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Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News |
- Worse than murtad is political apostasy
- Of Patriots and Pretenders: The Unofficial History of our Struggle for Independence
- Ong Tee Keat dares MCA to admit it
| Worse than murtad is political apostasy Posted: 31 Aug 2011 08:45 PM PDT Meanwhile many letter-writers and others have said allegations of religious apostasy are a ploy to detract from the more serious problem of potential electoral fraud. Political backsliding from the original Merdeka plan began in 1969 when Tunku Abdul Rahman was deposed in a coup, as described in Kua Kia Soong's enlightening book, 'May 13'. Political victimisation is the unmistakable sign of an apostate political culture and Anwar Ibrahim among others is the country's longest political victim and symbolise the alleged abuse of power through selective persecution and prosecution of politicians and citizens. Former American ambassador John Mallot explains why: "a senior officer in the Special Branch told an Embassy officer, 'We are going to keep filing charge after charge after Anwar so he will be in jail for the next hundred years'" as reported in Malaysia Chronicle. Merdeka ushered in an era of national pride and development. The British had not envisaged Malaysia would desert its legacy of a constitutional democracy. The country promoted the motto 'unity is strength' and the Tunku was an icon of racial harmony and religious tolerance having married four wives, at different times, that represented the different races. 'Bapa Kermedekaan' was an apt title for a man who proved slogans are not only for show and political window-dressing but carrying and living out. As the one who facilitated the dakwah movement and established Perkim, he did more than any other Malay leader for his race and his religion and he was never a threat to non-Malays while promoting religion, unlike those who use Islam as a political weapon today. He never stooped to scapegoat any group, be they of a different religion or race, to elevate himself. The sense of propriety in politics though not perfect was then an honoured tradition. Merdeka saw an era and aura of sincerity and earnestness in politicians and citizens working together to serve the nation, not like today when politics has become the refuge of scoundrels who find it a route to riches. The Tunku was a gentleman and never expected to be betrayed but lived long enough to die disappointed and disillusioned when he saw his Merdeka dream dashed and the country become a 'failed politically apostate state' though unilaterally declared 'an Islamic state' by those who actions were anything but Islamic or even decent. Hail Malaysia's Caesar The political apostasy is the result of abandoning the Merdeka principles of democracy, among others, that were meant to develop the fledgling nation. The new Merdeka nation was supposed to function like the British democracy fashioned after the Westminster parliamentary system that was strong on political accountability, as we saw their dishonest politicians exposed, charged and convicted for allowances rorts. Politics after Merdeka was not flawless—no system is—but took a different direction when the Tunku was politically waylaid. After May 13, 1969 it suffered a heavy blow that has left the Merdeka nation in a political coma and apostates and heretics of sorts continue to lead it astray. In 1988 the judiciary was assaulted and the Lord President became a victim of political bastardry. A major constitutional check on the executive was hijacked and the moral slide got worse. To his credit the eminent judge stood his moral ground and his reputation was vindicated much later under a more benign country leader. Political apostasy saw a modern-day Caesar control everything: the various arms of the government that were meant to check one another—the executive, the judiciary, parliament—and anything else that has a voice such as the media and passionate citizens. He even had a centurion who acted like a lap dog to do his bidding when the police were supposed to be professional and impartial law enforcers, not a private security firm at the beck and call of the politicians. The courts could not be depended to deliver justice when it involved powerful politicians and their cronies because judge-fixing resulted in a skewed justice. The 'Lingam video' scandal examined by a royal commission proved the reality of justice tampering. On the economic front while Dr Mahathir Mohammed defends the system including the NEP and admits "there may be corruption involved in some cases" he blithely dismisses his role in the 'rotten administration' that he left for his successor and did nothing about the cases of corruption despite the overwhelming reports made to the police. While he did stimulate the economy with bold projects the flip side under his leadership was that the country lost billions, 100 billion ringgit according to author Barry Wain in his book Malaysian Maverick, and till today the bailouts continue. Some facts stand insurmountable in the face of unconvincing rhetoric, spin and more lies. When your country owns a petroleum company and there is plenty of money around anyone can perform an economic miracle or even a disappearing act. But political apostasy can only accelerate during Mahathir's tenure and the dysfunctional democracy today is the legacy for which he can take full credit. In the end Mahathir short-changed himself and succumbed to the dark side. The country had lost its constitutional checks and balances not in theory but in practice. It is truth when perception is supported by the facts. It remains the tragedy and huge regret in Malaysian history because those crucial years could have been the golden opportunity to transform the nation according to the Merdeka ideals if there had been 'clean, efficient and trustworthy' governance because Mahathir as many Malaysians believe, had the ability to lead but instead his legacy is a nation of lost rainforests, lost freedoms and lost opportunities. It does seem incredible that anyone can justify the NEP when those it was supposed to help still suffer in poverty and those entrusted to help them have prospered beyond imagination. Whether it is the system or those who implement it, the government is still responsible and accountable. There can be no excuse when there is brazen corruption and natives lose their traditional lands when the British gave us back ours. The trouble with political apostates is their ruthlessness and hypocrisy. They care not for the plight of the poor, only themselves. They must think Malaysians are daft like the policeman who made a police report because his colleagues cheated him out of his share of the loot.
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| Of Patriots and Pretenders: The Unofficial History of our Struggle for Independence Posted: 31 Aug 2011 05:58 PM PDT
The publication of this book coincides with the recent announcement by the Education Ministry that history is to be a compulsory subject in the SPM. It led to vocal protest from several sectors who find the 'official' history in Malaysia rather suspect. Ever since the 'May 13 Incident' and the promulgation of the National Cultural Policy, Malaysian history has been written from the point of view of the ruling party Umno in line with its Malay-centric populist ideology. It is an official history that is used to bolster one ethnic group at the expense of the other communities in an attempt to divide and rule. Consequently, whole categories of people have been denied their rightful place in Malaysian history. 'Patriots & Pretenders' tries to set the record straight by providing a class analysis of the anti-colonial struggle and acknowledging the contributions of the patriotic forces in all the ethnic communities to Independence and nation building. This 'Peoples' History' which is based on academic research by respected scholars, has been hidden from official Malaysian history and by studying it we can uncover the roots of racial polarisation in Malaysia and lay the basis for a non-racial solution to our nation's challenges. The Neo-Colonial Solution From the Colonial Office and Foreign Office documents of the period uncovered from the Public Records Office in London, it has been possible to provide evidence of the thinking and calculation of Western interests with regard to Southeast Asia, but especially the importance laid on securing Malaya for economic, political and military-strategic interests. They show the priority accorded to defeating the anti-colonial forces spearheaded by the workers. The post-war period was also one of re-dividing the world by the Western powers, which under the hegemony of the US, began to move toward an integration rather than division of interests. These records reveal the articulation of the whole Western, rather than solely British, interest in Malaya.
This was in keeping with the communalist strategy of British rule throughout their colonisation of Malaya. At the same time, the neo-colonial arrangement had to accommodate the upper strata of the non-Malay capitalist class who were a necessary link in the foreign domination of the Malayan economy. The repression during the 'Emergency' enabled the colonial government to exploit sectional interests and thereby isolate the working class and the peasantry. Thus, the 'Alliance Formula' with all its contradictions was devised in Independent Malaya. The reform measures conceded by the colonial power and grudgingly agreed to by the Malay rulers were in many ways necessitated by the ferocity of the revolt. Another myth that is purveyed during 'Merdeka Day' every year is that it was UMNO who won Independence for the country. The evidence presented in 'Patriots & Pretenders' will show who the main opponents of the British colonial power were and who put up a protracted struggle to end the exploitation of the country's natural and human resources while forging a truly multi-ethnic peoples' united front. The Independence struggle and the Merdeka Agreement have to be understood in class terms – the ruling class in the making represented by UMNO, MCA and MIC on the one side, and the truly anti-colonial forces in the PMCJA-Putera coalition representing the workers, peasantry and disenchanted middle class on the other. The Struggle for Independence The UMNO leadership after the Second World War represented the interests of the Malay aristocracy. They were by no means anti-colonial and did not challenge British interests. Malaya was still very much dependent on export commodities, largely rubber and tin. The industrial base was narrow and based on these two commodities, while the problem of the peasantry since colonial times was still unresolved. The mass-based anti-colonial movement, on the other hand, had very clear policies based on self-determination, civil liberties and equality. The workers' movement was the main threat to colonial interests and the Federation of Malaya proposals culminating in the Merdeka Agreement were intended to deflect the working class revolt by introducing communalism in the Independence package.
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| Ong Tee Keat dares MCA to admit it Posted: 31 Aug 2011 05:50 PM PDT A week after his remarks on marginalisation of Malaysia Chinese were revealed in a US diplomatic cable, former MCA president Ong Tee Keat has challenged the current party leadership to state their views on whether the Malaysian Chinese community feel left out, as he had said in 2006. In a statement last night, Ong stood by the remarks attributed to him in a leaked US diplomatic cable published by WikiLeaks. He explained the context in which his remarks were made: private comments in "casual conversation with academics and friends" during which he was asked about Singapore statesman Lee Kuan Yew's comments that the Chinese communities in Malaysia and Indonesia were marginalised. He said his remarks merely put forward the prevailing views held in the Chinese community at the time. And Ong said that it was up to MCA to decide if they share the sentiment of the Chinese community — a statement likely to be viewed as a clear challenge for the MCA to speak up and admit it.
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My new book 'Patriots & Pretenders' aims to put the historical facts in perspective so that the new generation of Malaysians understands the class forces that were arraigned during the anti-colonial struggle and gets to know who the real anti-colonial fighters were.
The atmosphere of repression during the 'Emergency' provided the British colonial power with an opportunity to deflect the forces of revolt and effect the neo-colonial accommodation. The entire colonial strategy – especially the aftermath of the Malayan Union crisis – had convinced the British that the custodians of an Independent Malaya would be the traditional Malay elite.| You are subscribed to email updates from Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News To stop receiving these emails, you may unsubscribe now. | Email delivery powered by Google |
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