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A tough battle in Lembah Pantai
Is Pakatan afraid of its own shadow?
The V-neck battle goes on
Sign of desperation for Najib
RAPID project: Here are the shocking details
Power of student activism
Could Malaysia's ruling coalition be swept from power?
Malaysia’s Coming Election: Beyond Communalism?

Posted: 06 Oct 2012 03:47 PM PDT

SHOWDOWN: Barisan Nasional is going all out to wrest the hottest urban seat in Kuala Lumpur back from the opposition, which it won by a narrow margin in the 2008 general election, writes Carisma Kapoor

LEMBAH Pantai, a constituency in Kuala Lumpur held by Parti Keadilan Rakyat's vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar, is considered one of the hot seats in the next general election. Barisan Nasional will be fighting hard to win it back.

In the 2008 general election, Nurul defeated BN's Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, who had held the seat since 1995, by a relatively narrow margin of 2,895 votes.

Nurul, a first-time elected representative, is expected to defend the constituency with some 56,000 voters, and will likely face Lembah Pantai Umno chief and Federal Territories and Urban Wellbeing Minister Datuk Raja Nong Chik Raja Zainal Abidin.

In a recent report, Raja Nong Chik conveyed his intention to contest the Lembah Pantai seat if he was among the candidates selected by BN.

Asked whether it would be a challenge to face Nurul, he said it would be but only because she was an incumbent member of parliament.

As someone who had grown up in the area, Raja Nong Chik, however, welcomed the challenge.

"I am confident of winning the seat based on my service record and relationships established over the past 25 years in the area, starting from my early days as an Umno Youth member," he said.

His years of involvement in the local politics and issues of Lembah Pantai had helped him to understand better the needs of residents.

"I'm contesting so that I can serve the people, not for other interests. I walk the talk, unlike the opposition which criticises and walks away without offering any solutions," he said, adding that even though he was not selected as a candidate in the 2004 general election, he had continued serving the Lembah Pantai residents.

Raja Nong Chik stressed that he had stated several times that the only seat he would like to contest was Lembah Pantai. This, despite being cautioned by some that the seat was "not safe for a minister".

Raja Nong Chik's game plan would include working hard, turun padang (going to the ground), listening to the people's problems, resolving outstanding problems as well as facilitating better living and working conditions for people within and outside Lembah Pantai.

"More importantly, I will try to assist those in the area who have been left behind in developments," he said, referring to the disabled, single mothers, pensioners, traders, low- and medium-cost flat dwellers, the sick and students.

On Nurul's supporters who had spoken out about their preference that she contest in Permatang Pauh, Raja Nong Chik said the suggestion had come about because Nurul had not served her constituency for some time.

"Nurul has only become active recently because the election is coming."

As for BN Lembah Pantai, he said members would fight any opposition candidate and thereafter join their colleagues to help Federal Territories and the rest of the country.

Raja Nong Chik, however, said it was up to the BN leadership to decide on whether to field him.

Nurul claimed that she was not only confident of retaining the Lembah Pantai seat but was also certain that the opposition would take control of Putrajaya.

She said the Election Commission had yet to implement the suggestions by the opposition and their allies for a free and fair election.

Nonetheless, Nurul said, the opposition would continue to participate in the election, highlight abuses and work towards getting at least 75 per cent voter turnout.

Nurul said "phantom busters" had been trained by the opposition to use cameraphones to take note of suspicious voters for legal action.

"We are advocating for international observers to view our electoral process."

On her efforts to "win over" voters in the area, Nurul said apart from relating to the people, she represented their voices in a "new culture of politics", where issues and not individuals drove legislation.

Responding to supporters who had preferred her to contest in Permatang Pauh, a seat held by her father, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, the 32-year-old said she would obey her party even though she had indicated that she would like to remain with her supporters in Lembah Pantai. -- (NST)

Is Pakatan afraid of its own shadow?

Posted: 06 Oct 2012 02:59 PM PDT

ABOUT-TURN: The opposition's failure to form a shadow cabinet shows the three Pakatan parties don't see eye to eye on many issues

The issue was reignited when Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak last week challenged the opposition to form its much-promised shadow cabinet. The Barisan Nasional chairman said the most fundamental thing any opposition should do was to have a shadow cabinet, but Pakatan could not even do this.

A Jalil Hamid, NST

BY definition, a shadow cabinet represents a group of senior opposition figures in the Westminster system of government which forms an alternative cabinet to the government, and whose members "shadow" each minister to provide a system of checks and balances.

According to Prof Rodney Brazier, a United Kingdom constitutional law expert, the convention of having a shadow cabinet in Britain is not new. Throughout the 19th century, they were simply known as former cabinet ministers. The word "former" was replaced by "shadow" in 1880, hence the shadow cabinet.

Shadow cabinets are the norm in mature parliamentary democracies, such as Australia, Canada, Germany, Italy, New Zealand, Turkey and many other countries.

In the case of Malaysia, the opposition appears to go against its word or contradicts itself every time the issue of shadow cabinet is raised and debated, raising doubts about its credibility.

Opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, who went on record for a few times since the March 2008 general election promising a shadow cabinet, now has said there will not be a shadow cabinet.

His latest contention that Pakatan Rakyat does not need a shadow cabinet because it is not a common practice in other countries, such as Indonesia or Thailand, simply does not hold water.

Why a change of heart after all this while?

"You must show your team. You must show your cabinet. Don't talk about forming the government, form a shadow cabinet first," he said at the Gerakan annual delegates' conference.

Anwar has now gone against his word. "A shadow cabinet is only practised in the United Kingdom and Australia. Not in the United States, France, Indonesia or Thailand," he responded later.

His excuse in the past was that Pakatan's parliamentary panels had been undertaking some of the functions as a shadow cabinet. But these committees, which are made up of representatives from each party, are not a good substitute for a shadow cabinet.

Perhaps the real reason why Anwar (we are assuming he is the shadow prime minister) refused to unveil his shadow cabinet is because the three Pakatan parties, with widely differing agendas and ideologies, do not see eye to eye on many issues.

There is no real unity in the opposition and there is lack of consensus on issues such as hudud, let alone power-sharing.

If they cannot be transparent on things that matter most to the rakyat, then how can the people have confidence in their leadership?

The cracks between Pas and DAP over the hudud issue certainly reflect the vulnerability of the opposition pact and no amount of smokescreens can camouflage that.

Even with a shadow cabinet, the three parties -- including Anwar's Parti Keadilan Rakyat -- are bound to face a fractious tussle for ministerial positions if they ever win power at the federal level.

We see that happening in Selangor now. A mere mention by PKR vice-president Azmin Ali of the possibility of Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim being promoted to a federal position from being Selangor menteri besar has sparked an uproar within Pakatan.

Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng has brushed aside an initial list of shadow cabinet ministers purportedly released by PKR.

He instead suggested that should Pakatan form the next Federal Government, each ministerial portfolio would have three members, one each from each party.

"PR is more concerned about policies that benefit the people and not personality or position," he was quoted as saying. "We are not crazy for position."

Does this mean the potential Pakatan cabinet, already littered with political dynasties, will be so unwieldy and cumbersome just to accommodate each party? It must be setting a new world record for cabinet size.

Pakatan leaders know that to cobble together a realistic list of shadow cabinet members now is politically risky as it could start fresh bickering among them and undermine their electoral chances.

So it is better to agree to disagree and sweep the problem under the carpet, at least for now.

Returning to the issue of political dynasties, the Anwar, Karpal and Lim families are set to rule the cabinet if Pakatan ever comes to power. Voters will have to decide then between real democracy and Pakatan's brand of political dynasty.

The V-neck battle goes on

Posted: 06 Oct 2012 02:39 PM PDT

Dr Mohd Puad: I don't want to be drawn into the debate of whether it (LGBT) is a lifestyle or natural instinct. That is why we want to bring it out in the open because it can be debated on.

Reiterating the Government's commitment, Dr Mohd Puad stresses that it is crucial for parents to get exposure and knowledge of the LGBT trend so that they can be more vigilant of the signs and tackle the threat early.

The Star

V-neck Day and free Briyani for those in V-neck shirts?

"It should not be a joking matter," Deputy Education Minister Dr Mohd Puad Zarkashi bemoans, commenting on some of the reactions to his effort of highlighting the "dangers" posed by the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) phenomenon on the youth in Malaysia.

But Dr Mohd Puad is determined to walk down the unpopular road of curbing the trend of LGBT in schools.

As he puts it, the trend seems to be prevalent in society and popular media, making it imperative for the Government to prevent it from penetrating schools.

"It is not prevalent in school yet but preventive action is needed to ensure that it does not spread among students," he says.

When asked how prevalent the phenomenon is in schools, he says, the ministry does not have any data.

"I don't know because we don't have the facts. We don't have the data to show how serious it is," he tells Sunday Star.

He adds that when the issue "exploded" - specifically the disputed LGBT-symptom guidelines - he received a lot of flak, but it has only made his belief that the LGBT lifestyle is not a healthy way of life.

"There are two reasons: it is the biggest cause of HIV after drugs. It also causes a lot of social problems such as broken marriages. That is why we need to nip it in the bud," he says.

And that is why, Dr Mohd Puad points out, we need to raise parents' awareness.

"They have to be exposed to what it is all about, many parents don't even know what the terms mean; they say that they are confused by the terms."

For those who need a reminder, the deputy minister was slammed last month for purportedly supporting a list spelling out some definitions and identifiable LGBT traits, at a seminar in Penang, aimed at helping parents recognise "symptoms" of LGBT in children.

The seminar, "Parents Handling LGBT Issues", organised by Yayasan Guru Malaysia Berhad and Putrajaya Consultative Council of Parent-Teacher Association, has since been held in Kedah and Trengganu.

Although it is independent of the Education Ministry, the deputy minister had officiated at the seminars.

The list reportedly says that gay men have muscular bodies that they like to show off in V-neck and sleeveless clothes, or tight and light-coloured clothing; and that they like to carry big handbags similar to those used by women.

Lesbians are said to be attracted to women, and like to eat, sleep and hang out in the company of other women and have no affection for men.

However, he declines to elaborate on what the Government would do to "correct" or "prevent" LGBT in schools, conceding that the science of it is debatable.

"I don't want to be drawn into the debate of whether it (LGBT) is a lifestyle or natural instinct. That is why we want to bring it out in the open because it can be debated on. However, it is not something that should be joked about," he says.

When pointed out that there are many studies disputing the effectiveness of corrective therapies, Dr Mohd Puad cites the case of "two ex-gays" presented by the seminar.

"If the two can change and become straight, I don't see why others cannot."

When asked about the dangers of discrimination and bullying in school, he declines to answer.

Dr Mohd Puad shares that the ministry is looking at equipping school counsellors with the necessary knowledge and understanding as well as training to deal with LGBT.

However, he denies that the Ministry will be taking a hardline stance - "We are not looking at identifying LGBT students or punishing them," he says.

"We in the Ministry of Education look at this LGBT issue seriously, and all we wish to do is to educate people, parents especially, on how to overcome this issue, how to prevent it as well as early corrective measures," he says.

Sign of desperation for Najib

Posted: 05 Oct 2012 05:27 PM PDT

The Economist says the prime minister has been keeping the country on an 'election footing' ever since he took over the helm.

Free Malaysia Today

Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak is showing a "sign of desperation" besides acquiring a reputation for dithering over the election date, according to international weekly The Economist.

"He now has the regrettable distinction of being Malaysia's second-longest-serving unelected prime minister, just behind his own father, the country's second prime minister [Tun Razak]," said the paper.

Najib must call for an election by April the latest, but he has kept the country guessing on the actual date for the 13th general election.

The paper noted that latest survey conducted by Merdeka Centre gave the prime minister an approval rating of 64%, "down from the high point of his popularity in the middle of 2010".

But the popularity of the ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional, "is much lower than the prime minister's own", it said.

The weekly added that the prime minister's options are now diminishing fast.

The paper also said that Najib is becoming more like former British prime minister George Brown who, instead of calling for an early election and securing his own mandate while he was still popular, preferred to play a waiting game.

Brown had succeeded in pushing aside his predecessor Tony Blair, but "Mr Brown, unelected and indecisive, watched his authority drain away…", said The Economist.

When Brown finally called for an election at the end of his term, he lost.

Likewise, The Economist said, Najib took over the premiership after "an internal party coup in April 2009 against the then prime minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi".

Ever since he took over the reins, Najib has been keeping the country on an "election footing".

"All along, Malaysia has been on an election footing, with the cautious Najib ponderously cultivating the voters," said The Economist.

Busy wooing voters

The paper noted that in the meantime, Najib has been busy wooing voters.

"He has crafted new policies for Malaysia's younger, unaligned citizens while giving away plenty of money to retain his party's traditional supporters, especially among the ethnic-Malay (and Muslim) majority," it said.

Posted: 04 Oct 2012 03:41 PM PDT

The Australian government does not want Lynas, and no thanks to BN, it is now in Pahang, the homestate of Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak. The Taiwan government has refused to extend the tenure of its state-owned China Petroleum Company (CPC)'s refinery and petrochemical facilities. Again, no thanks to the BN, we welcome CPC with open arms in the form of RAPID.

Victor Lim, Harakah

Malaysians are so informed and familiar with the land grabs in Sarawak and its Taib Mahmud. However, land grabs have also been taking place in Johor for decades and it is ongoing. Only, now it has become more blatant.

The BN government would abuse, exploit and use the Land Acquisition Act 1960 to freeze the prices of parcels of land eyed by its well-connected cronies to facilitate the gazetting of acquisitions. The prices are always very much below market value.

The latest land grab in peninsular Malaysia is in the form of the RM60 billion Petronas Refinery and Petrochemical Integrated Development (RAPID) mega project.

The approval of RAPID is not only a front to grab land belonging to poor villagers, it is also a dirty political ploy to falsely give the Barisan Nasional federal government's Economic Transformation Programme (ETP) a boost.

The BN is using the Land Acquisition Act to force sell 22,500 acres, belonging to thousands of poor villagers, at dirt cheap prices.

In the first place, why does Rapid need such a ridiculously massive 22,500 acres?

Also, in relocating the people of the 17 affected villages, the villagers or land owners were offered an average of RM2.80 per sq foot (psf) for their land.

According to property surveyors, the land is worth between RM12 and RM15 psf! If this is not a land grab, what is?

Why is the BN government so eager and fond of welcoming foreign investors that even their countries of origin have rejected and don't want to have anything to do with them.

The Australian government does not want Lynas, and no thanks to BN, it is now in Pahang, the homestate of Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak. The Taiwan government has refused to extend the tenure of its state-owned China Petroleum Company (CPC)'s refinery and petrochemical facilities. Again, no thanks to the BN, we welcome CPC with open arms in the form of RAPID.

CPC had initially approached the Selangor Pakatan Rakyat (PR) government for approval to invest and set up a petrochemical complex in Malaysia, specifically in Selangor. This was initiated by Everwish Sdn Bhd (subsidiary of Rimbunan Hijau Group Of Companies) with a presentation to the Selangor government.

Everwish submitted that a Joint Venture Company (JVC) would be set up with two other foreign national oil companies for the project and that state/federal government agencies are welcome to participate in the investment.

The estimated cost of the refinery and petrochemical complex is about RM10 billion, and when operational, capable of producing 100,000 barrels a day. It would require 2,889 acres in Pulau Indah.

The project would have a potential employment opportunity for 2,500 people, stimulating direct and indirect work opportunities for 2,600 and 20,000 people respectively.

Everwish claimed in its presentation that the project had a potential to accumulate foreign exchange reserves of US$4.26 billion (about RM13 billion) a year.

HOWEVER, the Selangor PR government rejected the proposed project on grounds that the project proposal:

is in conflict with the local government's approved plan (2002-2015) for Pulau Indah;
will change the landscape of the approved plan, affecting Pulau Indah's maritime industry, West Port's agreed future development, the construction of the proposed SKVE-Pulau Indah Ring Road (PIRR), Pulau Indah's natural forests thereby posing severe and adverse ecological impact and jeopardising the regulated coastal buffer zone;
is a high risk industry jeopardising public safety and health; and
involving the processing of imported crude oil for export will not have high add value to Malaysia's technology but instead pose high risks to public safety and health. The industry's extremely high water consumption will also be a serious strain on the water needs of other existing industries and domestic consumers.

The Selangor government rejected the proposed project in February 2011 and the Taiwanese then sold their proposal to and accepted by the Johor BN government and Petronas. Najib then announced RAPID on May 13, 2011, barely three months after Selangor's rejection! Do you believe all the socio-economic and environmental impact assessments have been conducted before making such an approval for a mega project?

Unlike the caring Selangor government, the Johor BN government approved the project without giving an iota of consideration for the misery of the affected rakyat and the wanton wastage of existing infrastructure and property. RAPID will wipe out:

six mosques;
11 suraus;
Nine non-Muslim religious structures;
Five national schools;
Five Islamic religious schools;
Three Chinese national type schools;
Three government quarters;
Three rural clinics;
Two police stations;
11 Muslim cemeteries;
Seven non-Muslim cemeteries; and
Nine community halls.

The BN is also deceiving the rakyat by claiming that RAPID will benefit Pengerang residents when it is only benefiting BN-UMNO cronies like:

Dialog Group Bhd;
Tebrau Teguh Bhd;
Johor Menteri Besar Abdul Ghani Othman's cronies;
Housing developers who are also BN-UMNO cronies;
Foreign construction workers; and
Highly-skilled workers outside Pengerang.

RAPID is also expected to release toxic materials to the environment thereby posing a serious public health hazard causing diseases such as:

Nasal cancer resulting from inhaling toxic gases daily;
Colon cancer from consumption of food produced from contaminated land;
Blood cancer due to constant exposure to radiation; and
Asthma due to fumes from the oil refinery.

All the facts point to greed, and to ensure BN-UMNO cronies benefit from RAPID, the Land Acquisition Act 1960 is invoked to ensure the land bank is expanded cheaply. The prices of such land are frozen for two years to facilitate the gazetting of the acquisition.

At this point of time, some affected villagers have been told to evict without any alternative housing while waiting for their compensation and new houses. This is only the beginning of a nightmare for those to be uprooted by RAPID.

Under Phase 1, 292 land owners and their families, and 500 other displaced families are to be evicted. The Johor government must come clean with their compensation plans for those affected and the number of phases to displace human settlements.

Wiping out human settlements, uprooting people's livelihood and destroying the eco-socio environment of Pengerang is surely not caring.

Is it worth the development and investments?

Power of student activism

Posted: 03 Oct 2012 01:59 PM PDT

It is fair to say that the students can be the spark for a broader struggle ahead.

By Khoo Ying Hooi, FMT

Given the current dynamic atmosphere of Malaysian politics, campus elections in the public universities are steadily gaining attention.

Last year, a Pro-Mahasiswa (Pro-M) candidate Masturah Abu Bakar from Universiti Malaya was allegedly kidnapped during the campus elections.

(Pro-M is widely regarded as an anti-establishment party as opposed to the pro-government Pro-Aspirasi.)

This time, Pro-M student leaders claimed that they received intimidation and death threats while UM Pro-M national chairman Edikoup Lakip Sediyantoa claimed that he was assaulted by unknown assailants.

With the rise of the new generation, voices of dissent are shaking the foundations of the old order around the globe.

When it comes to campus polls, the question always arises: should students be kept away from politics or should they be allowed to take an active part in politics?

Historically, the 1960s saw student activism and discontent erupt all over the world and were seen as a significant force for social change.

Student movements have played a crucial role in many major social and political transformations. Clearly, students around the world have been part of various movements to promote democracy and human rights.

Their role is indeed crucial as they are the backbone of society. Nowadays, students are often asked to reflect on the future challenges of their society. So, if they are not taught in the way they should, the future of society will be in danger.

Interest in politics as an academic subject in Malaysia is certainly increasing and it is undeniable that the university serves as one of the places to nurture political ambitions.

Looking at the development of student activism in the country, are our students nowadays like their counterparts in the 1960s?

The student activism in the 1960s was so influential that it not only changed the political climate, it also paved the way for the rise of the current generation of students.

Student activism elsewhere

It is important to look at the famous national student organisation, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).

The SDS was founded in 1960 at the University of Michigan by a group of students and youths intending to search for an alternative path to Cold War politics. It was the largest and most influential student organisation in the US during the 1960s.

Posted: 02 Oct 2012 12:53 PM PDT

(Value Walk) - Even if BN should retain its majority and Prime Minister Najib continues to enjoy high approval ratings, there is a high risk that he will be pushed from office anyway.

Since its independence in 1957, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) has ruled over Malaysia uninterrupted. UMNO has controlled Malaysia through a coalition, first called the Alliance, and later expanded and renamed Barisan Nasional (BN). In the recent 2008 elections BN lost its absolute majority, marking the first time the ruling coalition has lost its absolute majority since 1969, the year of the Race Riots. BN could now find itself losing its majority position entirely in the up-coming elections.

UMNO and BN have traditionally controlled the political scene in Malaysia. UMNO relies on the "Malay" vote from the Malay community, which makes up approximately 50 percent of the population. The Chinese, who are by far the wealthiest demographic in Malaysia, make up 25 percent of the population, and Indians make up an additional 7 percent. Other Bumiputras, or "sons of the land" make up most of the rest of the population.

The date for the election has not been set, but must be held by June 27, 2013. Many observers believed that elections would be held this past summer, with tell-tale signs, including increased investments in public projects and reduced toll charges. Often, as elections approach BN will push for the increased provision of social services. Trains start to run more frequently, subsidies and cash payments will be handed out, and numerous other policies will be instituted, which critics charge as "vote buying." So far, the election date has not been announced but must be approaching soon.

In recent years Malaysia has seen mass protests and heightened demands for political reform. The Bersih movement, or "coalition for clean & fair elections" has attracted a large following in Malaysia. The movement has staged several rallies in recent years. In April 2007, the first Berish rally attracted some 30,000 people, and is credited with having a major impact on the 2008 elections that saw BN lose its absolute majority for the first time in decades. In July 2011 the Bersih 2.0 movement was launched and staged another rally, attracting between 10,000 to 20,000 protesters, though many more were kept out of the Kuala Lumpur city center due to government clamp downs. Bersish 3.0 in, April 2012, saw renewed strength and effort from protesters, with approximately 100,000 people protesting for reform.

Meanwhile, Barisan Nasional is increasingly losing the trust of the Malay community, which it has relied on to stay in power. Traditionally, BN and especially UMNO has relied on the rural Malay vote, which through gerrymandering has a disproportionately large representation in parliament. Now educated and urban Malays are starting to turn to the opposition. At the same time, UMNO is losing some rural votes in some areas to the Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party (PAS), an Islamist political party.

BN has never fared as well in cities, or among the middle class. With Malaysia's population rapidly urbanizing and becoming better educated, BN's traditional base of power is shrinking. Unless the party can adapt to changing times and modernize its policies, it may someday find itself representing a "minority" segment of society.

The domestic scene can be described as complicated, at best. Malaysia has posted strong growth since its independence, with national development projects being fueled by petro-dollars. The country also enjoys a strong manufacturing sector, though many of the workers in this sector are foreign.

The nation has had a harder time competing in high-value industries, and its education system remains subpar. In order to keep unemployment low, the government has traditionally "mopped" up unemployed graduates, especially Malays. As a result, government payrolls have expanded to some 1.4 million people, in a nation of only 30 million. With petro-dollars running out (Malaysia is projected to run out of oil as soon as 2030), the government will not be able to afford expanding payrolls forever.

Certainly Malaysia has launched attempts at reforms. Prime Minister Najib has launched a "1Malaysia" campaign to try to rectify the tensions between the three major races. The Prime Minister has also launched the New Economic Model (NEM), which will increase emphasis on creating high-skilled middle class jobs and ensuring that Malaysia does not fall in the Middle Income trap.

Malaysia’s Coming Election: Beyond Communalism?

Posted: 01 Oct 2012 11:53 AM PDT

Both sides are furiously making calculations about tactics to win seats, tailoring their message to the communities concerned. The two eastern states of Sabah and Sarawak could be kingmakers, because they control 25 per cent of the available seats.

International Crisis Group

Malaysia's thirteenth general election, which Prime Minister Najib Razak will have to call by April 2013, could be a watershed in communal relations. More than ever before, there is a chance, albeit a very small one, that opposition parties running on issues of transparency, economic equity and social justice could defeat the world's longest continually-elected political coalition, the National Front (Barisan Nasional), that has based its support on a social compact among the country's Malay, Chinese and Indian communities. That compact, granting Malays preferential status in exchange for security and economic growth, has grown increasingly stale as the growing middle class demands more of its leaders. Both ruling party and opposition are using images of the Arab Spring – the former to warn of chaos if it is not returned to power, the latter to warn of popular unrest unless political change comes faster.

Social and demographic change, coupled with effective opposition leadership and the rise of a broad-based movement for electoral reform, are likely to make this election at the very least a close contest. The ruling coalition, composed of the dominant United Malays Nationalist Organisation (UMNO); the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA); and the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), as well as several smaller parties, faces the People's Alliance (Pakatan Rakyat), composed of the People's Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Rakyat, PKR), led by former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim; the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (Partai Islam Se-Malaysia, PAS). More than ever before, the swing vote may be the Malay middle ground: urban professionals, students and "netizens" – internet users – who have benefited from constitutionally-protected preferential status for Malays but who are tired of cronyism and corruption and are chafing under the tight controls on civil liberties.

The deck is stacked against the opposition for many reasons, not least because of an electoral system based on questionable voting rolls and carefully gerrymandered, single-representative constituencies where victory requires only a plurality (first past the post). Demands for a more level playing field gave rise in 2007 to a broad-based civil society movement, the Coalition for Free and Fair Elections, known as Bersih (Clean), that has held four mass street rallies drawing tens of thousands of participants: in November 2007; July 2011; April 2012 and August 2012. The first three were broken up by police with hundreds of arrests. In the third, violence on the part of a few participants led to harsh police counter-actions and allegations of brutality. Former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, now retired but leading UMNO's ultra-conservatives from the sidelines, has been warning Malaysians to expect more violence in the streets if the opposition loses.

The big issues are the economy, corruption and political reform. Bread-and-butter topics matter most to the electorate, and Barisan's vast resources enable it to dole out economic favours to strategic constituencies in the lead-up to the election. The opposition is getting plenty of mileage out of corruption scandals involving top UMNO officials, although UMNO is fighting back with legal challenges and defamation suits. Political reform is seen by both sides as a political winner. Prime Minister Najib has rolled back or reworked some of the draconian legislation – most notably the colonial-era Internal Security Act (ISA) – that Mahathir used to curb dissent during his 22 years in power, but the opposition denounces it as too little, too late.

Two huge issues are largely off the official agendas of both coalitions but dominate them in many ways. One is the preferred treatment for Malays in virtually all spheres of public life and whether opening political space and promoting social justice would diminish that status. The ultra-conservatives within UMNO are determined to protect Malay rights at all costs. The other is the question of Islamic law and religious tolerance. Under Mahathir, Malaysia embarked on a program of Islamisation of the government and bureaucracy, culminating in his declaration of an Islamic state in 2001. PAS, once known for a hardline Islamist agenda, is now led by pragmatists who are willing to put contentious issues like Islamic criminal justice on hold, at least temporarily, in the interests of trying to defeat Barisan. But neither side is above trying to scare non-Malay communities, particularly the Chinese, by predicting greater intolerance if the other wins. Within the opposition coalition, relations between PAS and the Chinese-dominated DAP remain fragile.

Ultimately the question Malaysians will have to answer on election day is which of the two choices will be better able to accommodate political change, while protecting minorities against the hardline forces that more openness can produce.

Read at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/malaysia/235-malaysias-coming-election-beyond-communalism.aspx

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Ahad, 7 Oktober 2012

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

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