehensible when Umno exploits the Malay name to enrich the elite and selected few among the Malays. Vilifying the Chinese Look at the general vilification on Malaysian Chinese who are now more readily associated with DAP. Let me ask you, who is the closest Malaysian Chinese to the Prime Minister these days? It's a Malaysian Chinese who just secured a RM1 billion contract to do the Ampang LRT extension works. In that sense, the Umno president is selling out the Malays. It is certain now that Najib had interceded on behalf of George Kent to award the Ampang LRT extension project to a Malaysian Chinese. The company failed the technical and financial pre-qualification requirements but for Najib's intercession, got the project anyway. Mind you, this is the same Malaysian Chinese who was rumoured to have brokered the contract for the double tracking project for China Harbors. Additionally, this same Malaysian Chinese was rumoured to have asked US$500 million from the Chinese government allegedly for the benefit of Najib.
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