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WIKILEAKS: MALAYSIA'S POLITICAL CRISIS
WIKILEAKS: ANWAR IMPLICATES DPM NAJIB IN MURDER CASE
WIKILEAKS: BLOGGER ALLEGES DPM'S WIFE AT MURDER SCENE
WIKILEAKS: UNPRECEDENTED SEDITION CHARGES AGAINST BLOGGER
Now do you understand the meaning of The Third Force?
WIKILEAKS: MALAYSIA ATTEMPTS TO REIN IN BLOGGERS

Posted: 21 Jul 2011 01:00 AM PDT

The ruling elite maintains control over the security apparatus through party stalwarts who run the security institutions, mainly the police but also the military. We believe the military will remain loyal to legitimate leadership and is not a likely tool to overturn an elected, royally-approved and Malay-led government from either the ruling or opposition side. The police, on the other hand, follow orders from the ruling party.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 KUALA LUMPUR 000644

SIPDIS

FOR EAP AND INR

SINGAPORE - PASS TO ASSISTANT SECRETARY HILL

E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/22/2028

TAGS: PGOV, PREL, PHUM, KDEM, KJUS, MY

SUBJECT: MALAYSIA'S POLITICAL CRISIS

REF: A. KUALA LUMPUR 609 - UMNO RESISTS REFORM

B. KUALA LUMPUR 160 - ELECTION SHOCK

Classified By: AMBASSADOR JAMES R. KEITH, FOR REASON 1.4 (B AND D).

Summary and Introduction

1. (C) The next four weeks will be a telling period in the history of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) rule in Malaysia. For the first time in its fifty-year dominance, UMNO is faced with a multi-racial opposition alliance that has some credible prospect for forming the next government. To date, it appears the ruling party finds this situation intolerable. UMNO leaders, united behind but also in a sense using Prime Minister (PM) Abdullah, have made it clear that they are willing to blacken Malaysia's reputation to ensure the end to opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim's political challenge.

The coming Parliamentary session in the latter half of August is the next likely setting for a showdown, and could precipitate another arrest of Anwar if he is deemed to be doing to well politically between now and then. Conversely, if the ruling party concludes it has him boxed in UMNO may be content to use short-term measures such as judicial restraining orders and the like to prevent him from addressing and attracting a national audience.

2. (C) We should continue to speak out publicly in support of the rule of law, taking care not to undermine our principled position by being perceived to be too close to the opposition. If the authorities escalate their rhetoric in anticipation of another arrest of Anwar, we will need to adjust accordingly. If, on the other hand, the ruling party restrains itself from arresting Anwar again in August, we will want to consider our longer-term approach to a period of prolonged uncertainty.

For the time being, we should continue to press hard the bilateral initiatives currently underway as these are tied directly to profound U.S. interests and support the development of a more transparent and accountable set of systems in Malaysian government and society. As we begin to develop our public diplomacy programs for the coming fiscal year, we will seek to give pride of place to the rule of law. End Summary and Introduction.

What does UMNO want?

3. (C) The ruling party wants to stay in power indefinitely, and that means Anwar and the multi-racial opposition front he is leading must fail. At least so far, there is scant evidence of a more thoughtful and forward-looking analysis within UMNO. In fact, the ruling party could find some common ground with the opposition if it were willing to countenance gradual development of a two-party system of checks and balances. Instead, the ruling party defines national security primarily as a matter of protecting UMNO's superiority and ensuring that "people power," or a level electoral playing field, cannot become the opposition's means of toppling the ruling party.

How is UMNO getting what it wants?

4. (C) The ruling party is relying primarily on its own party structure and the embedded system of carrots and sticks to keep party membership in line. As in other one-party states, the party is seen opportunistically as a mechanism for personal advancement and enrichment.

There is an ideological component, in terms of Malay supremacy, but that is in practice a matter of institutionalized opportunism. In good times UMNO can maintain control by distributing power and money to get what it wants. In bad times, it uses the stick, and for now that means intimidation.

The "commando-style" arrest of Anwar last week, the roadblocks and security checks throughout the city of Kuala Lumpur, the recent arrest of blogger Raja Petra, intimidation of Sabah politicians, and the authorities' strident rhetoric are all part of a broad message to the Malaysian people that they had better not stand in UMNO's path. In today's Malaysia, one can get along by going along (and of course one can go farther as a Malay rather than a Chinese or Indian), but it is also true that one can be run over.

We only have anecdotal evidence for this, but the sad spiral into past patterns may have become the predicate for some middle and upper class Malaysians who have the option of emigrating. Rather than wait to be run over, it is far preferable to get out of the game.

What happened to post-election reforms?

5. (C) It is deja vu all over again. Just as in Abdullah's first term, characterized by lofty rhetoric in support of political reform but virtually no action, after the March elections Abdullah's prominent reform initiatives seem to have evaporated into nothing (ref A).

Despite strong popular support for political reform, there is evidently even stronger opposition to reform within the ruling party. Those who have the most to lose through reform are the same ruling elites, including Abdullah's own circle, who must be persuaded to allow reform to happen. It would take strong leadership to push that sort of initiative through the party structure, perhaps going over the heads of party elites and enlisting the support of the masses.

Abdullah doesn't seem to have that kind of leadership in him, even if that were his goal.

6. (C) Instead, the ruling party seems intent on sustaining the patina of reform without actually undertaking any step that might genuinely involve systemic change or weakening of executive power. For example, against the backdrop of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim's arrest, last week the government arrested a number of immigration officials for corruption. These men are to be forgiven for wondering, "why me?" Of all who might be prosecuted, including the most senior leaders or their families, why these relative small fry? Through their sacrifice UMNO can claim action against corruption without actually doing much of anything.

What does Anwar want?

7. (C) This question is not as easily answered as one might think. For the short term, he wants to be Prime Minister.

First and foremost Anwar is a pragmatist, as evidenced by his ability to yoke together in an opposition front the Islamist party (PAS) and the Chinese. What are his firm guiding principles? What are the limits of his ability to compromise or accommodate? We are not sure. It was clear, for example, that he tolerated PAS's use of America as a political foil during the recent campaign season, and opposition foreign policy announcements on Mideast issues since the election have tended to follow PAS lines. But broadly speaking, he wants political liberalization and he can be expected to be an ardent supporter of the rule of law and a market economy, given his personal history.

Malaysian foreign policy might not change as much as we would like to think under and Anwar government, especially in areas relating to Islam and the Middle East in which PAS will have an important say.

8. (C) For now, we may have to content ourselves with identifying what Anwar does not want. He does not want to be boxed in and made irrelevant by UMNO, or jailed. Anwar currently speaks in terms of "becoming Prime Minister or going to jail," as an either/or proposition.

At age 61, he does not want to let slip what may be his last, best chance to lead the Malaysian government. He also does not want arch-nemesis DPM Najib Tun Razak to become Prime Minister, as Anwar believes Najib is much more likely than Abdullah to use harsh authoritarian measures to stop him and the Opposition.

What will happen in the months ahead and what should we do?

9. (C) UMNO will try to keep Anwar on the defensive and prevent him from winning defections to his opposition front from the ruling party's coalition. The loose coalition of UMNO loyalists who seem to have banded together around Abdullah will likely try to limit the cost of each step they feel they must take to contain and eventually eradicate Anwar's influence. If they can preserve the status quo without putting Anwar in jail on the sodomy charge perhaps they will do so, content to keep it as a ready tactic to deploy against him whenever necessary.

If Anwar is unwilling to remain boxed in by that tactic, and history suggests precisely this outcome, the authorities seem entirely prepared to put him in jail for a longer period of time. The government has taken a strong stand against popular street demonstrations, hoping to prevent Anwar from developing the kind of national popular response that will be necessary to create an environment in which he can win converts from the ruling party coalition.

10. (C) The skirmishing around these objectives will continue throughout July and August, and we can expect the opposition to seek to up the ante the closer we get to the Parliamentary session in the latter half of August. The initiative rests with Anwar. If he goes quiet, his political hopes fade and his personal freedom is more secure in the coming weeks; over a longer period Anwar sees himself as vulnerable to jailing or government action unless he removes himself from politics. The greater his political success, the greater a threat he is to UMNO, and the more his personal freedom becomes problematic.

11. (C) We need to continue to speak with authority from Washington and this Embassy in support of the broad principles underlying the debate in Malaysia. We should avoid undermining our principled position, and the opposition parties themselves, by appearing too close to the personalities involved, especially Anwar. Publicly, our words should continue to revolve around universal values, the criticality of the rule of law to every dimension of our bilateral relationship and Malaysia's political and economic success.

12. (C) Privately, we will want to underline the futility of the Malaysian effort to deny the political nature of the crisis before them. Whatever they believe about the "facts" of the sodomy case, at this point the ruling party has no chance of success in conveying to the Malaysian or international audience that this is merely a case of one citizen's charge against another. The authorities themselves betray that fiction on a daily basis in the pages of the domestic press, and barely one in ten Malaysians are buying into the party line a survey tells us.

UMNO leaders may fail to grasp the consequences of upping the ante; they hear what we are saying, but do not understand sufficiently well how difficult it will be for them to overcome the shadows they are casting on the country. They no doubt thought they were choosing the more palatable path in using the criminal law, and thus the sodomy charge, rather than detaining Anwar as a matter of national security under the Internal Security Act. But contrary to their intent, many in the international community will take this as escalation.

Now the criminal law is laid bare as a political tool, just as useful to the ruling party as the national security law.

What is the long-term horizon for bilateral ties?

13. (C) Most of our relationship already hews tightly to the principle of mutual benefit. Our liaison, law enforcement, military, and commercial ties are well developed and tied directly to key national interests on both sides. Regardless of the heat of the rhetoric between us, I would expect Malaysia to seek to preserve the core relationships it has with us.

With regard to the political dimension of our policy, Malaysia already has a less than inspiring record at the UN and is keen to preserve its options with the likes of the Nonaligned Movement. It may not be possible for Malaysia to become less helpful in international political areas identified with the United States, and it is unlikely to retreat in areas that are primarily multilateral (peacekeeping, for example).

The biggest costs to us over the long term if Malaysia continues to undermine its own legal system are precisely in the domestic legal arena.

14. (C) Much of the promise of our bilateral ties is rooted in the notion of a transition towards a thriving civil society and robust rule of law in Malaysia. We wish to expand our export control and non-proliferation cooperation with Malaysia, for example.

It is neither in our interest nor Malaysia's for this country to become increasingly a place where smugglers can do good business. Thwarting such a development (or rolling it back) requires a sophisticated set of export control laws and robust enforcement by a strong and secure government, not one struggling to justify itself to its citizens.

Despite the local paranoia about U.S. intervention in internal affairs, our influence is actually being brought to bear to support and promote precisely those objectives that most Malaysians want for their own benefit.

15. (C) If the authorities are able to get through the next several months without doing fatal damage to the rule of law in Malaysia, I hope the public diplomacy dimension of our bilateral ties will take on a decidedly more legal and judicial cast. We should push ahead with our FTA talks if possible because that serves both our own economic interests as well as the broader goal of establishing more transparent and accountable systems in this country.

In addition, to try to bring public focus to the centrality of the rule of law in our ties, we might want to organize visits in the short and medium term by a Supreme Court Justice, the Attorney General, and representatives of the American Bar Association. We will also review our international visitor program and other people-to-people exchanges in the coming fiscal year to ensure a central focus on the rule of law. My speeches and those of my staff will put the rule of law at the center.

16. (C) We will continue to monitor closely the situation for signs that more robust policy responses are needed. In the meantime, we should continue to exploit every opportunity for authoritative bilateral exchange to ensure we have done all we can to open Malaysian leaders' eyes to the international costs of efforts that diminish the rule of law.

KEITH

WIKILEAKS: ANWAR IMPLICATES DPM NAJIB IN MURDER CASE

Posted: 19 Jul 2011 01:00 AM PDT

A private investigator's legal deposition, revealed by Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim on July 3, implicates Deputy Prime Minister Najib in the high-profile Altantuya murder case. The deposition, based primarily on statements reportedly made by Altantuya and murder defendant Razak Baginda, indicates that Najib had an affair with Altantuya, Altantuya assisted Najib in the controversial purchase of French submarines, and Najib attempted to intervene on Razak Baginda's behalf at the time of his arrest.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KUALA LUMPUR 000572

SIPDIS

FOR EAP/MTS AND INR

E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/03/2028

TAGS: PGOV, PREL, PINR, MARR, KDEM, KJUS, MY

SUBJECT: ANWAR IMPLICATES DPM NAJIB IN MURDER CASE

REF: A. KUALA LUMPUR 570 - GOM DELIVERS PROTEST TO USG

B. KUALA LUMPUR 563 - ANWAR ON OFFENSIVE

C. KUALA LUMPUR 557 - ANWAR TAKES REFUGE

D. KUALA LUMPUR 73 - PROSECUTOR DOWNBEAT ON MURDER CASE

E. 07 KUALA LUMPUR 291

Classified By: Political Section Chief Mark D. Clark, reason 1.4 (b and d).

Summary

1. (C) A private investigator's legal deposition, revealed by Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim on July 3, implicates Deputy Prime Minister Najib in the high-profile Altantuya murder case.

The deposition, based primarily on statements reportedly made by Altantuya and murder defendant Razak Baginda, indicates that Najib had an affair with Altantuya, Altantuya assisted Najib in the controversial purchase of French submarines, and Najib attempted to intervene on Razak Baginda's behalf at the time of his arrest.

The investigator claims that this information was suppressed by police and ignored by prosecutors.

Anwar's revelation of this information comes as he launches a political offensive following recent sodomy allegations, which he believes were instigated by Najib. Meanwhile, Anwar and the Opposition coalition are set to begin a series of nationwide rallies, including a major gathering on July 6 near Kuala Lumpur.

The national police chief announced the military would join the police in tackling illegal assemblies in an emergency situation, a role the military last played during the 1969 politically-inspired race riots.

Najib and the government of Prime Minister Abdullah will need to respond, both to Anwar's explosive revelations, but also to the Opposition leader's political offensive, including plans to hold nationwide rallies. End Summary.

Explosive Revelations

2. (SBU) On July 3, as the next step in his energized political offensive, former DPM and de facto opposition coalition leader Anwar Ibrahim released a statutory declaration (similar to a deposition in the U.S. system), made by private investigator P. Balasubramaniam on July 1, linking Deputy Prime Minister Najib to murder victim Altantuya Shaariibuu (ref e) and implicating Najib in efforts to subvert the investigation of the case.

(Najib's advisor Razak Baginda and two members of Najib's security detail are currently on trial for murder in this case.)

Anwar produced the explosive affidavit during a press conference on July 3, with Balasubramaniam standing by his side.

3. (SBU) Balasubramaniam bases his statement on conversations he had with Razak Baginda and with Altantuya; on events he witnessed acting as Razak Baginda's investigator; and his experiences under arrest and in the courtroom at the opening stage of the murder trial. Among other things, the affidavit includes the following damaging allegations against Najib and others:

-- Najib and Altantuya had an affair and that Najib introduced her to Baginda. (Note: Najib has repeatedly denied knowing Altantuya. End note.)

-- Najib, along with Razak Baginda, was with Altantuya in Paris in connection with the negotiations for the purchase of French submarines, and that Altantuya believed she was due $500,000 for her services.

-- Najib asked Razak Baginda to take care of Altantuya, as Najib did not want Altantuya harassing him.

-- Najib, in a text message, told Razak Baginda he would meet with Inspector General of Police Musa Hassan to resolve the issue of Razak Baginda's impending arrest for murder.

-- Police omitted the above information that Balasubramaniam provided during his seven-day interrogation regarding the murder, and that prosecutors never addressed any questions to him during his court appearances.

4. (SBU) Anwar stated it was evident the police and prosecution team, especially IGP Musa Hassan and Attorney General Abdul Gani manipulated the case to protect the DPM and hide any linkages of the DPM to Altantuya. He declared that the declaration further confirmed a clear and consistent pattern of manipulation of the criminal justice system since 1998.

Anwar continued by saying he is worried the IGP and AG will again manipulate evidence and statements during the probe into alleged sodomy charges against Anwar (ref A - C).

5. (SBU) Anwar's incendiary revelations follow a statutory declaration by controversial blogger Raja Petra in which he alleged that Najib's wife, Rosmah, was present at scene of Altantuya's murder. In addition, on July 1 Anwar publicly accused Najib and Rosmah for being behind the current sodomy allegations against Anwar, which is now under police investigation.

Taking the Campaign Against Najib on the road

6. (SBU) On another front, Anwar starts a nationwide tour with a rally in Penang on July 5 followed by an appearance at a rally in Shah Alam on July 6. The Opposition hope to use the Shah Alam rally, originally intended as a protest against the fuel price hikes, as a show of support for their cause against the government.

Anwar and other Peoples Alliance (opposition coalition) leaders are urging their supporters to attend and hope for a massive turnout (a minimum of 50,000 people) in order to send a message to the government and add credibility to Anwar's claims that he can bring down the government through the defection of enough government MPs by his announced target of September 16.

Police-Military Joint Exercise to Maintain Public Order

7. (C) At a joint press conference between the Inspector General of Police Musa Hassan and Armed Forces Chief Abdul Aziz Zainal on July 2, Musa Hassan stated that the cooperation between the security forces is crucial because political parties, NGOs, and individuals were organizing more illegal assemblies. They announced the police and armed forces began a joint training exercise to maintain crowd control and public order.

Musa said the police and military would work together to tackle illegal assemblies only if absolutely necessary and in the event of a declared emergency. The tabletop command post exercise began July 2 is expected to run until July 7. Another joint exercise is planned in September (coinciding with the deadline Anwar set to bring down the ruling government).

The last time joint police and military force was used to maintain public order was during the politically motivated 1969 race riots. In 1974, a contingent of rangers was deployed to university campuses to control student protests (coincidentally led by then student activist Anwar Ibrahim).

Police chief Musa Hassan stated use of military forces during a public disturbance would only take place after consultation with the Home Ministry and Defense Ministry. A senior military staff member told the DATT that the military is not anxious to take on police roles, but is closely watching events.

Comment

8. (C) Anwar and Najib have entered a very high stakes political game. The risks to both men are tremendous, and not limited to their political careers. Najib will be damaged by the latest serious allegations, coming on the heels of other statements implicating him and his wife in the murder, and the existing widespread public belief that the ongoing Altantuya murder trial has been the subject of political manipulation.

KEITH

WIKILEAKS: BLOGGER ALLEGES DPM'S WIFE AT MURDER SCENE

Posted: 17 Jul 2011 01:00 AM PDT

Controversial internet journalist Raja Petra voluntarily completed a sworn statement ("statutory declaration") at a Malaysian court on June 18, in which he affirmed that he was "reliably informed" Deputy Prime Minister Najib's wife Rosmah Mansor, together with her aide Norhayati and acting Colonel Aziz Buyong (Norhayati's husband), were present at the scene of the murder of Mongolian national Altantuya Shaariibbu in October 2006.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KUALA LUMPUR 000529

SIPDIS

FOR EAP/MTS AND INR

E.O. 12958: DECL: 06/23/2028

TAGS: PGOV, PINR, KJUS, KDEM, MY

SUBJECT: BLOGGER ALLEGES DPM'S WIFE AT MURDER SCENE

REF: KUALA LUMPUR 335 - SEDITION CHARGES AGAINST BLOGGER

Classified By: Political Section Chief Mark D. Clark, reason 1.4 (b and d).

Summary

1. (C) Controversial internet journalist Raja Petra executed a sworn statement on June 18 to the effect that Deputy Prime Minister Najib's wife, Rosmah Mansor, was at the scene of the murder of Mongolian national Altantuya Shaariibbu in October 2006, and that PM Abdullah and a Royal received information to that effect.

While the mainstream press has shied away from printing Rosmah's name, Kuala Lumpur is abuzz with this latest explosive allegation. PM Abdullah has thus far remained silent, while the national police chief and Attorney General said they would investigate.

Raja Petra, who faces sedition charges for earlier claims, informed us that the Attorney General's Office filed a police report on the matter, and he expected to be called in for questioning soon.

While the latest allegations of Rosmah's presence at the murder seem implausible, they nevertheless will have resonance with a Malaysian public that does not have confidence in the integrity of the Altantuya murder investigation. Continued public attention to such reports also could damage Najib's front-runner status as PM Abdullah's successor. End Summary.

Rosmah at Murder Scene, PM Has Report

2. (U) Controversial internet journalist Raja Petra voluntarily completed a sworn statement ("statutory declaration") at a Malaysian court on June 18, in which he affirmed that he was "reliably informed" Deputy Prime Minister Najib's wife Rosmah Mansor, together with her aide Norhayati and acting Colonel Aziz Buyong (Norhayati's husband), were present at the scene of the murder of Mongolian national Altantuya Shaariibbu in October 2006.

Raja Petra also stated that military intelligence provided a report with this information to Prime Minister Abdullah, which was subsequently given to Abdullah's son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin "for safe-keeping," and that one of Malaysia's traditional rulers also was briefed on the matter. Raja Petra did not reveal the source of this information.

Raja Petra remains indicted for sedition for his earlier internet reports that implied DPM Najib and wife Rosmah were connected to the on-going Altantuya murder case (ref A).

3. (SBU) Internet reports of Raja Petra's declaration emerged on June 20, and the full text became available on his Malaysia Today website. Some of Malaysia's mainstream media briefly reported Raja Petra's new allegations, but carefully avoided identifying Rosmah Mansor as the "prominent VIP" named in his statement.

An aide to Najib reportedly described the statement as "mind-boggling." Inspector General of Police Musa Hassan told reporters the police would look into the "highly inflammatory" allegations, and could take action against Raja Petra if they were found to be untrue, while Attorney General Abdul Gani Patil stated his office would look "seriously" into the matter.

Heavy Buzz in Parliament

4. (C) As members of Parliament gathered June 23 for the opening of the second parliamentary session, Raja Petra's story competed with speculation of a no-confidence vote against PM Abdullah for the attention of lawmakers.

Opposition MPs, parliamentary watchers, and journalists who spoke with us at Parliament all remarked that Raja Petra had put himself at great risk, and therefore they speculated that he must have some evidence in hand. If this is a bluff, "it will cost him and his family," one MP remarked.

Prominent opposition MP Lim Kit Siang said he was troubled that the PM had kept quiet about the allegations. Later on June 23, Kit Siang introduced an emergency parliamentary motion to discuss Raja Petra's statement. The Parliament Speaker is required to accept or reject on an emergency motion within 24 hours.

Raja Petra Ready for Police

5. (C) We spoke briefly with Raja Petra and his wife Marina on June 23. They related that the AGO had filed a police report regarding the affidavit. A seemingly confident Raja Petra said, "I am ready and eagerly waiting for the police to question me," and took exception to the threatening tone of IGP Musa's remarks. He also implied he had further evidence to implicate DPM Najib and his wife, and asked rhetorically what action the police would take "if the allegations are true."

Comment

6. (C) Putting aside the question of Najib's links to the case, the allegation that Najib's wife would be present at the Altantuya murder scene strikes us as very implausible, though fully in keeping with Raja Petra's sometimes wild and highly emotional reporting.

The Malaysian public and political elite, however, have no confidence in the integrity of the government's investigation into the 2006 murder of Altantuya. The government's inept and gruelingly slow prosecution of the case against DPM Najib's former advisor Razak Baginda and two soldiers from Najib's security detail, and the authorities' decision early on to limit the scope of the investigation to exclude any further links with DPM Najib, have sent clear signals of political interference.

Against this backdrop, most Malaysians will believe there is at least some truth in Raja Petra's affidavit. Amidst the leadership struggle within the ruling UMNO party, emerging fractures in the National Front coalition, and maneuvering for a no-confidence vote against PM Abdullah, the latest allegations add to the nation's sense of political turmoil.

Continued public focus on such allegations also could harm Najib's front-runner status as PM Abdullah's successor.

KEITH

WIKILEAKS: UNPRECEDENTED SEDITION CHARGES AGAINST BLOGGER

Posted: 14 Jul 2011 01:00 AM PDT

Raja Petra was charged after posting an article on his website on April 25 entitled 'Let's send the Altantuya murderers to hell' that implied that DPM Najib Tun Razak and his wife Rosmah Mansor were connected to the 2006 murder of a young Mongolian interpreter, Altantuya Shaaribuu. He also accused PM Abdullah of holding on to evidence that implicates his deputy in order to keep Najib in line.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 KUALA LUMPUR 000355

SIPDIS

FOR EAP/MTS AND DRL - JANE KIM

E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/18/2018

TAGS: PGOV, PHUM, PINR, KDEM, KPAO, MY

SUBJECT: UNPRECEDENTED SEDITION CHARGES AGAINST BLOGGER

REF: A. A) KL 130 - PRESS STIFLED IN ALTANTUYA TRIAL

B. B) KL 73 - PROSECUTOR DOWNBEAT ON ALTANTUYA CASE

C. C) 2007 KL 291 )RAZAK BAGINDA CASE

Classified By: Political Section Chief Mark D. Clark for reasons 1.4 (b and d).

1. (C) Summary. For the first time, Malaysian authorities have resorted to a colonial-era law to bring sedition charges against a blogger and the author of a comment on an internet web site. Blogger and veteran anti-government activist Raja Petra Kamarudin touched a sensitive nerve in implying that DPM Najib Tun Razak and his wife were connected to 2006 murder of a young Mongolian interpreter, Altantuya Shaaribuu (reftels). He also accused PM Abdullah of holding on to evidence that implicates his deputy to keep Najib in line.

Visiting EAP DAS Marciel raised the issue with Deputy Home Minister Wan Farid on May 6, and Wan Farid indicated the proceedings against Raja Petra should be a warning to other bloggers. The Raja Petra case will continue to keep public focus on the Altantuya case and allegations of Najib's involvement. Prosecuting a blogger for sedition also complicates Prime Minister Abdullah's efforts to be seen as a reformer. End summary.

Colonial-era Sedition Act utilized

2. (SBU) On May 6 Malaysian Police charged blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin and Syed Ali Akhbar, who posted a comment on Raja Petra's website, with sedition. This is the first time Section 4(1)(c) of the Sedition Act (enacted by British colonial authorities in 1948) has been used in response to material appearing on the internet.

The Section reads, 'Any person who prints, publishes, sells, offers for sale, distributes or reproduces any seditious publication' can be charged with sedition. If found guilty, Raja Petra and Syed Ali could be jailed for a maximum of three years and/or face a fine of up to USD1,600.

Syed Ali was released on bail after pleading not guilty and the court fixed June 10 to hear submissions by the defense and prosecution on a preliminary objection raised by the defense, which claimed that the charge was groundless. Raja Petra initially refused to post bail and was remanded at the Sungai Buloh prison, but on May 8 he changed his stance and he was scheduled to be released on bail May 9. His trial is fixed for October 6-10.

3. (SBU) Another prominent blogger described Raja Petra's action to poloffs as a gambit to not only generate publicity for himself but also for his news portal Malaysia Today (www.malaysia-today.net). The local blogger community as a whole has reacted with outrage to what is seen as a threat to the free exchange of ideas on the internet.

The Malaysian Bar Council called on the authorities to withdraw the charges against Raja Petra and Syed Ali, describing the relevant section of the Sedition Act as a draconian, archaic and repressive legislation that has long outlived any perceived utility it might ever have had.

A number of prominent civil society groups issued a statement characterizing Raja Petra's arrest as politically motivated and aimed at silencing principled and uncompromising voice speaking against the abuse of power, including those stemming from the highest level of government and authority.

4. (C) DPM Najib publicly denied that the arrests were politically motivated or an indication of government intentions to crack down on internet sites. Visiting EAP DAS Scot Marciel raised the case with Deputy Home Minister Wan Farid on May 6 and questioned why the government was using sedition charges in such a case.

Wan Farid said bloggers could not be allowed to accuse people of murder and not back up such claims. "You can't just (post) anything on the internet," and not expect consequences, indicating this was a warning to other bloggers. The government would proceed with the case in court, Wan Farid said.

Raja Petra a thorn in UMNO's side

5. (SBU) Raja Petra was charged after posting an article on his website on April 25 entitled 'Let's send the Altantuya murderers to hell' that implied that DPM Najib Tun Razak and his wife Rosmah Mansor were connected to the 2006 murder of a young Mongolian interpreter, Altantuya Shaaribuu. He also accused PM Abdullah of holding on to evidence that implicates his deputy in order to keep Najib in line.

Two police officers from the security detail of DPM Najib have been charged for killing Altantuya, while Abdul Razak Baginda, a close associate of DPM Najib, was charged with abetting the murder. The murder trial that began in June 2007 has been dragging along for nearly a year, giving rise to suggestions of deliberate delays for political reasons (Ref A ).

6. (SBU) This is not the first time Raja Petra, a cousin of the current Sultan of Selangor, has challenged the ruling establishment. He was one of the key leaders of the reformasi movement launched in September 1998 by former DPM Anwar.

In 2000 he became the Director of the Free Anwar Campaign (FAC) and founded the FAC website that regularly posted articles criticizing the government.

In 2001 he was detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA) and held for 52 days before being released unconditionally, reportedly due to pressure from his uncle the then King, the late Sultan of Selangor.

In July 2007 he was detained, questioned and released after UMNO Information Chief Muhammad Muhammad Taib filed a police report against him for allegedly insulting the King and Islam.

7. (SBU) Raja Petra launched Malaysia Today in August 2004 "to test how far Malaysia under its new Prime Minister (PM Abdullah) can honor, respect and tolerate free speech." The blog grew to an average of 1.5 million hits a day and was voted one of the top ten websites by local internet users in 2007.

One reporter describes it as Malaysia's answer to the U.S. Drudge Report, a news aggregation site, dedicated to entertaining tales of political intrigue. In meetings with poloffs, Raja Petra has nevertheless insisted that all of his reports are backed by hard evidence.

8. (SBU) UMNO leaders have blamed internet media and bloggers, in particular Raja Petra, as contributing to the BN's setback in the March election. Raja Petra agreed, telling reporters on May 6, they lost in the election because of the internet war. Malaysia Today was one of the culprits. He added that his defense team would prove there was no case against him and that it was a matter of political persecution.

One sympathetic academic described the action against Raja Petra as the return to sledgehammer rule by UMNO, but added recalcitrant bloggers like Raja Petra threaten UMNO's survival, because the ruling party has failed to find a formula for countering its internet critics.

Syed Akhbar Ali: Easy to Impress the Malays

9. (SBU) In Syed Akhbar Ali's case, the author was belatedly charged for posting a comment in June 2007 on a Raja Petra authored Malaysia Today piece alleging strong links between Inspector General of Police Musa Hassan and a major organized crime syndicate.

Raja Petra had written that the syndicate protected by the IGP was involved in prostitution, drugs, and illegal gambling. In his comment, titled Easy to Impress the Malays, Akhbar used crude language in maintaining that massage centers are mushrooming in the city due to the sudden increase in Arab visitors, and in a similar vein went on to make some scurrilous comments about the Arabs and Islam, and the naivety of Malays in accepting Arab ideas.

Comment

10. (C) In another indication of the growing influence of internet media, both DPM Najib and his wife have been compelled to go public in responding to Raja Petra's report, maintaining that the allegations are unfounded and unfair.

The Raja Petra case will continue to keep public attention on the Altantuya murder and on allegations of Najib's involvement in the crime at a time when Prime Minister Abdullah has announced Najib as his eventual successor. Prosecuting a blogger for sedition complicates Prime Minister Abdullah's efforts to be seen as a reformer and will further boost the profile of Malaysia's anti-government internet activists.

KEITH

Now do you understand the meaning of The Third Force?

Posted: 13 Jul 2011 05:31 PM PDT

We hope, now, the meaning of The Third Force becomes clearer. And the newly crowned leader of this Third Force is Ambiga Sreenevasan. She may be a reluctant leader. Maybe she did not plan to emerge as its leader. However, like it or not, she is now the leader of Malaysia's Third Force.

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

Reject Anwar's 'revolution', says Utusan Malaysia

(The Malaysian Insider) - Continuing its anti-Bersih tirade today, Utusan Malaysia told Malaysians to reject Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's "revolution" and ignore a spin-off campaign from last weekend's rally which calls on supporters to wear yellow every Saturday.

The Umno-owned daily front-paged an article titled "Reject Anwar's revolution" where it solicited the views of four retired top cops, including two former Inspectors-General of Police, to condemn Anwar's "revolution" comment on Malaysia to the Indonesian media.

Calling Anwar "pengkhianat negara (traitor to the country)", the paper wrote that many have rejected the opposition leader's purported attempt to instigate the people by claiming that Malaysia was on the verge of revolution.

"Anwar Ibrahim has been deemed a traitor to the country and stern action should be taken against him immediately," the paper wrote.

According to the article, former IGP Tan Sri Musa Hassan said that Anwar's statement clearly showed that the opposition leader wants to see his country in chaos. "The police and the government should not hesitate to take stern action against him," he was quoted as saying.

Other top cops, including former IGP Tan Sri Abdul Rahim Noor, former deputy IGP Tan Sri Samsuri Arshad and former Special Branch director Datuk Zulkifli Abdul Rahman were also quoted as condemning Anwar in the article.

In its editorial section, Utusan Malaysia praised the police as the "true heroes" of Saturday, despite widespread criticisms from the opposition, civil society groups and the foreign media that the police had used excessive force on protestors.

Thousands took to the capital's streets on Saturday to march for free and fair elections but chaos broke out close to midday when police in full riot gear moved to disperse the crowd by firing tear gas canisters and spraying jets of chemical-laced water on protestors.

"As sane-minded individuals, surely we can acknowledge that the true heroes were the police. Their persistence, hard work and patience in carrying out their duties saved the country from chaos on July 9," said Zulkiflee Bakar, the paper's editor.

In another editorial, Utusan Malaysia predicted that Bersih's spin-off "wear yellow every Saturday" campaign could hamper public safety.

"First it starts with one or two groups but if it is allowed to prolong for weeks, it may build a strength that could affect public safety.

"The authorities should move quickly to overcome Bersih's agendas, which are reaching a point where they should no longer be given face," the paper said.

***********************************

They can reject Anwar's 'revolution' if they so wish. This is really no skin of our nose.

First of all, we really don't know what 'revolution' it is that they are talking about. Maybe they think that Anwar is attempting to start a Tahrir Square in Malaysia.

Secondly, this has nothing to do with Anwar. Why focus just on Anwar as if he is the only one that matters and the rest don't?

Thirdly, one man -- Anwar or whoever it may be -- really can't start revolutions unless it is the will of the rakyat. Then again, if it is the will of the rakyat then we don't need Anwar to tell us to start a revolution.

Finally, and most important of all, the revolution has already started. The only thing is the government/Barisan Nasional were sleeping while it happened. And when they were told about it back in 2004, after the GE of that year, they pooh-poohed the whole thing. In 2007-2008 they actually said that the Internet is not a threat and not significant. Then, after the 2008 GE, when they got hit bad, the government sheepishly admitted that they underestimated the power of the Internet.

Yes, the revolution I am talking about is the mental revolution triggered by yet another revolution, the communications revolution, triggered by yet another revolution, the Internet, which made access to information so easy.

It was a sort of chain reaction.

We need to study history and understand how the ruling elite in collaboration with the church kept the rakyat in ignorance. Only by keeping the rakyat in ignorance can the people be enslaved -- mental slavery. But once the people started educating themselves and dragged themselves out of ignorance, changes started to happen.

It was a long and winding road to freedom but finally, after generations of fighting against ignorance, the rakyat won. And Europe is what it is today because of that. But it took a very long time indeed. Nevertheless, the rakyat finally won. Ignorance was cast side and the people took control of their destiny.

We must remember that Europe remained in ignorance for a very long time. And it remained in ignorance as the Middle East moved ahead and progressed. And the Middle East moved ahead because they welcomed education and innovation. But once the ruling elite of the Middle East banned innovation, the Middle East went backwards while the very backward Europe, which learned everything it could from the Middle East and improved upon it, overtook the Middle East.

Today we can see the glaring difference between Europe and the Middle East. The once enlightened are now locked in ignorance while the once ignorant are now masters of the world.

That, in a small way, is happening in Malaysia, just like it is happening all over the world. The world is seeing a second wind of sorts. Changes have been happening all over the western world. And because of the now borderless world and the world being reduced to a global 'village', Malaysia is being dragged along screaming and kicking and resistance is futile.

The government has to understand that this is not about Anwar. This is a natural phenomenon. The only way for Malaysia to isolate itself from this mental revolution brought on by the communications revolution, which has in turn been brought on by the Internet, is to embark upon a closed-door policy. Malaysia has to do what China once did. It has to shut itself from the rest of the world. Then the global revolution would not hit Malaysia's shores. But it may be too late for that now.

The next point I want to make is about what Bersih represents.

Over the last year or so we have been trying to make people understand what we mean by The Third Force. When we first mooted the idea of The Third Force through the Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement (MCLM), most people interpreted this to mean 'three-corner fights' in the elections.

As much as we tried to explain the concept, many refused to accept our explanation and insisted that The Third Force, which to them means 'three-corner contests', is destructive to the ideals of a two-party system and counter-productive to Pakatan Rakyat's effort at ousting Barisan Nasional.

On 9th July 2011, what we saw was The Third Force in action. This was not about 'three-corner fights'. This was about taking back power from the politicians and transferring it into the hands of the rakyat.

Never mind whether 6,000 people came out that day (as what the police says), or 20,000 people (as what the mainstream media says), or 50,000 people (as what some say), or 200,000 people (as what others say), or whatever. The numbers are not as important as the fact that the rakyat demonstrated their will to come out to show their unhappiness and to send a strong message to the powers-that-be that changes must happen and resistance is futile.

The rakyat has 'tasted blood', that day on 9th July 2011. And there is no turning back the clock. Bersih has taught the rakyat the meaning of The Third Force. The rakyat now understands that united they can force changes. And the rakyat is going to continue to force changes and anyone who stands in the way of the rakyat is going to be swept aside.

Now I hope you understand what we mean when we talk about The Third Force.

WIKILEAKS: MALAYSIA ATTEMPTS TO REIN IN BLOGGERS

Posted: 12 Jul 2011 01:00 AM PDT

Raja Petra, not known for his subtlety, responded immediately to the UMNO Information Chief with a flaming article entitled, "See you in hell Muhammad son of Muhammad," which also recalled prior corruption charges against his detractor and highlighted Raja Petra's family ties to royalty. On July 25, police called in Raja Petra for 8 hours of questioning before releasing him. Raja Petra claimed that UMNO's police report and his questioning was part of "an agenda to clamp down on blogs before the coming general election in a move to black out news."

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER

Raja Petra Kamarudin

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 KUALA LUMPUR 001218

SIPDIS

STATE FOR EAP/MTS AND DRL -- SARAH BUCKLEY

E.O. 12958: DECL: 07/30/2017

TAGS: PGOV, PHUM, SOCI, KPAO, MY

SUBJECT: VIRTUAL LIMITS: MALAYSIA ATTEMPTS TO REIN IN BLOGGERS

REF: KUALA LUMPUR 1155 - POLICE DETAIN ANWAR AIDE

Classified By: Classified By: Political Section Chief Mark D. Clark for reasons 1.4 (b and d).

Summary

1. (C) Bloggers fear the recent police actions against two prominent online political commentators, Nathaniel Tan and Raja Petra Kamarudin, presage a Government of Malaysia (GOM) crackdown on the freedoms of speech and the press in cyberspace. GOM leaders and officials from the dominant United Malays National Organization (UMNO) justified the moves as necessary to check irresponsible bloggers who incite racial and religious hatred.

The GOM has announced its readiness to use the Internal Security Act, the Sedition Act, and Section 121b of the Penal Code against bloggers, and there is some discussion of introducing new legislation to plug legal loopholes. Prominent political leaders including the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister are warning bloggers and cyber-activists they are not immune from the law, and will face prosecution for transgressions such as insulting Islam and the King, and inciting the population through "lies" on websites.

Opposition leaders and human rights NGOs are condemning the police actions and public threats, stating these are politically motivated and meant to instill "a news blackout" and squelch dissent prior to the anticipated general elections. The Internet is Malaysia's last bastion of press freedom and the arena for incessant rumor-mongering among the country's elites.

Opposition parties and government critics rely heavily on the Internet because the GOM controls access to traditional media outlets to favor UMNO and the ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN). The GOM clearly has fired a warning shot into cyberspace in an effort to rein in outspoken critics. End Summary.

First salvo fired against cyber-activists

2. (SBU) The GOM fired its opening salvo on Internet bloggers on July 13 when it arrested Nathaniel Tan, a People's Justice Party (PKR) webmaster and blogger, after corruption allegations against Deputy Internal Security Minister Johari Baharom were posted by a third party on Tan's website (reftel). When police detained Tan, they reportedly denied him access to his lawyer, the chance to inform his family of his arrest, and concealed his whereabouts while processing his arrest.

P. Uthayakumar, a coordinator for the NGO Police Watch, spotted Mr. Tan when police took him before a magistrate and notified Mr. Tan's lawyer of his whereabouts. Tan, released on bail after four days, was held for suspicion of "wrongful communication of an official secret." While police reportedly questioned Tan regarding information on the Johari corruption story, Tan's lawyer, R. Sivarasa, stated, "I want to go on record (to say) this detention is politically motivated."

3. (U) Lim Kit Siang, Parliamentary Opposition Leader and member of the Democratic Action Party (DAP), condemned the "secretive circumstances in the first seven hours of Tan's arrest". He also called it "a scandal which speaks of a police which has yet to fully accept that the first principle of policing in a democratic system must be policing for the people and not policing to serve the government leaders of the day."

Former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, the human rights NGO Suaram, the Malaysian Bar Council, the Center for Independent Journalism, and the World Organization Against Torture (OMCT) all condemned Mr. Tan's arrest while The Sun newspaper described his arrest as "politically motivated."

UMNO Takes On Cyber Gadfly

4. (U) UMNO Information Chief Muhammad Muhammad Taib filed a police report on July 23 (11 days after Mr. Tan's arrest) against the political website Malaysia Today and its outspoken webmaster Raja Petra. A cousin to the current Sultan of Selangor, Raja Petra set up his website in 2004 and it is now one of the most popular news websites in the country. About 30 UMNO leaders accompanied the Information Chief when he filed the police report. He claimed the postings and articles were disrespectful to the King and Islam, and had the potential to "create unrest in the country and strike fear in the people." The UMNO Information Chief urged the police to take swift action, and stated the portal's contents could undermine unity and corrupt young minds "to think that there are no rules and sensitivities governing articles and that anyone can write on any matter in the name of individual freedom."

5. (U) Several senators and defacto Law Minister Nazri Abdul Aziz joined the chorus in the subsequent days. Nazri stated the government would take legal action against bloggers who flagrantly belittle Islam or the King using three laws: the Internal Security Act (ISA), the Sedition Act, and Section 121b of the Penal Code (which relates to offenses against the King, Sultans, or Governors that entails life imprisonment if convicted).

He cited as an example a blog entry belittling Islam in which the writer described the religion as, "a big lie fabricated by Arabs who had put a huge rock (the Kaabah) in the middle of the desert." The Minister claimed the comment was not only ill mannered but could provoke anger among Muslims.

Nazri also stated the government was considering formulating new laws allowing it to monitor and act against offending bloggers, and closing any legal loopholes. He stressed that the proposed legislation's intent is not to strangle the freedom of the Internet but to put a stop to the "freedom to lie in the blogosphere." The Minister explained, "We want blogs to be clean, a place to obtain accurate information, a reference point for honest opinion, not a platform to abuse and slander people."

6. (SBU) Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak, who has been savaged in Malaysia's blogs for corruption and alleged tie-ins to the Altantuya murder scandal, explained to the public June 23 that UMNO Information Chief's filing of the police report against Raja Petra did not signal the GOM made a "special decision" to clamp down on bloggers.

He added, "everyone must be aware that there are laws in this country." However, the DPM's comments regarding bloggers were harsher later that night while speaking at the Malaysian Press Institute Press Awards. There, he noted the government was deeply troubled by the growth of "irresponsible" alternative media. He explained, "In the name of freedom, these websites allow the broadcast of slander, lies, and swearing, the use of harsh, degrading language and racial slurs without regard for the reader or those concerned."

He stressed the government's tolerance of antigovernment positions and criticisms on the Internet, but "we are very concerned about statements that insult religion and reek of racism." He warned that webmasters and web journalists are not exempt from laws and the GOM "will not permit any party to disturb the nation's harmony and cause unease among the community."

Police Summon Raja Petra

7. (U) Raja Petra, not known for his subtlety, responded immediately to the UMNO Information Chief with a flaming article entitled, "See you in hell Muhammad son of Muhammad," which also recalled prior corruption charges against his detractor and highlighted Raja Petra's family ties to royalty. On July 25, police called in Raja Petra for 8 hours of questioning before releasing him. Raja Petra claimed that UMNO's police report and his questioning was part of "an agenda to clamp down on blogs before the coming general election in a move to black out news."

8. (U) Many of the same opposition politicians and activists who rallied behind Nathanial Tan raised further alarm over Raja Petra's predicament. Opposition leader Lim Kit Siang stated the police report against Raja Petra was an attempt to clampdown on "criticism, dissent, and expose (sic) of abuses of power and corrupt practices in the run-up to the coming general election." He added that the government should not use criminal laws "to arrest, intimidate, and silence any one."

Understandably, the blogging community immediately came out in support of Raja Petra. They claim the police report against Malaysia Today and Nathaniel Tan's earlier arrest represent a GOM attempt to intimidate other bloggers and clampdown on "press freedom in cyberspace."

Dr. Toh Kim Win, a Penang Gerakan state cabinet minister, was the only prominent government leader to voice support for the blogging community. He said UMNO's police report (against Raja Petra) represents a "growing trend towards stifling dissent in our country." He added, "These trends, if not stopped, will further erode the democratic space, which is already limited, in our country." He urged the government to promote not only economic development, but also human rights. With no apparent sense of irony, former Prime Minister Mahathir, himself once a champion of muzzling the press, described the government's attempt to clampdown on bloggers as an exercise in futility, one that wouldn't stop information flowing over the Internet.

PM Weighs In, Finds Himself Subject of Police Complaint

9. (SBU) Upon returning from his honeymoon travel, Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi weighed in, warning on July 29 that Malaysia's laws would not spare those who spread "lies" on the Internet. Abdullah added bloggers and Internet posters "do not have the freedom to do whatever they like."

Responding to Raja Petra's claim police cannot charge him under Malaysian law because his site is registered overseas, the Prime Minister said, "It is not for them (bloggers) to claim that they are immune from the law simply because their websites are hosted overseas where they have the right to say anything."

10. (U) In an ironic tit-for-tat act, opposition DAP member Ronnie Liu Tian Khiew filed a police report regarding a "seditious posting" on the Prime Minister's official website, originally posted on November 14, 2005. The posting conveyed anti-Chinese sentiments. Raja Petra reported the filing on his website, adding he expected the police to respond to the filing and question the Prime Minister within two days, as they had done with him. The postings were removed on July 30 after they were made public and a police report filed.

11. (SBU) Until recently, the GOM generally has refrained from actively policing political content the Internet, in part out of a pledge made to foster development of the Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC) and the Internet market in Malaysia. Beginning in 2004, the GOM began making statements on the need to introduce "cyber laws to control the Internet," but it made little use of the regulatory authority over on-line speech vested in the Communications and Multimedia Commission.

In December 2006, Kong Cho Ha, Deputy Minister of Science, Technology and Innovation, stated Malaysia may introduce tough Internet laws to control bloggers and prevent them from spreading "disharmony, chaos, seditious material and lies" on their websites. Early in

2007, some senior Embassy contacts alluded to internal GOM discussions on ways to rein in Internet news reporting and bloggers in particular. In January 2007, Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi said although government policy is not to censor the Internet, "bloggers are bound by laws on defamation, sedition, and other limits of speech."

The Prime Minister's comment referred to the defamation lawsuit filed by the News Straits Times (NST), an English language newspaper owned by UMNO, against Jeff Ooi and Ahirudin Atan (aka Rocky), another prominent blogger, for their blogs and their readers' comments regarding the newspaper's editors' roles in misrepresenting facts, publishing a caricature of the Prophet Muhammad, and alleged plagiarism by its journalists. Given UMNO's control over the NST, the paper's lawsuit is seen by many as the GOM's first move against cyber-activists and bloggers.

Comment

12. (C) With the mainstream media -- television, print and radio -- largely under the thumb of UMNO and the ruling National Front, and a number of important national topics ruled out of bounds, including most recently the "Islamic state" controversy, the Internet is the remaining bastion for wide ranging criticism of the government and discussion of otherwise taboo political subjects.

The Internet is also the focus of incessant rumor-mongering among the country's elites, honed to a fine art by the likes of Raja Petra who kept the milling turning, often without any solid information to back up his sensational reports.

Opposition figures, largely unable to access the mainstream press, rely heavily on the Internet to reach Malaysia's computer-savvy upper class, while realizing that this information does not readily penetrate down to the grassroots. The Internet has helped government critics fan corruption stories, aided Mahathir in his ill-fated challenge against PM Abdullah last year, and kept alive allegations of DPM Najib's links to the Altantuya murder case.

13. (C) The GOM clearly has fired a warning shot into cyberspace in an effort to rein in outspoken critics ahead of the impending elections; government pressure on the blogging community through complaints and police actions seems very much tied to the preparation of the election ground.

Senior government officials and UMNO leaders have made clear that the sniping from cyberspace rankles deeply, and UMNO has a strong interest in weakening the opposition's electronic platform at this particular time. Even if this does not evolve into a real crackdown, the government warnings and criminal investigations of Tan and Raja Petra could send a chill through Malaysia's boisterous Internet community that will temper some voices. We doubt, however, that others will allow themselves to be silenced and the GOM, like other governments, will find the Internet difficult to constrain.

The Embassy supports freedom of speech on the Internet through active and carefully calibrated public affairs programming, including through expert U.S. speakers and support to seminars, and we seek to engage government and opinion leaders behind the scenes to preserve Internet space for the broad range of Malaysian viewpoints.

LAFLEUR

Kredit: www.malaysia-today.net

Jumaat, 22 Julai 2011

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

Malaysia Today - Your Source of Independent News

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