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Posted: 02 Dec 2011 06:41 AM PST

Setting up an RCI in Sabah is empty talk because to do so would be to expose the 'biggest and gravest ever case of treason in this country's 48 years'.

"This PSC thing is just a smokescreen to dupe the people of Sabah into believing that Prime Minister Najib Razak is finally listening to the genuine natives of Sabah who are now under the threat of being sidelined in every aspect of life in their own country," he told FMT when contacted yesterday.

Luke Rintod, Free Malaysia Today

A cross-section of Sabahans are doubtful that the federal government will ever admit to putting into motion a covert operation in the 1980s to re-engineer the demographics of the state in favour of Umno.

Most observers feel the Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) recommendation by the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on electoral reforms is all hype.

They opined that the Umno-led coalition government, with an eye on the coming general election, is hoping to mollify various sections of the community with the RCI plan.

Project IC or Project M (for former premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad) is allegedly a covert scheme that was instituted in the 1980s and 1990s to grant identity cards to foreigners on the condition that they voted for Umno and its Barisan Nasional coalition partners.

True to form, during the two-day PSC hearing in Kota Kinabalu beginning Nov 25, save for Umno, all BN and opposition party representatives pressed their case for an RCI into the claim.

The PSC in its preliminary report released on Wednesday adopted the inquiry idea after it was met with a united voice of political leaders, activists and NGOs leaders in Kota Kinabalu last week, where almost everybody, except Umno, raised support for the RCI

'PSC a smokescreen'

Well-known Sabah consumerism activist, Patrick Sindu, brushed aside talk that the federal government would finally do something to solve the problem of the illegal immigrants population in Sabah, who have been the back-bone of Umno here in the last few general elections.

He sees it as a case of Umno and the BN government shooting itself in the foot if it ever turned its back on the monster they created.

"This PSC thing is just a smokescreen to dupe the people of Sabah into believing that Prime Minister Najib Razak is finally listening to the genuine natives of Sabah who are now under the threat of being sidelined in every aspect of life in their own country," he told FMT when contacted yesterday.

"If they (BN leaders) are serious about solving this perennial issue, they should have done it long time before as this matter concerned national security … foreigners were issued with Malaysian MyKads and drafted into our electoral rolls by none other than Umno itself.

"This was established by court investigations and very credible witnesses. There are even books that detailed what we call as 'Projek IC Mahathir'," he said, repeating allegation that the former Prime Minister was directly involved in the scheme together with then deputy Home Minister Megat Junid Ayub.

"How could they not know?" he added.

RCI is 'window dressing'

Activist lawyer Peter Marajin also downplayed talk of a RCI as "window dressing by Umno" who he believes is fast losing support around the country.

"They (Umno/BN leaders) will never do it. It is like getting a sharp knife and stabbing it through (their) own heart … a political suicide for Umno. The illegals are their lifeline. Do you think Umno wants to get rid of them?

"Even the PSC itself is a farce … they will not carry out what the public want them to do because again it is not in their interests the PSC's recommendations are served," said Marajin, a senior leader in the Sabah Progressive Party, the state's homegrown opposition.

"When they do (set up and allow an independent inquiry), they will open a pandora box … it will point straight to the root-cause why federal government allowed Sabah to be flooded by illegal immigrants from the southern Philippines and Indonesia, and (why they) gave them MyKads and recruited them into supporting Umno, an alien party to Sabah," he added.

Dr Chong Eng Leong, a former PBS stalwart but now with PKR and who has written a book on the issue is also skeptical about the PSC.

"Do you think BN will allow an independent inquiry by RCI to investigate their "pengundi hantu" (phantom voters)? They will not act," he said.

He reminded that thus far no action had been taken against former Umno operatives like Jabar Khan Napi and few others had made statutory declarations about Umno's involvement in recruiting voters from among the illegal immigrants population in Sabah.

"No action was taken … they could sue if not true but they would not do it. Why?" Chong asked.

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Najib thinks twice on reform

Posted: 01 Dec 2011 06:49 PM PST

The new law in Malaysia means large street protests such as the July 9 rally this year organized by the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih 2.0) which saw tens of thousands of people taking to the streets would be effectively outlawed in future.

By Anil Netto, Asia Times

he speedy passage of the ironically named Peaceful Assembly Bill - which effectively legally bars street protests - has put Prime Minister Najib Razak's avowed commitment to ushering in greater democracy and civil liberties under intense new scrutiny.

On September 15, Najib surprised many when he announced a repeal of the Internal Security Act, the lifting of various 1970s era "emergency" promulgations and related orders, and an easing of strict laws governing publication permits and public gatherings.

Since then, however, little has actually changed in practice. The ISA will be repealed in March, but detention without trial will continue under two new laws to deal with terrorism and maintain public order. Last month 13 people, including six Indonesians, were detained under the ISA in Tawau, Sabah, for alleged terrorist activities, sparking criticism that the arrests made a mockery of Najib's earlier avowal to repeal the law.

Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein said the arrests were in line with the new anti-terrorism law that would replace the ISA. The Indonesians would be deported upon completion of investigations, "but the Malaysians will be charged if there is sufficient evidence," he said. Critics have pointed out that the existing Penal Code was already amended a few years ago to deal specifically with terrorism.

Even more contentious was the manner in which the Peaceful Assembly Bill was stream-rolled into law on Tuesday, even as the Malaysian Bar Council rallied a thousand lawyers and activists for a peaceful "Walk for Freedom of Assembly" march to parliament. Despite the government making half a dozen amendments to the original Bill, opposition parliamentarians walked out of parliament after the speaker allowed only three from their ranks to debate the bill.

The bill forbids street protests and imposes a host of rulings for other assemblies, though it allows gatherings at designated areas away from public or government facilities. Initially, the bill also provided for a 30-day notice period for organizers to inform the police of assemblies at non-designated areas. Following a public outcry, the notice period was reduced to 10-days. Critics pointed out that even under traditionally military-run Myanmar's new public assembly law, organizers need give only five days notice.

The new law in Malaysia means large street protests such as the July 9 rally this year organized by the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih 2.0) which saw tens of thousands of people taking to the streets would be effectively outlawed in future. The July 9 rally was declared illegal at the time, but that didn't stop thousands from marching in support of electoral reforms. The next time, potential protesters will have to contend with heavier penalties.

Even before the Arab Spring in the Middle East and North Africa, large street rallies have rattled the Malaysian government. In March 2008, for instance, the political opposition made sharp inroads in the general election after two large rallies, one of them by Bersih, were held and repressed in November 2007.

Malaysia's ruling party, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), in power since independence from colonial rule was achieved in 1957, has cast a wary eye over what is happening in the Middle East. An UMNO Youth leader, Khairy Jamaluddin, has accused opposition leaders of drawing comparisons with the Middle East to "to instigate people to take part in street revolutions and in the process manufacture a Malaysian version of the Arab Spring".

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Why DAP?

Posted: 01 Dec 2011 05:49 PM PST

Moreover, attacking the DAP would only cause more non-Malays to sympathise with the DAP and could not help the MCA or the Gerakan at all. Then why is Umno still doing so?

By TAY TIAN YAN
Trasnlated by Soong Phui Jee
Sin Chew Daily

Like London in the World War II, the DAP has been lambasted at the Umno general assembly.

From Umno Deputy President Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin's speech to debates of the delegates, the DAP has been regarded as an organisation of "anti-Malays" and "anti-Islam". It was accused of intended to abolish the monarchy, form a republic and launch the May 13 incident.

Umno information chief Datuk Ahmad Maslan straightforwardly said that a hung parliament, namely when both the BN and the Pakatan Rakyat fail to gain more than half of the total parliament seats, would lead to an unstable government and the DAP would take the advantage to seize power.

If so, the Malays will lose everything.

Some people might ask, since the DAP is not a direct rival to Umno, and the two parties seem to have no direct confronting seat, why then Umno attacks the DAP, instead of the PKR or PAS?

Moreover, attacking the DAP would only cause more non-Malays to sympathise with the DAP and could not help the MCA or the Gerakan at all. Then why is Umno still doing so?

Of course, it is a strategy of Umno.

Umno has to strengthen its racial and religious characteristics on the eve of the general election to gain recognition of Malay voters.

It also meeds an imaginary enemy to highlight its status in defending its race and religion.

Non-Malays were often targeted in the past party general assemblies but since the general election is too close this time, they cannot simply offend the general non-Malay voters.

Moreover, it would also contrary to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak's slogan of 1Malaysia.

Since they cannot attack non-Malays while have to stimulate the sense of racial and religious crisis of the Malay community, they can only concentrate on attacking the DAP.

The Malay community generally still thinks that the DAP is representing the Chinese community and some even believe that the DAP is an extreme Chinese chauvinism party.

Exaggerating the DAP's threat can cause some pressure on the Malay community.

While bulging the DAP, they also have to narrow the statuses of the PKR and PAS. Therefore, the DAP is turned into a big brother followed by two little brothers. The little brothers, the PKR and PAS, might betray the racial group at any time because they have been misled by their big brother.

Linking all these points together, it then forms a set of strategy logic.

However, although non-Malays have not been drawn into the strategy, it has still caused a certain level of anxiety. After all, excessive emphasis on the sense of racial and religious crisis will bring more harm than good to the harmony and unity of a pluralistic society.

Najib said in his speech that Umno must have more new ideas to keep pace with the changes of times.

New ingredients must be added into new ideas and the problems that are faced by Umno today are not caused by the DAP.

To win support of the Malays, Umno should show its ability in leading the Malay community and the country forward, instead of relying on creating an imaginary enemy and the sense of crisis.

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Jumaat, 2 Disember 2011

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

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